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PUBLIC PAPERS OF THE PRESIDENTS
OF THE UNITED STATES
/ '^'^ ^ -^
PUBLIC PAPERS OF THE PRESIDENTS
OF THE UNITED STATES
Dwight D. Eisenhower
,;^****%
1955
Containing the Public Messages^ Speeches^ and
Statements of the President
JANUARY I TO DECEMBER 3 1, 1 955
PUBLISHED BY THE
OFFICE OF THE FEDERAL REGISTER
NATIONAL ARCHIVES AND RECORDS SERVICE
GENERAL SERVICES ADMINISTRATION
/934
U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1959
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office
Washington 25, D.G. - Price $6.75
FOREWORD
THERE HAS BEEN a long-felt need for an orderly series of the
Public Papers of the Presidents. A reference work of this type
can be most helpful to scholars and officials of government, to
reporters of current affairs and the events of history.
The general availability of the official text of Presidential docu-
ments and messages will serve a broader purpose. As part of the
expression of democracy, this series can be a vital factor in the
maintenance of our individual freedoms and our institutions of
self-government.
I wish success to the editors of this project, and I am sure their
work through the years will add strength to the ever-growing
traditions of the Republic.
/)
CXJ^ 4L^'tiC/ C^
PREFACE
IN THIS VOLUME are gathered most of the public messages
and statements of the President of the United States that were
released by the White House during the year 1955. A similar
volume, covering the year 1957, was published early in 1958 as
the first of a series. The President's foreword is reprinted from
that volume.
Immediate plans for this series call for the publication of
annual volumes soon after the close of each new calendar year,
and at the same time undertaking the periodic compilation of
volumes covering previous years. Volumes covering the years
1955 through 1958 are now available.
This series was begun in response to a recommendation of the
National Historical Publications Commission (44 U.S.C. 393).
The Commission's recommendation was incorporated in regula-
tions of the Administrative Committee of the Federal Register
issued under section 6 of the Federal Register Act (44 U.S.C.
306). The Committee's regulations, establishing the series, are
reprinted at page 886 as "Appendix D."
The first extensive compilation of the messages and papers of
the Presidents was assembled by James D. Richardson and pub-
lished under Congressional authority between 1896 and 1899. It
included Presidential materials from 1789 to 1897. Since then,
there have been various private compilations, but no uniform,
systematic publication comparable to the Congressional Record
or the United States Supreme Court Reports.
For many years Presidential Proclamations have been published
in the United States Statutes at Large. The Federal Register Act
in 1935 required that Proclamations, Executive Orders, and some
other official Executive documents be published in the daily
Federal Register; but the greater part of Presidential writings
and utterances still lacked an official medium for either current
vn
Preface
publication or periodic compilation. Some of them were inter-
spersed through the issues of the Congressional Record while
others were reported only in the press or were generally available
only in mimeographed White House releases. Under these cir-
cumstances it was difficult to remember, after a lapse of time,
where and in what form even a major pronouncement had been
made.
CONTENT AND ARRANGEMENT
The text of this book is based on Presidential materials issued
during the calendar year 1955 as White House releases and on
transcripts of news conferences. Where available, original source
materials have been used to protect against substantive errors
in transcription. A list of the White House releases from which
final selections were made is published at page 863 as "Appendix
A."
During this year the White House began the practice of filming
the news conferences and of allowing direct quotation of the
President's answers (see editorial note to Item 18, page 185).
Proclamations, Executive Orders, and similar documents re-
quired by law to be pubHshed in the Federal Register and Code of
Federal Regulations are not repeated. Instead, they are listed
by number and subject under the heading "Appendix B" at
page 877.
The President is required by statute to transmit numerous
reports to Congress. Those transmitted during 1958 are listed at
page 884 as "Appendix C."
The items published in this volume are presented in chronolog-
ical order, rather than being grouped in classes. Most needs for
a classified arrangement are met by the subject index. For exam-
ple, a reader interested in veto messages sent to Congress during
1955 will find them listed in the index under "veto messages."
The dates shown at the end of item headings are White House
release dates. In instances where the date of the document differs
from the release date that fact is shown in brackets immediately
vm
Preface
following the heading. Other editorial devices, such as text notes,
footnotes, and cross references, have been held to a minimum.
Remarks or addresses were delivered in Washington, D.G.,
unless otherwise indicated. Similarly, statements, messages, and
letters were issued from the White House in Washington unless
otherwise indicated.
The planning and editorial work for this volume were under
the direction of David C. Eberhart of the Office of the Federal
Register, assisted by Warren R. Reid and Mildred B. Berry.
The index was prepared by Dorothy M. Jacobson. Frank H.
Mortimer of the Government Printing Office developed the
typography and design.
Wayne C. Grover
Archivist of the United States
Franklin Floete
Administrator of General Services
October 15, 1959
40308—59 2 j^
CONTENTS
FRONTISPIECE — Picturc of the President taken in his
office at the White House, July 25, 1955.
Page
FOREWORD V
PREFACE Vn
LIST OF ITEMS Xm
PUBLIC PAPERS OF DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER . . I
Appendix A — White House Press Releases, 1955 . . 863
Appendix B — Presidential Documents Published in the
Federal Register, 1955 877
Appendix C — Presidential Reports to the Congress, 1955 . 884
Appendix D — Rules Governing This Publication . . 886
INDEX 889
XI
LIST OF ITEMS
Page
1 Memorandum Concerning the Government Em-
ployees Incentive Awards Program. January i, 1955 i
2 Statement by the President on the Death of President
Remon of Panama. January 3, 1955 2
3 Letter to the Secretary of Defense on National Secu-
rity Requirements. January 5, 1955 2
4 Annual Message to the Congress on the State of the
Union. January 6, 1955 7
5 Special Message to the Senate Transmitting Mutual
Defense Treaty Between the United States and the
RepubHc of China. January 6, 1955 30
6 Special Message to the Congress on the Foreign Eco-
nomic Policy of the United States. January 10, 1955 32
7 Message to the Congress Transmitting the President's
First Semiannual Report on Activities Under the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act.
January 10, 1955 4^
8 Special Message to the Congress on Federal Person-
nel Management. January 11, 1955 41
9 Special Message to the Congress on Postal Pay and
Rates. January 11,1955 4^
10 The President's News Conference of January 12,
1955 54
1 1 Remarks at Luncheon Meeting of the Association of
American Colleges. January 13, 1955 69
xm
List of Items
Page
1 2 Special Message to the Congress on National Security
Requirements. January 13, 1955 72
13 Special Message to the Congress on Career Incentives
for Military Personnel. January 13, 1955 78
14 Letter to the President of the Senate and to the
Speaker of the House of Representatives Approving
Certain Virgin Islands Corporation Activities. Janu-
ary 13, 1955 84
15 Cablegram to Dr. Albert Schweitzer on the Occasion
of His 80th Birthday. January 13, 1955 85
16 Statement by the President on United Nations Nego-
tiations With Communist China for Release of
American Airmen and Other Personnel. January
14. 1955 85
1 7 Annual Budget Message to the Congress : Fiscal Year
1956. January 17, 1955 86
18 The President's News Conference of January 19,
1955 185
19 Annual Message Presenting the Economic Report to
the Congress. January 20, 1955 200
20 Letter to Representative Auchincloss on the Second
Anniversary of the President's Inauguration. Janu-
ary 20, 1955 205
21 Special Message to the Congress Regarding United
States Policy for the Defense of Formosa. January
24. 1955 207
22 Remarks on Receiving Statue Presented by Ambassa-
dor Krekeler on Behalf of the German People. Janu-
ary 25, 1955 212
XIV
List of Items
Page
23 Toasts of the President and President Magloire of
Haiti. January 26, 1955 214
24 Statement by the President Upon Signing the Joint
Resolution on the Defense of Formosa. January 29,
1955 215
25 Special Message to the Congress Recommending a
Health Program. January 31,1 955 2 1 6
26 The President's News Conference of February 2,
1955 223
27 Message Recorded for the New York USO Defense
Fund Dinner. February 3, 1955 237
28 Message to the Boy Scouts of America. February
6, 1955 238
29 Letter to the Governors Concerning Uniform State
Legislation on Absentee Voting Rights of Members
of the Armed Services. February 7, 1955 239
30 Letter to Chan Gurney, Acting Chairman, Civil
Aeronautics Board, on the West Coast-Hawaii Case.
February 7, 1955 242
31 Special Message to the Congress Concerning Federal
Assistance in School Construction. February 8, 1955 243
32 Message to Nationwide Meetings in Support of the
Campaign for Radio Free Europe. February 8, 1955 250
33 The President's News Conference of February 9,
1955 251
34 Message to Meetings of the Nationwide Clinical
Conference on Heart Ailments. February 9, 1955 264
XV
List of Items
41 The President's News Conference of February 23,
1955
Page
35 Remarks at Luncheon Meeting of the Republican
National Committee and the Republican National
Finance Committee. February 17, 1955 265
36 Exchange of Messages Between the President and
President Chiang Kai-shek of the Republic of China.
February 18, 1955 271
37 Letter to Emil Sandstrom, League of Red Cross
Societies, on Completion of the Flood Relief Program
in Europe. February 19, 1955 272
38 Remarks Recorded for the "Back-to-God" Program
of the American Legion. February 20, 1955 273
39 Special Message to the Congress Regarding a Na-
tional Highway Program. February 22, 1955 275
40 Letter Extending Greetings to the Brotherhood Din-
ner of the National Conference of Christians and
Jews. February 22, 1955 281
282
42 Exchange of Messages Between the President and
His Imperial Majesty the Shah of Iran. February
23. 1955 295
43 Remarks at the Annual Breakfast of Masonic
Leaders. February 24, 1955 296
44 Message to the Inter-American Investment Con-
ference Held in New Orleans. February 28, 1955 299
45 Remarks Recorded for the Opening of the Red Cross
Campaign. February 28, 1955 300
XVI
List of Items
Page
46 Message to the Pope on the Occasion of His 79th
Birthday. March 2, 1955 301
47 The President's News Conference of March 2, 1955 302
48 Letter to His Majesty Bao Dai, Chief of State of
Viet-Nam. March 3, 1955 315
49 Statement by the President Concerning Offer of
Food Supphes to Albania. March 4, 1955 316
50 Special Message to the Congress on the Extension of
the Renegotiation Act of 1951. March 4, 1955 3^^
51 Letter to General Omar N. Bradley, Chairman,
President's Commission on Veterans' Pensions, Con-
cerning a Study of Veterans' Benefits. March 5, 1955 320
52 Remarks to Distinguished Service Cross Recipients
and Commanders Who Participated in the Seizure of
the Remagen Bridge. March 7, 1955 323
53 Remarks to Students Attending the International
School of Nuclear Science and Engineering, Argonne
National Laboratory. March 10, 1955 324
54 Message to the Prime Ministers of the Seven Nations
Signatory to the Protocols Establishing the Western
European Union. March 10, 1955 3^5
55 Letter to George A. Garrett, President, Federal City
Council, Concerning the Redevelopment of South-
west Washington. March 10, 1955 328
56 The President's News Conference of March 16, 1955 329
57 Statement by the President Announcing the Appoint-
ment of Harold Stassen as Special Assistant to the
President for Disarmament Studies. March 19, 1955 343
xvn
List of Items
Page
58 Remarks at nth Annual Washington Conference of
the Advertising Council. March 22, 1955 345
59 The President's News Conference of March 23, 1955 35^
60 Remarks to Representatives of the American Volun-
tary Societies Cooperating in the United States
Escapee Program. March 25, 1955 366
61 Joint Statement Following Discussions With Prime
Minister Scelba of Italy. March 28, 1955 367
62 The President's News Conference of March 30, 1955 368
63 Statement by the President on the Death of Joseph
Pulitzer and Robert R. McCormick. April i, 1955 381
64 Letter to the President of the Senate and to the
Speaker of the House of Representatives Concern-
ing the Inter- American Highway. April i, 1955 382
65 Statement by the President on the Retirement of
Sir Winston Churchill, Prime Minister of the United
Kingdom. April 5, 1955 384
66 Statement by the President on the Appointment of
Anthony Eden as Prime Minister of the United King-
dom. April 6, 1955 385
67 Memorandum to the Director of the Office of De-
fense Mobilization Relating to the Buy American
Act. April 7, 1955 385
68 Remarks to the Easter Egg Rollers on the South
Grounds of the White House. April 11, 1955 386
69 Statement by the President on the Mutual Security
Program. April ii, 1955 386
xvm
List of Items
Page
70 Remarks at The Citadel, Charleston, South Carolina.
April 12, 1955 388
71 Letter to the Chairman of the Joint Committee on
Atomic Energy on the Proposed Agreement for
Cooperation With NATO on Atomic Information.
April 13, 1955 391
72 Special Message to the Congress on United States
Membership in the Proposed Organization for Trade
Cooperation. April 14, 1955 393
73 Telegram to Senator Thurmond Saluting James F.
Byrnes as a Great American. April 16, 1955 399
74 Letter to Secretary Dulles Regarding Transfer of the
Affairs of the Foreign Operations Administration to
the Department of State. April 17, 1955 399
75 Statement by the President on the Death of Albert
Einstein. April 18, 1955 403
76 Special Message to the Congress on the Mutual
Security Program. April 20, 1955 404
77 Citation Presented to Dr. Jonas E. Salk and Accom-
panying Remarks. April 22, 1955 414
78 Citation Presented to the National Foundation for
Infantile Paralysis and Accompanying Remarks.
April 22, 1955 415
79 Address at the Annual Luncheon of the Associated
Press, New York City. April 25, 1955 416
80 Letter to Harvey S. Firestone, Jr., Upon Accepting
Honorary Chairmanship of the United Service Or-
ganizations. April 26, 1955 424
XIX
List of Items
Page
8 1 The President's News Conference of April 27, 1955 425
82 Special Message to the Congress Concerning a Pro-
gram for Low Income Farmers. April 27, 1955 440
83 Remarks to the Committee for a National Trade
Policy Following Congressional Action on the Pro-
posed Trade Agreements Extension Act. April 28,
1955 442
84 Remarks at the Cornerstone-Laying Ceremony for
the American Federation of Labor Building. April
30, 1955 443
85 Remarks at the Annual Meeting of the United States
Chamber of Commerce. May 2, 1955 446
86 Special Message to the Congress on United States
Participation in the International Finance Corpora-
tion. May 2, 1955 449
87 Citation and Remarks at Presentation to Field Mar-
shal Pibulsonggram of Thailand of the Legion of
Merit, Degree of Chief Commander. May 2, 1955 453
88 Remarks at the Governors' Conference Dinner. May
2, 1955 454
89 Statement by the President on Approving a Proposed
Agreement With Turkey for Cooperation in the
Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy. May 3, 1955 457
90 The President's News Conference of May 4, 1955 459
91 Letter to the President of the Senate and to the
Speaker of the House of Representatives on Revision
of the Philippine Trade Agreement. May 5, 1955 475
XX
List of Items
Page
92 Remarks at the Dedication of the Washington He-
brew Congregation Temple. May 6, 1955 476
93 Remarks to Delegates to the General Assembly of
the Organization of World Touring and Automobile
Clubs. May 10, 1955 479
94 Remarks at the Republican Women's National
Conference. May lo, 1955 4^^
95 The President's News Conference of May 11, 1955 486
96 Statement by the President Concerning Community
and State Conferences on Education. May 11,
1955 500
97 Message Recorded for Use in Conjunction With
Observance of Armed Forces Day. May 12, 1955 501
98 Message to President Koerner of Austria on the
Signing of the Treaty Restoring Austrian Inde-
pendence. May 15, 1955 502
99 Remarks of the President During Secretary Dulles'
Television Report on His European Visit. May
17. 1955 503
100 The President's News Conference of May 18, 1955 505
1 01 Memorandum to Federal Agencies Directing Par-
ticipation in a National Civil Defense Exercise.
May 18, 1955 519
102 Veto of Postal Field Service Compensation Bill.
May 19, 1955 520
103 Remarks to the President's Committee on the Em-
ployment of the Physically Handicapped. May
23. 1955 522
XXI
List of Items
Page
104 Remarks at a Dinner Sponsored by the District of
Columbia Republican Women's Finance Com-
mittee. May 23, 1955 524
105 Remarks to the National Association of Radio and
Television Broadcasters. May 24, 1955 527
106 Letter to Ross Rizley, Chairman, Civil Aeronautics
Board, Regarding the States-Alaska Case. May
25. 1955 531
107 Special Message to the Congress Transmitting Con-
ventions and Recommendations Adopted at Geneva
by the International Labor Conference. May 26,
1955 532
108 Remarks at Dedication of the Armed Forces Insti-
tute of Pathology, Walter Reed Medical Center.
May 26, 1955 535
109 Special Message to the Congress Recommending
Amendments to the Refugee Relief Act. May 27,
1955 538
no Citation and Remarks at Presentation of the Na-
tional Security Medal to J. Edgar Hoover. May
27. 1955 542
1 1 1 Statement by the President on Safe Driving. May
27, 1955 544
112 The President's News Conference of May 31, 1955 544
113 Statement by the President on the Polio Vaccine
Situation. May 31, 1955 559
114 Message to the Senate Transmitting the Austrian
State Treaty. Jime i, 1955 563
xxn
List of Items
Page
115 Remarks on Acceptance of a Palestinian "Lamp of
Freedom" From the United Jewish Appeal. June
3. 1955 565
116 Veto of Bill for Relief of Kurt Glaser. June 3, 1955 566
117 Remarks at the United States Military Academy
Alumni Luncheon, West Point, New York. June
6, 1955 569
118 Address at the Graduation Ceremonies, United
States Military Academy, West Point, New York.
June 7, 1955 572
119 The President's News Conference of June 8, 1955 578
1 20 Statement by the President Upon Signing the Postal
Field Service Compensation Act. June 10, 1955 592
121 Address at the Centennial Commencement of Penn-
sylvania State University. June 11, 1955 593
122 Joint Statement Following Discussions With Chan-
cellor Adenauer of Germany. June 14, 1955 600
1 23 Statement by the President on Proposed Agreements
With Belgium, Canada, and the United Kingdom
for Cooperation on the Civil Uses of Atomic Energy.
June 15, 1955 601
1 24 Letter to William Randolph Hearst, Jr., Regarding
His Appointment to the President's Committee for
Traffic Safety and Its Advisory Council. June 18,
1955 603
125 Letter to T. S. Petersen Requesting Him To Serve
on the President's Committee for Traffic Safety.
June 18, 1955 604
xxm
List of Items
Page
126 Address at the Tenth Anniversary Meeting of the
United Nations, San Francisco, California. June
20, 1955 605
127 Remarks to the National Association of Television
and Radio Farm Directors. June 21, 1955 611
128 Remarks to the National 4--H Conference. June
21, 1955 613
1 29 Statement by the President Upon Signing the Trade
Agreements Extension Act. June 21, 1955 615
1 30 Memorandum to Federal Agencies on the Commun-
ity Chest Campaign. June 22, 1955 615
131 Remarks at the Vermont State Dairy Festival, Rut-
land, Vermont. June 22, 1955 616
1 3 2 Remarks at a Breakfast for Vermont Women Repre-
sentatives of Dairy and Agricultural Organizations,
Chittenden, Vermont. June 23, 1955 620
1 33 Remarks at the State Capitol, Concord, New Hamp-
shire. June 23, 1955 621
134 Remarks at the Belknap Lodge Picnic Grounds,
Laconia, New Hampshire. June 23, 1955 623
135 Remarks at the Lincoln High School, Lincoln, New
Hampshire. June 24, 1955 624
136 Remarks at Ceremonies Commemorating the Dis-
covery of the Old Man of the Mountain, Franconia
Notch, New Hampshire. June 24, 1955 626
137 Remarks at Lancaster, New Hampshire. June 25,
1955 630
xxrv
List of Items
Page
138 Remarks at Jefferson, New Hampshire. June 25,
1955 631
139 Remarks at the Hansen Ski Jump Area, Berlin, New
Hampshire. June 25, 1955 632
140 Letter to Helen Keller on the Occasion of Her 75th
Birthday. June 26, 1955 634
141 Remarks at the Fawn Presentation Ceremonies,
Rangeley, Maine. June 27, 1955 634
142 Remarks at the Skowhegan Fairgrounds, Skow-
hegan, Maine. June 27, 1955 635
1 43 Remarks at the Dow Air Force Base, Bangor, Maine.
June 27, 1955 638
144 Remarks on Presentation of the Distinguished Serv-
ice Medal to General Ridgway, and Accompanying
Citation. June 28, 1955 639
145 Message to the Congress Transmitting Final Report
of the Commission on Intergovernmental Relations.
June 28, 1955 641
146 The President's News Conference of June 29, 1955 643
147 Veto of Bill To Prohibit Publication by the Govern-
ment of the United States of Predictions as to Apple
Prices. July i, 1955 662
148 Joint Statement Following Discussions With Prime
Minister U Nu of Burma. July 3, 1955 663
149 The President's News Conference of July 6, 1955 ^^5
150 Message to the Congress Transmitting the Second
Semiannual Report Under the Agricultural Trade
Development and Assistance Act. July 12, 1955 681
XXV
List of Items
Page
1 5 1 Remarks to American Field Service Students. July
12, 1955 682
152 Letter Accepting the Resignation of Mrs. Oveta
Gulp Hobby, Secretary of Health, Education, and
Welfare. July 13, 1955 684
153 Remarks Following the Acceptance of the Resigna-
tion of Secretary Hobby. July 13, 1955 685
154 Letter to Secretary Wilson Marking the Third An-
niversary of Operation Skywatch. July 13, 1955 687
155 Special Message to the Congress Upon Signing the
Department of Defense Appropriation Act. July
13. 1955 688
156 Message to the Congress Transmitting the Ninth
Annual Report on United States Participation in the
United Nations. July 15, 1955 690
157 Statement by the President Upon Signing the Public
Works Appropriation Act. July 15, 1955 696
158 Statement by the President Upon Signing the Act
Providing for a Highway Bridge Across Lake
Texoma. July 15, 1955 698
159 Statement by the President Upon Signing Bill for
the Relief of the Highway Construction Company.
July 15, 1955 699
160 Letter to the Chairman, House Committee on Ways
and Means, Concerning United States Member-
ship in the Organization for Trade Cooperation.
July 15, 1955 700
161 Radio and Television Address to the American
People Prior to Departure for the Big Four Con-
ference at Geneva. July 15, 1955 701
XXVI
List of Items
Page
162 Remarks at the Keflavik Airport, Iceland. July
16, 1955 706
163 Remarks Upon Arrival at the Airport in Geneva.
July 16, 1955 707
164 Opening Statement at the Geneva Conference.
July 18, 1955 707
165 Remarks at the Research Reactor Building, Palais
des Nations, Geneva. July 20, 1955 712
1 66 Statement on Disarmament Presented at the Geneva
Conference. July 21, 1955 713
167 Statement on East- West Contacts Delivered at the
Geneva Conference. July 22, 1955 716
168 Memorandum to Federal Agencies on the United
Fund and Community Chest Campaigns. July
22, 1955 719
1 69 Letter to Prime Minister Maung Nu Concerning the
Gift of the Burmese People. July 22, 1955 720
170 Closing Statement at the Final Meeting of the
Heads of Government Conference at Geneva. July
23. 1955 721
171 Remarks on Leaving Geneva. July 23, 1955 723
172 Statement by the President Upon Signing Bill Con-
cerning Mineral Claims Filed on Public Lands.
July 23, 1955 724
173 Remarks at Washington National Airport on Re-
turning From Geneva. July 24, 1955 724
1 74 White House Statement Following Bipartisan Meet-
ing on the Geneva Conference. July 25, 1955 725
xxvn
List of Items
Page
175 Radio and Television Address to the American
People on the Geneva Conference. July 25, 1955 726
176 The President's News Conference of July 27, 1955 731
177 Remarks at the Ceremony Marking the Issuance of
the Atoms for Peace Stamp. July 28, 1955 744
1 78 Statement by the President on Congressional Action
Regarding a Nationwide System of Highways.
July 28, 1955 746
179 Statement by the President Regarding Release of
United States Airmen by Communist China.
August I, 1955 746
180 Special Message to the Congress Recommending
Changes in Act Relating to Construction of Irriga-
tion Systems on Federal Projects by Local Agencies.
August I, 1955 747
181 Remarks to Members of the Bull Elephants Club.
August 2, 1955 748
182 Statement by the President Upon Signing the
Mutual Security Appropriation Act. August 2, 1 955 753
183 Citation and Remarks at Presentation of the Medal
of Freedom to Robert B. Anderson. August 3, 1955 754
1 84 Statement by the President Upon Signing Bill Relat-
ing to the Red River Flood Control Project.
August 3, 1955 755
185 The President's News Conference of August 4, 1955 757
186 Letter to the Treasurer of the United States Ap-
pointing Her Chairman of the Interdepartmental
Savings Bond Committee. August 4, 1955 767
xxvm
List of Items
Page
187 Memorandum to Federal Agencies Concerning the
Voluntary Payroll Savings Plan for the Purchase of
U.S. Savings Bonds. August 4, 1955 768
188 Citation Accompanying the Distinguished Service
Medal Presented to Admiral Robert B. Carney.
August 4, 1955 769
189 Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill Concerning
Term of Office of Subversive Activities Control
Board Members. August 6, 1955 770
190 Exchange of Letters Between the President and
Chancellor Adenauer of Germany on the Geneva
Conference. August 6, 1955 771
191 Message to the United Nations Conference on the
Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy at Geneva.
August 8, 1955 772
192 Statement by the President Upon Signing the Re-
serve Forces Act of 1955. August 9, 1955 775
193 Statement by the President Upon Signing H.R. 7684
Authorizing Salary Payment to an Interim Ap-
pointee to the Atomic Energy Commission. August
10, 1955 777
194 Statement by the President Upon Signing the Hous-
ing Amendments of 1955. August ii, 1955 777
1 95 Statement by the President on the Death of Ambas-
sador John E. Peurifoy and His Son. August 12,
1955 780
196 Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill for the Relief
of the E. J. Albrecht Company. August 12, 1955 780
XXIX
List of Items
Page
197 Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill To Change the
Military Record of Stephen Swan Ogletree. August
12, 1955 782
198 Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill Amending the
Internal Revenue Code of 1954. August 12, 1955 785
199 Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill To Reconvey
to Former Owners Certain Lands Acquired for
Reservoir Projects in Texas. August 12, 1955 787
200 Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill for the Relief
of Fred P. Hines. August 12, 1955 789
201 Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill To Amend the
Civil Service Retirement Act. August 12, 1955 7^9
202 Statement by the President Upon Signing Bill
Amending the Agricultural Trade Development and
Assistance Act. August 12, 1955 791
203 Letter to Maj. Gen. John S. Bragdon Appointing
Him as Special Assistant to the President To Co-
ordinate Public Works Planning. August 12, 1955 792
204 Exchange of Messages Between the President and
Chancellor Adenauer on the Air Force Disaster in
Germany. August 13, 1955 794
205 Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill Extending the
Domestic Minerals Purchase Programs. August
14. 1955 795
206 Statement by the President Upon Signing Bill Con-
cerning Public Transit Services in the District of
Columbia. August 14, 1955 797
XXX
List of Items
Page
207 Presidential Statement Upon Signing Order Pre-
scribing a Code of Conduct for Members of the
Armed Forces While in Combat or Captivity.
August 17, 1955 798
208 Remarks on the Hurricane-Flood Disaster in the
Northeastern States. August 22, 1955 798
209 Remarks Following a Meeting With the Governors
of Flood-Stricken States at Bradley Field, Hartford,
Connecticut. August 23, 1955 800
210 Address at the Annual Convention of the American
Bar Association, Philadelphia. August 24, 1955 802
211 Statement by the President Concerning New York
Meeting of the United Nations Subcommittee on
Disarmament. August 29, 1955 810
212 Statement by the President: Labor Day. Septem-
ber 5, 1955 810
213 Remarks at the Breakfast Meeting of Republican
State Chairmen, Denver, Colorado. September
10, 1955 811
214 Telegram to the President of the United States
Chamber of Commerce on Assistance Given Flood
Disaster Areas. September 12, 1955 819
215 Statement by the President on the Occasion of the
Jewish New Year. September 16, 1955 820
216 Message to President Ruiz Cortines on the Anniver-
sary of the Independence of Mexico. September
16, 1955 820
217 Message Prepared for the Conference on Fitness of
American Youth. September 18, 1955 821
XXXI
List of Items
Page
Editor's Note Regarding the President's Illness 822
218 Message Opening the United Community Cam-
paigns of America. October 2, 1955 822
2 1 9 Letter to the Columbus Citizens' Committee in New
York City. October ii, 1955 823
220 Letter to Nikolai Bulganin, Chairman, Council of
Ministers, U.S.S.R. October 12, 1955 824
221 Statement by the President on Observance of Farm-
City Week. October 17, 1955 825
222 Letter to Governor Roberts of Rhode Island on the
Recommendations of the New England Governors'
Conference. October 18, 1955 826
223 Letter to Governor Roberts of Rhode Island on the
Establishment of Atomic Reactor Generating Plants
in New England. October 18, 1955 829
224 Statement by the President on the 14th Anniversary
of the Civil Air Patrol. October 19, 1955 830
225 Letter to the Vice President Concerning the Con-
ference on Equal Job Opportunity. October
22, 1955 831
226 Letter to the Vice President and the Cabinet Re-
garding the Task of Secretary Dulles at Geneva.
October 23, 1955 832
227 Statement by the President on the Foreign Minis-
ters Meeting at Geneva. October 26, 1955 833
228 Message to the National Industrial Conference
Board on the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy.
October 27, 1955 834
xxxn
List of Items
Page
229 Letter to President Ruiz Cortines of Mexico on the
Hurricane-Flood Disaster in Tampico. October
28, 1955 835
230 Telegram Welcoming President Castillo-Armas of
Guatemala Upon His Arrival in Washington.
October 31, 1955 836
231 Message to His Majesty Haile Selassie I on the 25th
Anniversary of His Reign. November 3, 1955 837
232 Telegram on the Dedication of the International
Brotherhood of Teamsters New Building. Novem-
ber 3, 1955 838
233 Message to K. Voroshilov, Chairman of the Presid-
ium of the Supreme Soviet, U.S.S.R., on the Na-
tional Anniversary of the Soviet Union. November
7. 1955 838
234 Statement by the President on the Hostilities Be-
tween Egypt and Israel in Violation of the General
Armistice Agreement. November 9, 1955 839
235 Remarks on Leaving Denver, Colorado. November
II. 1955 840
236 Remarks Upon Arrival at the Washington National
Airport. November ii, 1955 841
237 Remarks Upon Arrival in Lincoln Square, Gettys-
burg, Pennsylvania. November 14, 1955 842
238 Letter to Mrs. Martin P. Durkin on the Death of
Her Husband. November 14, 1955 843
239 Message to Rabbi Abba Hillel Silver on the Near
East Situation. November 15, 1955 843
40308—59 3 XXXEEI
List of Items
Page
240 Message to the Sultan of Morocco on the Anniver-
sary of His Accession to the Throne. November
18, 1955 844
24 1 Message to King Haakon VII of Norway on the 50th
Anniversary of His Reign. November 24, 1955 845
242 Remarks for the White House Conference on Edu-
cation. November 28, 1955 846
243 Statement by the President on Observance of Safe
Driving Day. November 30, 1955 849
244 Letter Accompanying MedaUion for Presentation to
Sir Winston Churchill on His 8ist Birthday.
November 30, 1955 850
245 Telephone Broadcast to the AFL-CIO Merger
Meeting in New York City. December 5, 1955 851
246 Statement by the President on Early Mailing of
Christmas Gifts and Greetings. December lo, 1955 855
247 White House Statements Following Meetings With
Republican Leaders of the Senate and the House of
Representatives. December 12, 1955 855
248 White House Statement Following Bipartisan Con-
ference on Foreign Affairs and National Defense.
December 13, 1955 858
249 Statement by the President: Bill of Rights Day.
December 14, 1955 859
250 Remarks Broadcast for the Pageant of Peace Cere-
monies in Washington. December 18, 1955 860
xxxiv
D wight D. Eisenhower
1955
I ^ Memorandum Concerning the Government
Employees Incentive Awards Program.
January i, 1955
[ Released January i, 1955. Dated December 28, 1954 ]
To Heads of Executive Departments and Agencies:
The vast complexity of modem govemment demands a con-
stant search for ways of conducting the pubUc business with
increased efficiency and economy. I am firmly convinced that
employees of the Federal Government can, through their dili-
gence and competence, make further significant contributions to
the important task of improving Government operations. Wide
participation by Federal employees in this task is essential if we
are to derive full benefit from the ingenuity and inventiveness
that exist in the Federal Service. This participation can be
obtained only if all levels of management and supervision under-
stand its importance, encourage it, and insure that it is promptly
and properly recognized.
A means for adequately recognizing those employees who con-
tribute to improved government operations, was provided by the
Government Employees Incentive Awards Act passed by the
83rd Congress. This Act was a part of the Administration's
legislative program on personnel management. Under it the
Civil Service Commission was given general responsibility for
the administration of a government-wide incentive awards pro-
gram. The Commission has authorized each of you to establish
and operate an incentive awards program within broad principles
and guide lines. I am relying upon you to provide personal
leadership for the incentive awards program in your agency.
I am looking forward to personal participation in the program
through the provision in the Act for a Presidential award for
employees rendering exceptionally meritorious service. The
^ I Public Papers of the Presidents
necessary instructions for submitting recommendations for this
award are now being prepared.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
NOTE : This memorandum was released at Augusta^ Ga.
2 ^ Statement by the President on the Death of
President Remon of Panama. January 3, 1 955
I WAS GRIEVED to learn of the tragic assassination of Pres-
ident Jose Antonio Remon of Panama. A firm friend, President
Remon was held in great respect by the government of our nation.
Only last year he and Senora Remon were visitors at the White
House.
To Senora Remon, to the new President Guizado and his asso-
ciates in the Panamanian Government, and to the people of
Panama, I extend my personal sympathies as well as the sincere
condolences of the people of the United States.
3 ^ Letter to the Secretary of Defense on
National Security Requirements. January 5, 1955
Dear Mr. Secretary:
Responding to your request I shall, in this note, briefly sum-
marize the views on our general needs in military strength, in-
cluding personnel, that I expressed verbally to you and the Joint
Chiefs of Staff in December. Needless to say, these convictions
on how best to preserve the peace were formed after earnest
consideration of the oral and written views of our military
advisers.
In approaching this problem, we should keep ever before us
the realization that the security of the United States is inextrica-
bly bound up with the security of the free world. For this reason.
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig§5 ^ 3
one of our tasks is to do everything possible to promote unity of
understanding and action among the free nations so that each
may take its full and proper part in the cooperative process of
establishing a lasting and effective security.
Certain considerations, applying more specifically to our own
country's military preparations, are these :
First, the threat to our security is a continuing and many-
sided one — there is, so far as we can determine, no single critical
"danger date" and no single form of enemy action to which we
could soundly gear all our defense preparations. We will never
commit aggression, but we must always be ready to defeat it.
Second, true security for our country must be founded on a
strong and expanding economy, readily convertible to the tasks of
war.
Third, because scientific progress exerts a constantly increasing
influence upon the character and conduct of war, and because
America's most precious possession is the lives of her citizens, we
should base our security upon military formations which make
maximum use of science and technology in order to minimize
numbers in men.
Fourth, due to the destructiveness of modern weapons and the
increasing efficiency of long-range bombing aircraft, the United
States has reason, for the first time in its history, to be deeply
concerned over the serious effects which a sudden attack could
conceivably inflict upon our country.
Our first objective must therefore be to maintain the capability
to deter an enemy from attack and to blunt that attack if it
comes — by a combination of effective retaliatory power and a
continental defense system of steadily increasing effectiveness.
These two tasks logically demand priority in all planning. Thus
we will assure that our industrial capacity can continue through-
out a war to produce the gigantic amounts of equipment and
supplies required.
We can never be defeated so long as our relative superiority in
productive capacity is sustained.
3
^ 3 Public Papers of the Presidents
Other essential tasks during the initial period following a pos-
sible future attack would require the Navy to clear the ocean
lanes, and the Army to do its part in meeting critical land situa-
tions. Our forces in NATO and elsewhere could be swiftly en-
gaged. To maintain order and organization under the conditions
that would prevail in attacked areas of our country would of
itself constitute a major challenge. Improved Reserve programs
would help greatly — in fact might prove the decisive margin — ^in
these as in other major tasks.
To provide for meeting lesser hostile action — such as local
aggression not broadened by the intervention of a major aggres-
sor's forces — growing reliance can be placed upon the forces now
being built and strengthened in many areas of the free world.
But because this reliance cannot be complete, and because our
own vital interests, collective security and pledged faith might
well be involved, there remain certain contingencies for which
the United States should be ready with mobile forces to help
indigenous troops deter local aggression, direct or indirect.
In view of the practical considerations limiting the rapid
deployment of large military forces from the continental United
States immediately on outbreak of war, the numbers of active
troops maintained for this purpose can be correspondingly
tailored. For the remainder we may look primarily to our Re-
serves and our mobilization base, including our stockpile of criti-
cal materials.
All these capabilities have a double value — they serve our aim
in peacetime of preventing war through their deterrent effect;
they form the foundation of effective defense if aggressors should
strike.
Both in composition and in strength our security arrange-
ments must have long-term applicability. Lack of reasonable
stability is the most wasteful and expensive practice in military
activity. We cannot afford intermittent acceleration of prepara-
tion and expenditure in response to emotional tension, inevitably
followed by cutbacks inspired by wishful thinking. Develop-
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ^955 ^ 3
ment of sound, long-term security requires that we design our
forces so as to assure a steadily increasing efficiency, in step with
scientific advances, but characterized by a stability that is not
materially disturbed by every propaganda effort of unfriendly
nations.
It is, of course, obvious that defensive forces in America are
maintained to defend a way of life. They must be adequate for
this purpose but must not become such an intolerable burden
as to occasion loss of civilian morale or the individual initiative
on which, in a free country, depends the dynamic industrial effort
which is the continuing foundation of our nation's security.
It is at this point that professional military competence and
political statesmanship must join to form judgments as to the
minimum defensive structure that should be supported by the
nation. To do less than the minimum would expose the nation
to the predatory purposes of potential enemies. On the other
hand, to build excessively under the impulse of fear could, in
the long run, defeat our purposes by damaging the growth of our
economy and eventually forcing it into regimented controls.
It is for the reasons so briefly touched upon above that I have
decided to present to the Congress, on behalf of the Administra-
tion, a program which has been under development during the
past two years. That program contemplates an active personnel
strength of the Armed Forces at June 30, 1955, of approximately
3,000,000, within which the Air Force will be increased to about
975,000.
Experience will determine to what extent the personnel
strengths set for June 1955 can be further reduced. It would not
be wise at this time to fix rigid targets for 1956. As a goal, I
suggest a strength of the order of 2,850,000 — ^with any further
material reductions dependent upon an improved world situation.
To reach such figures without injuring our combat strength will
require continuing close scrutiny of all defense elements, with
particular emphasis on administrative overhead.
Essential to this entire program is economy in operation. If
40308—59 4 5
^ 3
Public Papers of the Presidents
we are to support active and effective forces of the order indi-
cated over a period which may last for decades, we must practice
a strict austerity in day-to-day operations. This is an insistent
and constant mission of every responsible official, military and
civilian, in the Defense Department.
In this time of rapidly developing technology and frequent
changes in the world situation, we should in our efforts for peace
and security continuously re-shape our programs to changing con-
ditions and avoid fixed or frozen ideas. The threat of modern
war calls for constant modernization.
Since your request to me and this reply both deal with matters
on which our citizenry ought to be as fully informed as considera-
tions of security permit, I am directing the public release of the
two documents.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
note: Secretary Wilson's letter of
January 3, 1955, follows:
Dear Mr. President:
For nearly two years we have dis-
cussed the various problems relating
to the armed services and in particu-
lar the need for the conservation and
proper utilization of our manpower,
both military and civilian. Just be-
fore Christmas you again discussed
the question of personnel strengths
with me and the Joint Chiefs of
Staff.
I have found so much value in the
views underlying your decisions as to
the personnel strengths of the armed
services that I wonder if you would
give me the gist of them in written
form. I should like very much to
have them available during the next
year to guide me in my consideration
of those matters and to be able to
make them available to all of the
interested people who are consider-
ing this problem.
With great respect, I am
Faithfully yours,
Charles E. Wilson
For the President's message to the
Congress on national security require-
ments, see Item 12, below.
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 4
4 ^ Annual Message to the Congress on the State
of the Union. January 6, 1955
[ Delivered in person before a joint session ]
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress:
First, I extend cordial greetings to the 84th Congress. We
shall have much to do together; I am sure that we shall get it
done — and, that we shall do it in harmony and good will.
At the outset, I believe it would be well to remind ourselves of
this great fundamental in our national life: our common belief
that every human being is divinely endowed with dignity and
worth and inalienable rights. This faith, with its corollary — ^that
to grow and flourish people must be free — shapes the interests
and aspirations of every American.
From this deep faith have evolved three main purposes of our
Federal Government:
First, to maintain justice and freedom among ourselves and to
champion them for others so that we may work effectively for
enduring peace;
Second, to help keep our economy vigorous and expanding,
thus sustaining our international strength and assuring better
jobs, better living, better opportunities for every citizen;
And third, to concern ourselves with the human problems of
our people so that every American may have the opportunity
to lead a healthy, productive and rewarding life.
Foremost among these broad purposes of government is our
support of freedom, justice and peace.
It is of the utmost importance, that each of us understand the
true nature of the struggle now taking place in the world.
It is not a struggle merely of economic theories, or of forms of
government, or of military power. At issue is the true nature
of man. Either man is the creature whom the Psalmist described
as "a little lower than the angels," crowned with glory and honor,
holding "dominion over the works" of his Creator; or man is a
^ 4 Public Papers of the Presidents
soulless, animated machine to be enslaved, used and consumed
by the state for its own glorification.
It is, therefore, a struggle which goes to the roots of the human
spirit, and its shadow falls across the long sweep of man's
destiny. This prize, so precious, so fraught with ultimate mean-
ing, is the true object of the contending forces in the world.
In the past year, there has been progress justifying hope, both
for continuing peace and for the ultimate rule of freedom and
justice in the world. Free nations are collectively stronger than
at any time in recent years.
Just as nations of this Hemisphere, in the historic Caracas and
Rio conferences, have closed ranks against imperialistic Com-
munism and strengthened their economic ties^, so free nations
elsewhere have forged new bonds of unity.
Recent agreements between Turkey and Pakistan have laid
a foundation for increased strength in the Middle East. With
our understanding support, Egypt and Britain, Yugoslavia and
Italy, Britain and Iran have resolved dangerous differences.
The security of the Mediterranean has been enhanced by an
alliance among Greece, Turkey and Yugoslavia. Agreements
in Western Europe have paved the way for unity to replace past
divisions which have undermined Europe's economic and mili-
tary vitality. The defense of the West appears likely at last to
include a free, democratic Germany participating as an equal in
the councils of NATO.
In Asia and the Pacific, the pending Manila Pact supplements
our treaties with Australia, New Zealand, the Philippines, Korea
and Japan and our prospective treaty with the Republic of China.
These pacts stand as solemn warning that future military aggres-
sion and subversion against the free nations of Asia will meet
united response. The Pacific Charter, also adopted at Manila, is
a milestone in the development of human freedom and self-
government in the Pacific area.
Under the auspices of the United Nations, there is promise of
8
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 4
progress in our country's plan for the peaceful use of atomic
energy.
Finally, today the world is at peace. It is, to be sure, an in-
secure peace. Yet all humanity finds hope in the simple fact
that for an appreciable time there has been no active major bat-
tlefield on earth. This same fact inspires us to work all the more
effectively with other nations for the well-being, the freedom,
the dignity, of every human on earth.
These developments are heartening indeed, and we are hopeful
of continuing progress. But sobering problems remain.
The massive military machines and ambitions of the Soviet-
Communist bloc still create uneasiness in the world. All of us
are aware of the continuing reliance of the Soviet Communists
on military force, of the power of their weapons, of their present
resistance to realistic armament limitation, and of their continu-
ing effort to dominate or intimidate free nations on their periph-
ery. Their steadily growing power includes an increasing
strength in nuclear weapons. This power, combined with the
proclaimed intentions of the Communist leaders to communize
the world, is the threat confronting us today.
To protect our nations and our peoples from the catastrophe
of a nuclear holocaust, free nations must maintain countervailing
military power to persuade the Communists of the futility of seek-
ing their ends through aggression. If Communist rulers under-
stand that America's response to aggression will be swift and
decisive — that never shall we buy peace at the expense of honor
or faith — they will be powerfully deterred from launching a mili-
tary venture engulfing their own peoples and many others in dis-
aster. This, of course, is merely world stalemate. But in this
stalemate each of us may and must exercise his high duty to
strive in every honorable way for enduring peace.
The military threat is but one menace to our freedom and
security. We must not only deter aggression; we must also frus-
trate the effort of Communists to gain their goals by subversion.
^ 4 Public Papers of the Presidents
To this end, free nations must maintain and reinforce their
cohesion, their internal security, their political and economic
vitality, and their faith in freedom.
In such a world, America's course is clear :
We must tirelessly labor to make the peace more just and
durable.
We must strengthen the collective defense under the United
Nations Charter and gird ourselves with sufficient military
strength and productive capacity to discourage resort to war and
protect our nation's vital interests.
We must continue to support and strengthen the United Na-
tions. At this very moment, by vote of the United Nations Gen-
eral Assembly, its Secretary-General is in Communist China on
a mission of deepest concem to all Americans : seeking the release
of our never-to-be-forgotten American aviators and all other
United Nations prisoners wrongfully detained by the Communist
regime.
We must also encourage the efforts being made in the United
Nations to limit armaments and to hamess the atom to peaceful
use.
We must expand international trade and investment and assist
friendly nations whose own best efforts are still insufficient to pro-
vide the strength essential to the security of the free world.
We must be willing to use the processes of negotiation when-
ever they will advance the cause of just and secure peace to which
the United States and other free nations are dedicated.
In respect to all these matters, we must, through a vigorous
information program, keep the peoples of the world truthfully
advised of our actions and purposes. This problem has been
attacked with new vigor during the past months. I urge that the
Congress give its earnest consideration to the great advantages
that can accrue to our country through the successful operations
of this program.
We must also carry forward our educational exchange pro-
gram. This sharing of knowledge and experience between our
10
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 4
citizens and those of free countries is a powerful factor in the
development and maintenance of true partnership among free
peoples.
To advance these many efforts, the Congress must act in this
session on appropriations, legislation, and treaties. Today I shall
mention especially our foreign economic and military programs.
The recent economic progress in many free nations has been
most heartening. The productivity of labor and the production
of goods and services are increasing in ever-widening areas.
There is a growing will to improve the living standards of all
men. This progress is important to all our people. It promises
us aUies who are strong and self-reliant; it promises a growing
world market for the products of our mines, our factories, and
our farms.
But only through steady effort can we hope to continue this
progress. Barriers still impede trade and the flow of capital
needed to develop each nation's human and material resources.
Wise reduction of these barriers is a long-term objective of our
foreign economic policy — a policy of an evolutionary and selec-
tive nature, assuring broad benefits to our own and other peoples.
We must gradually reduce certain tariff obstacles to trade.
These actions should, of course, be accompanied by a similar
lowering of trade barriers by other nations, so that we may move
steadily toward greater economic advantage for all. We must
further simpUfy customs administration and procedures. We
must facilitate the flow of capital and continue technical assist-
ance, both directly and through the United Nations, to less devel-
oped countries to strengthen their independence and raise their
living standards. Many another step must be taken in and among
the nations of the free world to release forces of private initiative.
In our own nation, these forces have brought strength and pros-
perity; once released, they will generate rising incomes in these
other countries with which to buy the products of American in-
dustry, labor and agriculture.
On January 10, by special message, I shall submit specific rec-
II
^ 4 Public Papers of the Presidents
ommendations for carrying forward the legislative phases of our
foreign economic policy.
Our many efforts to build a better world include the mainte-
nance of our military strength. This is a vast undertaking.
Major national security programs consume two-thirds of the en-
tire Federal budget. Over four million Americans — servicemen
and civilians — are on the rolls of the defense establishment. Dur-
ing the past two years, by eliminating duplication and over-
staffing, by improved procurement and inventory controls, and by
concentrating on the essentials, many billions of dollars have been
saved in our defense activities. I should like to mention certain
fundamentals underlying this vast program.
First, a realistic limitation of armaments and an enduring,
just peace remain our national goals; we maintain powerful mili-
tary forces because there is no present alternative — forces de-
signed for deterrent and defensive purposes alone but able in-
stantly to strike back with destructive power in response to an
attack.
Second, we must stay alert to the fact that undue reliance on
one weapon or preparation for only one kind of warfare simply
invites an enemy to resort to another. We must, therefore, keep
in our armed forces balance and flexibility adequate for our
purposes and objectives.
Third, to keep our armed forces abreast of the advances of
science, our military planning must be flexible enough to utilize
the new weapons and techniques which flow ever more speedily
from our research and development programs. The forthcom-
ing military budget therefore emphasizes modern airpower in
the Air Force, Navy and Marine Corps and increases the
emphasis on new weapons, especially those of rapid and destruc-
tive striking power. It assures the maintenance of effective,
retaliatory force as the principal deterrent to overt aggression.
It accelerates the continental defense program and the build-up
of ready military reserve forces. It continues a vigorous pro-
gram of stockpiling strategic and critical materials and strength-
12
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 4
ening our mobilization base. The budget also contemplates the
strategic concentration of our strength through redeployment of
certain forces. It provides for reduction of forces in certain
categories and their expansion in others, to fit them to the mili-
tary realities of our time. These emphases in our defense plan-
ning have been made at my personal direction after long and
thoughtful study. In my judgment, they will give our nation
a defense accurately adjusted to the national need.
Fourth, pending a world agreement on armament limitation,
we must continue to improve and expand our supplies of nuclear
weapons for our land, naval and air forces, while, at the same
time, continuing our encouraging progress in the peaceful use of
atomic power.
And fifth, in the administration of these costly programs, we
must demand the utmost in efficiency and ingenuity. We must
assure our people not only of adequate protection but also of
a defense that can be carried forward from year to year until
the threat of aggression has disappeared.
To help maintain this kind of armed strength and improve its
efficiency, I must urge the enactment of several important meas-
ures in this session.
The first concerns the selective service act which expires next
June 30th. For the foreseeable future, our standing forces must
remain much larger than voluntary methods can sustain. We
must, therefore, extend the statutory authority to induct men
for two years of military service.
The second kind of measure concerns the rapid turnover of
our most experienced servicemen. This process seriously
weakens the combat readiness of our armed forces and is exorbi-
tantly expensive. To encourage more trained servicemen to re-
main in uniform, I shall, on the thirteenth of this month, pro-
pose a number of measures to increase the attractions of a military
career. These measures will include more adequate medical
care for dependents, survivors' benefits, more and better housing,
and selective adjustments in military pay and other allowances.
13
^ 4 Public Papers of the Presidents
And third — also on January 13 — I shall present a program to
rebuild and strengthen the civilian components of our armed
forces. This is a comprehensive program, designed to make bet-
ter use of our manpower of military age. Because it will go far
in assuring fair and equitable participation in military training
and service, it is of particular importance to our combat veterans.
In keeping with the historic military policy of our Republic, this
program is designed to build and maintain powerful civilian re-
serves immediately capable of effective military service in an
emergency in lieu of maintaining active duty forces in excess of
the nation's immediate need.
Maintenance of an effective defense requires continuance of
our aggressive attack on subversion at home. In this effort we
have, in the past two years, made excellent progress. FBI investi-
gations have been powerfully reinforced by a new Internal Secu-
rity Division in the Department of Justice; the security activities
of the Immigration and Naturalization Service have been revital-
ized; an improved and strengthened security system is in effect
throughout the government; the Department of Justice and the
FBI have been armed with effective new legal weapons forged by
the 83rd Congress.
We shall continue to ferret out and to destroy Communist
subversion.
We shall, in the process, carefully preserve our traditions and
the basic rights of our citizens.
Our civil defense program is also a key element in the protec-
tion of our country. We are developing cooperative methods
with State Governors, Mayors, and voluntary citizen groups, as
well as among Federal agencies, in building the civil defense
organization. Its significance in time of war is obvious; its swift
assistance in disaster areas last year proved its importance in time
of peace.
An industry capable of rapid expansion and essential materials
and facilities swiftly available in time of emergency are indispen-
14
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ^955 ^ 4
sable to our defense. I urge, therefore, a two-year extension of
the Defense Production Act and Tide II of the First War Powers
Act of 1 94 1. These are cornerstones of our program for the
development and maintenance of an adequate mobilization base.
At this point, I should like to make this additional observation.
Our quest for peace and freedom necessarily presumes that we
who hold positions of public trust must rise above self and
section — that we must subordinate to the general good our par-
tisan, our personal pride and prejudice. Tirelessly, with united
purpose, we must fortify the material and spiritual foundations of
this land of freedom and of free nations throughout the world.
As never before, there is need for unhesitating cooperation among
the branches of our government.
At this time the executive and legislative branches are under
the management of different political parties. This fact places
both parties on trial before the American people.
In less perilous days of the past, division of governmental re-
sponsibility among our great parties has produced a paralyzing
indecision. We must not let this happen in our time. We must
avoid a paralysis of the will for peace and international security.
In the traditionally bipartisan areas — ^military security and for-
eign relations — I can report to you that I have already, with the
leaders of this Congress, expressed assurances of unreserved co-
operation. Yet, the strength of our country requires more than
mere maintenance of military strength and success in foreign
affairs ; these vital matters are in turn dependent upon concerted
and vigorous action in a number of supporting programs.
I say, therefore, to the 84th Congress:
In all areas basic to the strength of America, there will be — to
the extent I can insure them — cooperative, constructive relations
between the Executive and Legislative Branches of this govern-
ment. Let the general good be our yardstick on every great issue
of our time.
15
^ 4 Public Papers of the Presidents
Our efforts to defend our freedom and to secure a just peace
are, of course, inseparable from the second great purpose of our
government: to help maintain a strong, growing economy — an
economy vigorous and free, in which there are ever-increasing
opportunities, just rewards for effort, and a stable prosperity that
is widely shared.
In the past two years, many important governmental actions
helped our economy adjust to conditions of peace; these and
other actions created a chmate for renewed economic growth.
Controls were removed from wages, prices and materials. Tax
revisions encouraged increased private spending and employment.
Federal expenditures were sharply reduced, making possible a
record tax cut. These actions, together with flexible monetary
and debt management pohcies, helped to halt inflation and sta-
bilize the value of the dollar. A program of cooperation and
partnership in resource development was begun. Social security
and unemployment insurance laws were broadened and strength-
ened. New laws started the long process of balancing farm pro-
duction with farm markets. Expanded shipbuilding and stock-
piling programs strengthened key sectors of the economy, while
improving our mobilization base. A comprehensive new housing
law brought impressive progress in an area fundamental to our
economic strength and closed loopholes in the old laws per-
mitting dishonest manipulation. Many of these programs are
just beginning to exert their main stimulating effect upon the
economy generally and upon specific communities and industries
throughout the country.
The past year — 1954 — ^^s one of the most prosperous years in
our history. Business activity now surges with new strength. Pro-
duction is rising. Employment is high. Toward the end of last
year average weekly wages in manufacturing were higher than
ever before. Personal income after taxes is at a record level. So
is consumer spending. Construction activity is reaching new
peaks. Export demand for our goods is strong. State and local
16
Dwight D, Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 4
government expenditures on public works are rising. Savings are
high, and credit is readily available.
So, today, the transition to a peacetime economy is largely
behind us.
The economic outlook is good.
The many promising factors I have mentioned do not guar-
antee sustained economic expansion; however, they do give us a
strong position from which to carry forward our economic
growth. If we as a people act wisely, within ten years our annual
national output can rise from its present level of about $360 bil-
lion to $500 billion, measured in dollars of stable buying power.
My Budget Message on January 1 7, the Economic Report on
the 20th of this month, and several special messages will set forth
in detail major programs to foster the growth of our economy
and to protect the integrity of the people's money. Today I shall
discuss these programs only in general terms.
Government efficiency and economy remain essential to steady
progress toward a balanced budget. More than ten billion dollars
were cut from the spending program proposed in the budget of
January 9, 1953. Expenditures of that year were six and a half
billion below those of the previous year. In the current fiscal
year, government spending will be nearly four and a half billion
dollars less than in the fiscal year which ended last June 30.
New spending authority has been held below expenditures, re-
ducing government obligations accumulated over the years.
Last year we had a large tax cut and, for the first time in
seventy-five years a basic revision of Federal tax laws. It is now
clear that defense and other essential government costs must
remain at a level precluding further tax reductions this year. Al-
though excise and corporation income taxes must, therefore, be
continued at their present rates, further tax cuts will be possible
when justified by lower expenditures and by revenue increases
arising from the nation's economic growth. I am hopeful that
such reductions can be made next year.
17
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At the foundation of our economic growth are the raw
materials and energy produced from our minerals and fuels, lands
and forests, and water resources. With respect to them, I believe
that the nation must adhere to three fundamental policies: first,
to develop, wisely use and conserve basic resources from gener-
ation to generation; second, to follow the historic pattern of de-
veloping these resources primarily by private citizens under fair
provisions of law, including restraints for proper conservation;
and third, to treat resource development as a partnership under-
taking— a partnership in which the participation of private citi-
zens and State and local governments is as necessary as Federal
participation.
This policy of partnership and cooperation is producing good
results, most immediately noticeable in respect to water resources.
First, it has encouraged local public bodies and private citizens to
plan their own power sources. Increasing numbers of applica-
tions to the Federal Power Commission to conduct surveys and
prepare plans for power development, notably in the Columbia
River Basin, are evidence of local response.
Second, the Federal Government and local and private organi-
zations have been encouraged to coordinate their developments.
This is important because Federal hydroelectric developments
supply but a small fraction of the nation's power needs. Such
partnership projects as Priest Rapids in Washington, the Coosa
River development in Alabama, and Markham Ferry in Okla-
homa already have the approval of the Congress. This year
justifiable projects of a similar nature will again have Administra-
tion support.
Third, the Federal Government must shoulder its own partner-
ship obligations by undertaking projects of such complexity and
size that their success requires Federal development. In keep-
ing with this principle, I again urge the Congress to approve the
development of the Upper Colorado River Basin to conserve and
assure better use of precious water essential to the future of the
West.
i8
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ 7955 ^ 4
In addition, the 1956 budget will recommend appropriations
to start six new reclamation and more than thirty new Corps of
Engineers projects of varying size. Going projects and investi-
gations of potential new resource developments will be continued.
Although this partnership approach is producing encouraging
results, its full success requires a nation-wide comprehensive water
resources policy firmly based in law. Such a policy is under
preparation and when completed will be submitted to the
Congress.
In the interest of their proper conservation, development and
use, continued vigilance will be maintained over our fisheries,
wildlife resources, the national parks and forests, and the public
lands; and we shall continue to encourage an orderly develop-
ment of the nation's mineral resources.
A modern, efficient highway system is essential to meet the
needs of our growing population, our expanding economy, and
our national security. We are accelerating our highway im-
provement program as rapidly as possible under existing State
and Federal laws and authorizations. However, this effort will
not in itself assure our people of an adequate highway system.
On my recommendation, this problem has been carefully con-
sidered by the Conference of State Governors and by a special
Advisory Committee on a National Highway Program, com-
posed of leading private citizens. I have received the recom-
mendations of the Governors' Conference and will shortly receive
the views of the special Advisory Committee. Aided by their
findings, I shall submit on January 27th detailed recommenda-
tions which will meet our most pressing national highway needs.
In further recognition of the importance of transportation to
our economic strength and security, the Administration, through
a Cabinet committee, is thoroughly examining existing Federal
transportation policies to determine their effect on the adequacy
of transportation services. This is the first such comprehensive
review directly undertaken by the Executive Branch of the gov-
ernment in modern times. We are not only examining major
19
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problems facing the various modes of transport; we are also study-
ing closely the inter-relationships of civilian and government
requirements for transportation. Legislation will be recom-
mended to correct policy deficiencies which we may find.
The nation's public works activities are tremendous in scope.
It is expected that more than $12 billion will be expended in 1955
for the development of land, water and other resources; control
of floods, and navigation and harbor improvements; construction
of roads, schools, and municipal water supplies, and disposal of
domestic and industrial wastes. Many of the Federal, State and
local agencies responsible for this work are, in their separate
capacities, highly eflficient. But public works activities are closely
inter-related and have a substantial influence on the growth of the
country. Moreover, in times of threatening economic contrac-
tion, they may become a valuable sustaining force. To these
ends, efficient planning and execution of the nation's public works
require both the coordination of Federal activities and effective
cooperation with State and local governments.
The Council of Economic Advisers, through its public works
planning section, has made important advances during the past
year in effecting this coordination and cooperation. In view of
the success of these initial efforts, and to give more emphasis and
continuity to this essential coordination, I shall request the Con-
gress to appropriate funds for the support of an Office of Coordi-
nator of Public Works in the Executive Office of the President.
A most significant element in our growing economy is an agri-
culture that is stable, prosperous and free. The problems of our
agriculture have evolved over many years and cannot be solved
overnight; nevertheless, governmental actions last year hold great
promise of fostering a better balance between production and
markets and, consequently, a better and more stable income for
our farmers.
Through vigorous administration and through new authority
provided by the 83rd Congress, surplus farm products are now
moving into consumption. From February 1953 through Novem-
20
Dwight D, Eisenhower^ 1Q55 ^ 4
ber 1954, the rate of increase of government-held surpluses has
been reduced by our moving into use more than 2.3 billion dollars'
worth of government-owned farm commodities; this amount is
equal to more than seven percent of a year's production of all our
farms and ranches. Domestic consumption remains high, and
farm exports will be higher than last year. As a result of the
flexibility provided by the Agricultural Act of 1954, we can move
toward less restrictive acreage controls.
Thus, farm production is gradually adjusting to markets, mar-
kets are being expanded, and stocks are moving into use. We
can now look forward to an easing of the influences depressing
farm prices, to reduced government expenditures for purchase of
surplus products, and to less Federal intrusion into the lives and
plans of our farm people. Agricultural programs have been re-
directed toward better balance, greater stability and sustained
prosperity. We are headed in the right direction. I urgently
recommend to the Congress that we continue resolutely on this
road.
Greater attention must be directed to the needs of low-income
farm families. Twenty-eight per cent of our farm-operator fam-
ilies have net cash incomes of less than $1,000 per year. Last
year, at my request, careful studies were made of the problems of
these farm people. I shall later submit recommendations de-
signed to assure the steady alleviation of their most pressing
concerns.
Because drought also remains a serious agricultural problem,
I shall recommend legislation to strengthen Federal disaster assist-
ance programs. This legislation will prescribe an improved ap-
praisal of need, better adjustment of the various programs to local
conditions, and a more equitable sharing of costs between the
States and the Federal Government.
The prosperity of our small business enterprises is an indispen-
sable element in the maintenance of our economic strength.
Creation of the Small Business Administration and recently en-
21
^ 4 Public Papers of the Presidents
acted tax laws facilitating small business expansion are but two
of many important steps we have taken to encourage our smaller
enterprises. I recommend that the Congress extend the Small
Business Act of 1953 which is due to expire next June.
We come now to the third great purpose of our government —
its concern for the health, productivity and well-being of all our
people.
Every citizen wants to give full expression to his God-given
talents and abilities and to have the recognition and respect ac-
corded under our religious and political traditions. Americans
also want a good material standard of living — not simply to ac-
cumulate possessions, but to fulfill a legitimate aspiration for an
environment in which their families may live meaningful and
happy lives. Our people are committed, therefore, to the creation
and preservation of opportunity for every citizen to lead a more
rewarding life. They are equally committed to the alleviation
of misfortune and distress among their fellow citizens.
The aspirations of most of our people can best be fulfilled
through their own enterprise and initiative, without government
interference. This Administration, therefore, follows two simple
rules: first, the Federal Government should perform an essential
task only when it cannot otherwise be adequately performed; and
jsecond, in performing that task, our government must not impair
the self-respect, freedom and incentive of the individual. So
long as these two rules are observed, the government can fully
meet its obligation without creating a dependent population or
a domineering bureaucracy.
During the past two years, notable advances were made in
these functions of government. Protection of old-age and sur-
vivors' insurance was extended to an additional ten million of our
people, and the benefits were substantially increased. Legislation
was enacted to provide unemployment insurance protection to
some four million additional Americans. Stabilization of living
22
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 4
costs and the halting of inflation protected the value of pensions
and savings. A broad program now helps to bring good homes
within the reach of the great majority of our people. With the
States, we are providing rehabihtation facilities and more clinics,
hospitals, and nursing homes for patients with chronic illnesses.
Also with the States, we have begun a great and fruitful expansion
in the restoration of disabled persons to employment and useful
lives. In the areas of Federal responsibility, we have made his-
toric progress in eliminating from among our people demeaning
practices based on race or color.
All of us may be proud of these achievements during the past
two years. Yet essential Federal tasks remain to be done.
As part of our efforts to provide decent, safe and sanitary hous-
ing for low-income families, we must carry forward the housing
program authorized during the 83rd Congress. We must also
authorize contracts for a firm program of 35,000 additional
public housing units in each of the next two fiscal years. This
program will meet the most pressing obligations of the Federal
Government into the 1958 fiscal year for planning and building
public housing. By that time the private building industry, aided
by the Housing Act of 1954, will have had the opportunity to
assume its full role in providing adequate housing for our low-
income families.
The health of our people is one of our most precious assets.
Preventable sickness should be prevented; knowledge available to
combat disease and disability should be fully used. Otherwise,
we as a people are guilty not only of neglect of human suffering
but also of wasting our national strength.
Constant advances in medical care are not available to enough
of our citizens. Clearly our nation must do more to reduce the
impact of accident and disease. Two fundamental problems con-
front us: first, high and ever-rising costs of health services; sec-
ond, serious gaps and shortages in these services.
By special message on January 24, I shall propose a coordi-
nated program to strengthen and improve existing health services.
23
^ 4 Public Papers of the Presidents
This program will continue to reject socialized medicine. It will
emphasize individual and local responsibility. Under it the Fed-
eral Government will neither dominate nor direct, but serve as a
helpful partner. Within this framework, the program can be
broad in scope.
My recommendations will include a Federal health reinsur-
ance service to encourage the development of more and better
voluntary health insurance coverage by private organizations. I
shall also recommend measures to improve the medical care of
that group of our citizens who, because of need, receive Federal-
State public assistance. These two proposals will help more of
our people to meet the costs of health services.
To reduce the gaps in these services, I shall propose :
New measures to facilitate construction of needed health facili-
ties and help reduce shortages of trained health personnel;
Vigorous steps to combat the misery and national loss involved
in mental illness;
Improved services for crippled children and for maternal and
child health ;
Better consumer protection under our existing pure food and
drug laws; and, finally.
Strengthened programs to combat the increasingly serious pol-
lution of our rivers and streams and the growing problem of air
pollution.
These measures together constitute a comprehensive program
holding rich promise for better health for all of our people.
Last year's expansion of social security coverage and our new
program of improved medical care for public assistance recipi-
ents together suggest modification of the formula for Federal
sharing in old age assistance payments. I recommend modifica-
tion of the formula where such payments will, in the future,
supplement benefits received under the old age and survivors
insurance system.
It is the inalienable right of every person, from childhood
on, to have access to knowledge. In our form of society, this
24
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 4
right of the individual takes on a special meaning, for the educa-
tion of all our citizens is imperative to the maintenance and in-
vigoration of America's free institutions.
Today, we face grave educational problems. Effective and
up-to-date analyses of these problems and their solutions are being
carried forward through the individual State conferences and
the White House Conference to be completed this year.
However, such factors as population growth, additional re-
sponsibilities of schools, and increased and longer school attend-
ance have produced an unprecedented classroom shortage. This
shortage is of immediate concern to all of our people. Positive,
affirmative action must be taken now.
Without impairing in any way the responsibilities of our States,
localities, communities, or families, the Federal government can
and should serve as an effective catalyst in dealing with this
problem. I shall forward a special message to the Congress on
February 15, presenting an affirmative program dealing with this
shortage.
To help the States do a better and more timely job, we must
strengthen their resources for preventing and dealing with juve-
nile delinquency. I shall propose Federal legislation to assist the
States to promote concerted action in dealing with this nation-
wide problem. I shall carry forward the vigorous efforts of the
Administration to improve the international control of the traffic
in narcotics and, in cooperation with State and local agencies,
to combat narcotic addiction in our country.
I should like to speak now of additional matters of importance
to all our people and especially to our wage earners.
During the past year certain industrial changes and the read-
justment of the economy to conditions of peace brought unem-
ployment and other difficulties to various localities and indus-
tries. These problems are engaging our most earnest attention.
But for the overwhelming majority of our working people, the
past year has meant good jobs. Moreover, the earnings and sav-
ings of our wage earners are no longer depreciating in value.
25
^ 4 Public Papers of the Presidents
Because of cooperative relations between labor and manage-
ment, fewer working days were lost through strikes in 1954 than
in any year in the past decade.
The outlook for our wage earners can be made still more
promising by several legislative actions.
First, in the past five years we have had economic growth
which will support an increase in the Federal minimum wage.
In the light of present economic conditions, I recommend its in-
crease to ninety cents an hour. I also recommend that many
others, at present excluded, be given the protection of a minimum
wage.
Second, I renew my recommendation of last year for amend-
ment of the Labor Management Relations Act of 1947 to fur-
ther the basic objectives of this statute. I especially call to the
attention of the Congress amendments dealing with the right of
economic strikers to vote in representation elections and the need
for equalizing the obligation under the Act to file disclaimers of
Communist affiliation.
Third, the Administration will propose other important
measures including occupational safety, workmen's compensation
for longshoremen and harbor workers, and the "Eight Hour
Laws" applicable to Federal contractors. Legislation will also
be proposed respecting nonoccupational disability insurance and
unemployment compensation in the District of Columbia.
In considering human needs, the Federal Government must
take special responsibility for citizens in its direct employ. On
January 11 I shall propose a pay adjustment plan for civilian
employees outside the Postal Field Service to correct inequities
and increase individual pay rates. I shall also recommend volun-
tary health insurance on a contributory basis for Federal em-
ployees and their dependents. In keeping with the Group Life
Insurance Act passed in the 83rd Congress, this protection should
be provided on the group insurance principle and purchased from
private facilities. Also on January 1 1 I shall recommend a mod-
ern pay plan, including pay increases, for postal field employees.
26
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig55 ^ 4
As part of this program, and to carry forward our progress toward
elimination of the large annual postal deficit, I shall renew my
request for an increase in postal rates. Again I urge that in the
future the fixing of rates be delegated to an impartial, independent
body.
More adequate training programs to equip career employees
of the government to render improved public service will be rec-
ommended, as will improvements in the laws affecting employees
serving on foreign assignments.
Needed improvements in survivor, disability, and retirement
benefits for Federal civilian and military personnel have been
extensively considered by the Committee on Retirement Policy
for Federal personnel. The Committee's proposals would
strengthen and improve benefits for our career people in govern-
ment, and I endorse their broad objectives. Full contributory
coverage under old-age and survivors' insurance should be made
available to all Federal personnel, just as in private industry. For
career military personnel, the protection of the old-age and sur-
vivors' insurance system would be an important and long-needed
addition, especially to their present unequal and inadequate
survivorship protection. The military retirement pay system
should remain separate and unchanged. Certain adjustments
in the present civilian personnel retirement systems will be needed
to reflect the additional protection of old-age and survivors' insur-
ance. However, these systems also are a basic part of a total
compensation and should be separately and independently
retained.
I also urge the Congress to approve a long overdue increase in
the salaries of Members of the Congress and of the Federal
judiciary to a level commensurate with their heavy responsibilities.
Our concern for the individual in our country requires that we
consider several additional problems.
We must continue our program. to help our Indian citizens im-
prove their lot and make their full contribution to national life.
Two years ago I advised the Congress of injustices under exist-
27
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ing immigration laws. Through humane administration, the
Department of Justice is doing what it legally can to alleviate
hardships. Clearance of aliens before arrival has been initiated,
and except for criminal offenders, the imprisonment of aliens
awaiting admission or deportation has been stopped. Certain
provisions of law, however, have the effect of compelling action in
respect to aliens which are inequitable in some instances and
discriminatory in others. These provisions should be corrected in
this session of the Congress.
As the complex problems of Alaska are resolved, that Territory
should expect to achieve statehood. In the meantime, there is no
justification for deferring the admission to statehood of Hawaii.
I again urge approval of this measure.
We have three splendid opportunities to demonstrate the
strength of our belief in the right of suffrage. First, I again urge
that a Constitutional amendment be submitted to the States to
reduce the voting age for Federal elections. Second, I renew
my request that the principle of self-government be extended and
the right of suffrage granted to the citizens of the District of
Columbia. Third, I again recommend that we work with the
States to preserve the voting rights of citizens in the nation's
service overseas.
In our determination to keep faith with those who in the past
have met the highest call of citizenship, we now have under study
the system of benefits for veterans and for surviving dependents
of deceased veterans and servicemen. Studies will be undertaken
to determine the need for measures to ease the readjustment to
civilian life of men required to enter the armed forces for two
years of service.
In the advancement of the various activities which will make
our civilization endure and flourish, the Federal Government
should do more to give official recognition to the importance of
the arts and other cultural activities. I shall recommend the
establishment of a Federal Advisory Commission on the Arts
within the Department of Health, Education and Welfare, to
28
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ iq§5 ^ 4
advise the Federal Government on ways to encourage artistic
endeavor and appreciation. I shall also propose that awards of
merit be established whereby we can honor our fellow citizens
who make great contribution to the advancement of our
civilization.
Every citizen rightly expects efficient and economical adminis-
tration of these many government programs I have outlined
today. I strongly recommend extension of the Reorganization
Act and the law establishing the Commission on Intergovern-
mental Relations, both of which expire this spring. Thus the
Congress will assure continuation of the excellent progress
recently made in improving government organization and admin-
istration. In this connection we are looking forward with great
interest to the reports which will soon be going to the Congress
from the Commission on Organization of the Executive Branch
of the Government. I am sure that these studies, made under
the chairmanship of former President Herbert Hoover with the
assistance of more than two hundred distinguished citizens, will
be of great value in paving the way toward more efficiency and
economy in the government.
And now, I return to the point at which I began — the faith of
our people.
The many programs here summarized are, I believe, in full
keeping with their needs, interests and aspirations. The obliga-
tions upon us are clear :
To labor earnestly, patiently, prayerfully, for peace, for free-
dom, for justice, throughout the world ;
To keep our economy vigorous and free, that our people may
lead fuller, happier lives;
To advance, not merely by our words but by our acts, the
determination of our government that every citizen shall have
opportunity to develop to his fullest capacity.
As we do these things, before us is a future filled with oppor-
40308—59 5 SQ
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tunity and hope. That future will be ours if in our time we keep
alive the patience, the courage, the confidence in tomorrow, the
deep faith, of the millions who, in years past, made and preserved
us this nation.
A decade ago, in the death and desolation of European battle-
fields, I saw the courage and resolution, I felt the inspiration, of
American youth. In these young men I felt America's buoyant
confidence and irresistible will-to-do. In them I saw, too, a
devout America, humble before God.
And so, I know with all my heart — and I deeply believe that
all Americans know — that, despite the anxieties of this divided
world, our faith, and the cause in which we all believe, will
surely prevail.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
note: This is the text of the docu- i, 84th Cong., istsess.).
ment which the President signed and The Address as reported from the
transmitted to the Senate and the floor appears in the Congressional
House of Representatives (H. Doc. Record (vol. loi, p. 94).
5 ^ Special Message to the Senate Transmitting
Mutual Defense Treaty Between the United States
and the Republic of China. January 6, 1955
To the Senate of the United States:
With a view to receiving the advice and consent of the Senate
to ratification, I transmit herewith the Mutual Defense Treaty
between the United States of America and the Republic of China,
signed at Washington on December 2, 1954.
I transmit also for the information of the Senate a document
containing statements made by the Secretary of State and the
Chinese Minister for Foreign Affairs on the occasion of the
initialing of the Treaty on December 2, 1954, together with a
joint statement regarding conclusion of negotiations for the
30
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 5
Treaty issued simultaneously in Washington and Taipei on
December 1, 1954.
There is further transmitted for the information of the Senate
the report made to me by the Secretary of State regarding the
Treaty.
Finally, there are transmitted for the information of the Sen-
ate texts of notes exchanged by the Secretary of State and the
Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of China on Decem-
ber 10, 1954 which, while not a part of the Treaty, express
agreed understandings as to certain phases of its implementation.
The Mutual Defense Treaty between the United States of
America and the Republic of China is defensive and mutual in
character, designed to deter any attempt by the Chinese Com-
munist regime to bring its aggressive military ambitions to bear
against the treaty area.
This Mutual Defense Treaty, taken in conjunction with simi-
lar treaties already concluded with Japan, Korea, the Philip-
pines, and Australia and New Zealand, reinforces the system of
collective security in the Pacific Area. It is also complementary
to the action taken in the signing of the Southeast Asia Collec-
tive Defense Treaty at Manila on September 8, 1954.
I recommend that the Senate give early and favorable con-
sideration to the Treaty submitted herewith, and advise and
consent to its ratification.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
note: The text of the treaty and The treaty was ratified by the
the documents submitted with this Senate on February 9, entered into
message are printed in Senate Ex- force March 3, and was proclaimed
ecutive A (84th Cong., ist sess.). by the President on April i, 1955.
31
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6 ^ Special Message to the Congress on the
Foreign Economic Policy of the United States.
January lo, 1955
To the Congress of the United States:
For the consideration of the Congress, I submit my recommen-
dations for further developing the foreign economic policy of the
United States. Although largely based upon my Special Message
to the Congress of March 30, 1954, these proposals are the
product of fresh review.
The nation's enlightened self-interest and sense of responsi-
bility as a leader among the free nations require a foreign eco-
nomic program that will stimulate economic growth in the free
world through enlarging opportunities for the fuller operation of
the forces of free enterprise and competitive markets. Our own
self-interest requires such a program because (i) economic
strength among our aUies is essential to our security; (2) eco-
nomic growth in underdeveloped areas is necessary to lessen in-
ternational instability growing out of the vulnerability of such
areas to Communist penetration and subversion; and (3) an
increasing volume of world production and trade will help assure
our own economic growth and a rising standard of living among
our own people.
In the world-wide struggle between the forces of freedom and
those of communism, we have wisely recognized that the security
of each nation in the free world is dependent upon the security
of all other nations in the free world. The measure of that secu-
rity in turn is dependent upon the economic strength of all free
nations, for without economic strength they cannot support the
military establishments that are necessary to deter Communist
armed aggression. Economic strength is indispensable, as well,
in securing themselves against internal Communist subversion.
For every country in the free world, economic strength is de-
32
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 6
pendent upon high levels of economic activity internally and high
levels of international trade. No nation can be economically
self-sufficient. Nations must buy from other nations, and in
order to pay for what they buy they must sell. It is essential for
the security of the United States and the rest of the free world
that the United States take the leadership in promoting the
achievement of those high levels of trade that will bring to all the
economic strength upon which the freedom and security of all
depends. Those high levels of trade can be promoted by the
specific measures with respect to trade barriers recommended in
this message, by the greater flow of capital among nations of the
free world, by convertibility of currencies, by an expanded inter-
change of technical counsel, and by an increase in international
travel.
From the military standpoint, our national strength has been
augmented by the over-all military alliance of the nations con-
stituting the free world. This free world alliance will be most
firmly cemented when its association is based on flourishing mu-
tual trade as well as common ideals, interests and aspirations.
Mutually advantageous trade relationships are not only profit-
able, but they are also more binding and more enduring than
costly grants and other forms of aid.
Today numerous uneconomic, man-made barriers to mutually
advantageous trade and the flow of investment are preventing
the nations of the free world from achieving their full economic
potential. International trade and investment are not making
their full contribution to production, employment and income.
Over a large area of the world currencies are not yet convertible.
We and our friends abroad must together undertake the lower-
ing of the unjustifiable barriers to trade and investment, and we
must do it on a mutual basis so that the benefits may be shared
by all.
Such action will add strength to our own domestic economy
and help assure a rising standard of living among our people by
opening new markets for our farms and factories and mines.
33
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The program that I am here recommending is moderate,
gradual and reciprocal. Radical or sudden tariff reductions
would not be to the interest of the United States and would not
accomplish the goal we seek. A moderate program, however,
can add immeasurably to the security and well-being of the
United States and the rest of the free world.
TRADE AGREEMENT AUTHORirY
I request a three-year extension of Presidential authority to
negotiate tariff reductions with other nations on a gradual, selec-
tive and reciprocal basis. This authority would permit negotia-
tions for reductions in those barriers that now limit the markets
for our goods throughout the world. I shall ask all nations with
whom we trade to take similar steps in their relations with each
other.
The three-year extension of the Trade Agreements Act should
authorize, subject to the present peril and escape clause pro-
visions:
1. Reduction, through multilateral and reciprocal negotia-
tions, of tariff rates on selected commodities by not more than five
percent per year for three years;
2. Reduction, through multilateral and reciprocal negotia-
tions, of any tariff rates in excess of fifty percent to that level over
a three-year period; and
3. Reduction, by not more than one-half over a three-year
period, of tariff rates in effect on January i, 1945, on articles
which are not now being imported or which are being imported
only in negligible quantities.
THE GENERAL AGREEMENT ON TARIFFS AND TRADE
For approximately seven years the United States has cooper-
ated with all the major trading nations of the free world in an
effort to reduce trade barriers. The instrument of cooperation
is the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Through this
Agreement the United States has sought to carry out the pro-
34
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 6
visions and purpose of the Trade Agreements Act.
The United States and thirty-three other trading countries are
now reviewing the provisions of the Agreement for the purpose of
making it a simpler and more effective instrument for the devel-
opment of a sound system of world trade. When the current
negotiations on the revision of the organizational provisions of
the General Agreement are satisfactorily completed, the results
will be submitted to the Congress for its approval.
CUSTOMS ADMINISTRATION AND PROCEDURE
Considerable progress has been made in freeing imports from
unnecessary customs administrative burdens. Still more, how-
ever, needs to be done in the three areas I mentioned in my mes-
sage last year: (i) the simplification of commodity definitions,
classification and rate structures; (2) improvement in standards
for the valuation of imports; and (3) further improvement of
procedures for customs administration.
An important step toward simplification of the tariff structure
was taken by the Congress last year with the passage of the Cus-
toms Simplification Act which directs the Tariff Commission to
study the difficulties of commodity classification of imports. The
interim report of the Tariff Commission to be made by next
March 15 should help enable the Congress to determine whether
further legislative steps should then be taken or should await
submission of the final report.
The uncertainties and confusion arising from the complex sys-
tem of valuation on imported articles cause unwarranted delays
in the determination of customs duties. I urge the Congress to
give favorable consideration to legislation for remedying this
situation.
The improvement of customs admiaistration requires continu-
ous effort, as the Congress recognized by enacting the Customs
SimpHfication Acts of 1953 ^^d 1954. The Treasury Depart-
ment in its annual report to the Congress will review the remain-
ing reasons for delay or difficulty in processing imported articles
35
^ 6 Public Papers of the Presidents
through customs and will propose still further technical amend-
ments to simplify customs procedures.
UNITED STATES INVESTMENT ABROAD
The whole free world needs capital; America is its largest
source. In that light, the flow of capital abroad from our country
must be stimulated and in such a manner that it results in invest-
ment largely by individuals or private enterprises rather than by
government.
An increased flow of United States private investment funds
abroad, especially to the underdeveloped areas, could contribute
much to the expansion of two-way international trade. The un-
derdeveloped countries would thus be enabled more easily to ac-
quire the capital equipment so badly needed by them to achieve
sound economic growth and higher living standards. This
would do much to offset the false but alluring promises of the
Communists.
To facilitate the investment of capital abroad I recommend
enactment of legislation providing for taxation of business income
from foreign subsidiaries or branches at a rate fourteen percentage
points lower than the corporate rate on domestic income, and a
deferral of tax on income of foreign branches until it is removed
from the country where it is earned.
I propose also to explore the further use of tax treaties with the
possible recognition of tax concessions made to foreign capital by
other countries. Under proper safeguards, credit could be given
for foreign income taxes which are waived for an initial limited
period, as we now grant credit for taxes which are imposed. This
would give maximum effectiveness to foreign tax laws designed to
encourage new enterprises.
As a further step to stimulate investment abroad, I recom-
mend approval by the Congress at the appropriate time of mem-
bership in the proposed International Finance Corporation, which
will be affiliated with the International Bank for Reconstruction
and Development. This Corporation will be designed to increase
36
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1Q55 ^ 6
private investment in less developed countries by making loans
without Government guarantees. Although the Corporation will
not purchase stock, it will provide venture capital through invest-
ing in debentures and similar obligations. Its operation will cover
a field not dealt with by an existing institution.
The Executive Branch will continue through our diplomatic
representatives abroad to encourage a climate favorable to the
private enterprise concept in investment.
We shall continue to seek other new ways to enlarge the out-
ward flow of capital.
It must be recognized, however, that when American private
capital moves abroad it properly expects to bring home its fair
reward. This can only be accomplished in the last analysis by our
willingness to purchase more goods and services from abroad in
order to provide the dollars for these growing remittances. This
fact is a further compelling reason for a fair and forward-looking
trade policy on our part.
TECHNICAL COOPERATION
The United States has a vast store of practical and scientific
know-how that is needed in the underdeveloped areas of the
world. The United States has a responsibility to make it avail-
able. Its flow for peaceful purposes must remain unfettered.
United States participation in technical cooperation programs
should be carried forward. These programs should be con-
cerned with know-how rather than large funds. In my budget
message next week, I shall recommend that the Congress make
available the funds required to support the multilateral technical
cooperation programs of the United Nations. The bilateral
programs of the United States should be pressed vigorously.
INTERNATIONAL TRAVEL
The United States remains committed to the objective of free-
dom of travel throughout the world. Encouragement given to
travel abroad is extremely important both for its cultural and
40308—59 6 37
^ 6 Public Papers of the Presidents
social importance in the free world, and for its economic benefits.
Travel abroad by Americans provides an important source of
dollars for many countries. The Executive Branch shall continue
to look for ways of facilitating international travel and shall con-
tinue to cooperate with private travel agencies.
One legislative action that would be beneficial in this field is
the increase of the present duty-free allowances for tourists from
$500 to $1,000 exercisable every six months. I recommend the
passage of such legislation.
TRADE FAIRS
International trade fairs have been of major importance to
foreign countries for many years, and most of the trading nations
have strengthened the promotional aspects of their industrial
displays in many fairs with a central exhibit designed to empha-
size the industrial progress and achievement of the nation.
Soviet and satellite exhibits, for example, have been costly, well-
planned and housed in expensive structures designed to convey
the impression that the USSR is producing on a large scale for
peace and is creating a paradise for workers.
The United States, which has a larger volume of international
trade than any other nation, until recently has been conspicuous
by its absence at these trade fairs. American visitors and partici-
pants have pointed out the failure of their Government to tell
adequately the story of our free enterprise system and to provide
effective international trade promotion cooperation.
As a result, I have undertaken an international trade fair pro-
gram under the direction of the Department of Commerce. Since
the inauguration of this program in August, participation has
been authorized in eleven fairs to be held before June 30. Sixteen
additional fairs are being considered for exhibition purposes in
the latter part of the year. The first fair in which the United
States presented a central exhibit is that at Bangkok, which
opened December 7, 1954. At it our exhibit was awarded first
38
Dwight D. Eisenhower, IQ55 ^ 6
prize. Over 100 American companies supplied items for inclu-
sion in it.
I shall ask the Congress for funds to continue this program.
CONVERTIBILITY
Convertibility of currencies is required for the development of
a steadily rising volume of world trade and investment. The
achievement of convertibility has not been possible in the post-war
period due to dislocations caused by the war, inflation and other
domestic economic difficulties in many countries, which have
contributed to an imbalance in international trade and payments.
However, steady progress, particularly by western European
countries, is being made toward our mutual objective of restoring
currency convertibility. The foreign economic program pro-
posed here will make an important contribution to the achieve-
ment of convertibility.
AGRICULTURE
No single group within America has a greater stake in a healthy
and expanding foreign trade than the farmers. One-fourth to
one-third of some major crops, such as wheat, cotton and tobacco,
must find markets abroad in order to maintain farm income at
high levels.
If they are to be successful, programs designed to promote the
prosperity of agriculture should be consistent with our foreign
economic program. We must take due account of the effect of
any agricultural program on our foreign economic relations to
assure that it contributes to the development of healthy, expand-
ing foreign markets over the years.
CONCLUSION
The series of recommendations I have just made are all com-
ponents of an integrated program, pointing in a single direction.
Each contributes to the whole. Each advances our national
security by bringing added strength and self-sufficiency to our
39
^ 6 Public Papers of the Presidents
allies. Each contributes to our economic growth and a rising
standard of living among our people.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
note: The President's special mes- paragraph of this message, is printed
sage to the Congress of March 30, in House Document 360 (83d Cong.,
1954, referred to in the opening sdsess.).
7 ^ Message to the Congress Transmitting the
President's First Semiannual Report on Activities
Under the Agricultural Trade Development and
Assistance Act. January lo^ 1955
To the Congress of the United States:
I transmit herewith my first semi-amiual report on the ac-
tivities carried on under Public Law 480, 83rd Congress, as re-
quired by that Law.
Public Law 480 is an expression by Congress of its determina-
tion to deal with the abimdance of our agricultural production
in a constructive way. Despite the problems created by this
abundance, we may be thankful we live in a land which is able
to produce plentifully rather than one which suffers the affiction
of food shortages.
The enclosed report includes the dollar value of the foreign
currency for which commodities exported pursuant to Section
102 (a) of the Act have been sold, as well as the estimated order
of magnitude of the total country programs which have been
generally agreed on but not fully negotiated, together with the
cost to the Commodity Credit Corporation of such sales. The
report also contains a summary of the policies and operating
techniques evolved for the administration of the Act during the
first six months of its existence.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
note: The report is printed in House Document 62 (84th Cong., ist sess.) .
40
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^s ^ 8
8 ^ Special Message to the Congress on Federal
Personnel Management. January 1 1, 1955
To the Congress of the United States:
The Eighty-Third Congress made an outstanding record in
progressive personnel legislation for the benefit of the Govern-
ment and its employees. Among other steps forward, the new
laws improved overtime pay practices, established a Government-
wide incentive awards program, removed restrictive controls on
appointments, authorized group life insurance and extended the
benefits of the unemployment insurance system to Federal work-
ers. These changes have taken us a long way toward the goal of
combining the best practices of private employers with the special
demands of public service.
I am now reconmiending the enactment of legislation to im-
prove other aspects of Federal personnel management, including
adjustments in basic pay scales, group health insurance, employee
training, personnel practices affecting Government employees
stationed overseas, and increased travel allowances. Specific legis-
lative proposals for carrying out these recommendations will be
submitted shortly by the Civil Service Commission, the State
Department and the Bureau of the Budget. Their purpose will
be to bring the average governmental remuneration into line with
prevailing non-governmental standards. I earnestly urge favor-
able consideration of them by the Congress.
ADJUSTMENTS OF PAY SCALES
Pay adjustments are needed ( i ) to recognize more fully the
differences between the duties and responsibilities of positions of
varying levels, (2) to relieve as far as possible, imder the present
ceiling, the increasing compression between the lower and higher
salaries, and (3) to take into account the decline in the real
income of many Federal employees.
The inequities and deficiencies existing in the present pay
41
^ 8 Public Papers of the Presidents
scales of the Classification Act of 1949, as amended, should be
corrected. Similar adjustments should also be made in the pay
schedules provided for employees subject to the Foreign Service
Act of 1946, as amended, and employees in the Veterans Admin-
istration Department of Medicine and Surgery who are subject
to Public Law 293, the 79th Congress, as amended.
In a separate message submitted to the Congress today, I am
recommending appropriate pay adjustments covering employees
of the Postal Field Service.
The recommended changes for the Classification Act group
provide for an upward adjustment of pay rates for each grade,
except that no change is recommended at this time in the ceiling
pay rate of $14,800. Emphasis is placed upon a greater and
more meaningful differential between pay scales of successive
grades. The proposal recognizes the fact that, in general, com-
pensation rates in the lower grades of the Classification Act are
fairly well in line with those prevailing outside the Federal Gov-
ernment while rates in the middle and upper grades have lagged
behind.
Insofar as possible, adjustments in the Foreign Service and
Veterans Administration pay schedules should parallel the dollar
amounts of pay adjustments provided for Classification Act em-
ployees at similar levels.
For Classification Act employees, the recommended pay
adjustments would add an additional $202,000,000 or approxi-
mately 5 percent to present payroll costs. Even though the cor-
rection of inequities in the middle and upper pay levels is a
primary objective of the Classification Act pay adjustments, 45.5
percent of the cost results from additional pay proposed for the
lowest five grades. Only 4.5 percent will be applied in the
highest five grades. The proposed pay schedules are presented
in an appendix to this message.
Proposed changes for employees subject to the Foreign Service
Act and those in the Department of Medicine and Surgery of
the Veterans Administration, which are incorporated in the com-
42
Dwight D. Eisenhower, IQ55 ^ 8
prehensive proposal, will add approximately $8,500,000 to the
cost, making the over-all total approximately $210,000,000.
The Classification Act of 1949, as amended, sets a ceiling on
the number of positions that can be placed in grades 16, 17, and
18. Without regard to this ceiling, nineteen other statutory
authorities permit or require the establishment of additional posi-
tions in these three highest grades. The Classification Act
limitation coupled with this complex array of other authorizatidhs
seriously hampers our ability to meet the changing needs of the
Govemment. These conditions prevent sound pay administra-
tion and handicap the Federal Service in recruiting and retain-
ing top level personnel. Therefore, I am recommending the re-
moval of this ceiling, and urge the consolidation of all existing
authorities.
GROUP HEALTH INSURANCE
As another means for strengthening the Federal Service, I pro-
pose for the consideration of the Congress a contributory system
of voluntary health insurance for civilian employees in all
branches of the Government and their dependents.
This contributory system has been designed to meet the require-
ments of the Federal service and to take into account the experi-
ence of private employers. The system would permit employees
to choose either a standard plan of uniform benefits or an ap-
proved plan operating in an individual community when more
suitable to employees in that location. It is proposed that the
Government contribute approximately one-third the cost of the
insurance for the employees and their dependents. It is esti-
mated that the annual cost to the Government will be approxi-
mately $55,000,000.
Under the standard plan, a comprehensive set of uniform bene-
fits will be offered, including reimbursement for the costs of hos-
pitalization, surgery, and other personal health services. The
newest health insurance features, such as major medical or
catastrophe coverage, are included. Appropriate provisions
43
^ 8 Public Papers of the Presidents
will be made for the continuance of substantial protection for
employees and their dependents after they retire in the future — a
valuable feature inasmuch as health insurance protection is fre-
quently beyond the reach of those at the older ages.
Where the standard plan is not desired, provision is also made
for employees in the various localities to purchase, with Govern-
ment contributions, approved plans of health insurance especially
suited to their needs.
All types of insurers are to be utilized under orderly processes
established and supervised by the Civil Service Commission.
This contributory system has been developed through the co-
operative efforts of representatives of employee groups, insuring
organizations and the leaders among the professions in the field
of health.
EMPLOYEE TRAINING
Attainment of the greatest possible efficiency in governmental
operations is a major goal of this Administration. Achievement
of this goal requires the effective use of training facilities outside
as well as within Government to maintain a high level of com-
petence in the Federal civilian career service.
Most civilian agencies of Government do not have compre-
hensive and adequate training programs, chiefly because there is
no general statutory authority to use outside training facilities.
Although it is clearly in the Government's interest to do so, many
agencies now cannot send employees to private laboratories, in-
dustrial plants, universities, or state agencies for critically needed
training in the use of new methods, techniques and machines.
A comprehensive training program should be authorized that
will ( I ) permit Government agencies to use outside facilities for
training required to meet operating needs when it is in the Gov-
ernment's interest, ( 2 ) consolidate in one law the training author-
ities now carried in many separate statutes, and (3) permit the
establishment of Government-wide policies and effective controls
on the use of outside training facilities.
44
Dwight D, Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 8
OVERSEAS PERSONNEL MANAGEMENT
At present many different Government agencies conduct a
wide variety of governmental functions in the territories and
foreign countries ranging from such activities as postal service and
aid to veterans to such newer operations as economic and mili-
tary aid and technical development programs. The development
of sound personnel practices has not always been able to keep
pace with the necessarily accelerated growth of Federal opera-
tions overseas.
The Civil Service Commission is now taking action, in coopera-
tion with the Federal agencies concerned, to extend the com-
petitive service to those operations overseas that should be in-
cluded within the regular civil service system. This will be done
in the near future and does not require new legislation.
The State Department already has under way an action pro-
gram designed to improve personnel administration in both its
overseas and departmental activities at home. This program
results from the recommendations made by a committee of dis-
tinguished citizens appointed by the Secretary of State in March,
1954. Certain features of the program will require new legisla-
tion in the form of amendments to the Foreign Service Act of
1946. These are now in preparation by the State Department.
There is also a need for improvements in certain conditions
affecting all United States citizens employed overseas. Such
matters as allowances, leave, housing, retirement, and health, and
medical care as well as the whole range of problems posed by the
management of alien personnel, require attention. As a first step,
the Civil Service Commission will propose for consideration by
the Congress comprehensive recommendations on allowances and
leave for overseas personnel.
TRAVEL ALLOWANCES
The per diem allowance of $9.00 for civilian employees who
travel on official business was established in 1949. Since that
45
tewlston Public Ubrary
Lewiston, Mainf-
^ 8 Public Papers of the Presidents
time the cost of lodging, meals, and incidental expenses has in-
creased. It is not fair to ask Government employees to defray
part of their official travel and subsistence expenses from their
personal funds. Recommendations soon will be submitted to the
Congress for an appropriate increase in the present rate.
The various measures, described in this message, are essential
to the further improvement of the Federal career service, I
earnestly urge that the necessary legislation be enacted by the
Congress.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
NOTE : This message, together with ules, is published in House Document
the appended proposed pay sched- 66 (84th Cong., ist sess.).
9 ^ Special Message to the Congress on Postal
Pay and Rates. January 1 1 , 1 955.
To the Congress of the United States:
The Post Office Department, in its daily operations, affects the
entire Ufe of the RepubUc from the family home to the great
industry. A vast business-type enterprise within Government, the
Post Office Department, consequently, requires a continuing
vigilance that its methods, practices and policies assure the most
efficient possible service to the public. The measures recom-
mended in this message are designed to that end.
Last August 23 in announcing my disapproval of H.R. 7774,
"An Act to Increase the Rates of Compensation of Classified,
Postal and Other Employees of the Govemment, and for Other
Purposes", I expressed a purpose to continue to encourage the
enactment of legislation to correct obvious distortions in the pay
scales of the postal service and to provide for a more proper and
effective relationship between pay and work performed.
I also pointed out the necessity of adequate postage rates in
46
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 9
order to check a deficit in the operation of the Post Office De-
partment which, since World War 11, has reached the staggering
total of more than four billions of dollars.
An increase in the average wage of Postal employees along
with correction of the serious inequities in the salary structure is
an essential step in bringing the wage scale into line with non-
governmental standards and in furthering the progressive person-
nel program to which the Administration is committed. The
increase must be accompanied by a salary plan which will place
the wages for postal service positions in proper relationship to
each other so that inequities will be eliminated, incentive for
advancement offered and the principle of higher pay for more
difficult and responsible work followed.
In order to accomplish these objectives, the Postmaster General
will submit to the Congress a new postal salary plan along with
a five percent increase in basic salary rates. This plan will in-
clude reasonably detailed descriptions of the series of key posi-
tions to which the great majority of postal employees are assigned.
A rate range for each of these positions will be recommended,
and together this series of rate ranges will make up a related,
uniform and equitable salary schedule.
The Congress will be asked to include the key position de-
scriptions and their appropriate salary ranges in the legislation,
thus assigning specific wage rates to the bulk of the positions
common to all offices of the Postal Service.
The Post Office Department should then be granted the au-
thority to allocate the remaining positions, held by the relatively
few employees whose work is not covered by a key position, to
the proper level in the salary schedule on the basis of a compari-
son of the duties and responsibilities of these positions with the
duties and responsibilities of the key positions.
In the allocation of the positions other than the key positions
to the proper salary level an appeal procedure will be provided.
Further, to insure that the salary plan will not work to the dis-
advantage of any employee, the legislation proposed will incorpo-
47
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rate a guarantee against reduction of salary so long as the em-
ployee occupies the same or a position comparable to that which
he held at the time of the installation of the plan.
This legislation would eliminate the inequities inherent in the
present inflexible system which requires assignment of all em-
ployees to a limited number of job titles, in many cases having no
relation to the work actually performed. The present practice of
paying salaries to some employees on the basis of the number of
cubic feet in the area they supervise, or solely in relation to the
number of employees under their direction, would be replaced
by a system requiring that salaries be based on the actual duties
and responsibilities of the position.
Under this plan, postmasters of the nation would receive sal-
aries commensurate with the volume of work and the level of the
responsibility of their offices rather than solely on the basis of
cash receipts which presently govern their compensation. This
practice results in discrimination against those holding offices
where incoming mail represents most of the business volume.
The total cost of wage adjustments in the Postal Service is
estimated at $129,000,000 a year. I recommend adoption of
legislation incorporating these proposals.
The 83 rd Congress authorized appropriations to be made for
the furnishing of uniforms or the payment of an annual allow-
ance to employees, including those of the Post Office Department,
required by law or regulation to wear a prescribed uniform while
on official duty. This measure, when Congress makes funds avail-
able, will benefit Post Office employees by an estimated
$13,500,000 a year.
I am recommending in another special message today a health
insurance plan to round out the federal personnel benefits pro-
gram enacted by the 83rd Congress. This program already has
provided group life insurance, unemployment compensation,
elimination of restrictions on permanent promotions and rein-
statements, adjustment of the statutory limit on the number of
career employees, elimination of arbitrary restrictions on accu-
48
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 9
mulation of annual leave, and a liberalized incentive awards
system.
I wish to reaffirm my position that sound fiscal management
requires consideration of revenues as well as costs. To this end,
I am requesting that Congress also consider legislation to adjust
postal rates to provide needed revenue.
The combined postal deficits of the 156 years of our history
as a nation, up to 1945, are far less than the losses sustained in
the last nine years. The anomaly of this situation is that the
period which has witnessed this record-breaking deficit in the
operations of the postal service has also been a decade of un-
precedented national prosperity. Employment, production and
use of the mails have been at an all time high and yet postal
deficits have occurred year after year. Clearly it is time to re-
affirm the need for sound fiscal management of the Post Office
Department and to develop a positive program towards this end.
In fiscal 1954 the Post Office Department received revenues of
$2,268,000,000 for services performed at a cost of $2,667,000,000,
thus leaving a deficit of $399,000,000 in its operation. The serv-
ices performed by the Post Office Department are of measurable
value to the recipients. When the rates of postal services fail to
provide sufficient revenues to meet the total cost of the service,
the difference must be made up by general tax revenues.
A practice of this kind is neither equitable nor reasonable; it
is neither good business nor good government. Even if a case
could be made for regarding the postal patron and the taxpayer as
one and the same, prudence and good sense would compel us to
face the fact that it is far more efficient to collect the necessary
revenues in direct exchange for services at the post office window
than by the more costly methods of general taxation.
The Post Office is constandy working to reduce the deficit by
improving the efficiency of its operations. During the last two
years substantial progress has been made in organization, mail
handling, transportation, mechanization, record keeping, and
accounting methods. The Postmaster General has also taken the
49
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initiative in increasing rates and fees within his jurisdiction.
As a result of these measures there has been a recent reversal of
the postwar trend of ever increasing postal deficits. These are
the operating deficits for each of the last five years :
Fiscal Operating
Year Deficit
1950 $589, 500, 000
1 95 1 $55 1 , 500j 000
1952 $72 7> ooo> 000
1953 $618, 800, 000
1954 $399, 100, 000
The large deficits in the postwar years are, in part, a direct
consequence of the same inflationary increases in costs which all
business operations have faced. Private business has increased
prices of goods and services to offset increased costs of production.
The Post Office operates in the same economic climate as private
business. It must meet rising costs in very much the same way.
Since 1945, the largest part of the increase in postal expendi-
tures is accounted for by salary increases legislated by Congress
as follows:
Annual Increase in Cost to
Post Office Department
$178, 767, 000
786, 000
$190,631, 000
684, 000
$112,489,000
278, 000
$248, 600, 000
I, 100, 000
These wage adjustments, combined with an expansion in the
number of postal employees necessary to handle the greater
volume of mail, have resulted in an increase in total salary costs
from $858,000,000 in 1945 to $2,002,000,000 in the last fiscal
year.
The increases in wages and other costs since the end of World
50
Date
Public Law
July I, 1945
134
July I, 1945
106
Jan. I, 1946
381
July I, 1946
390
Nov. I, 1949
14281
I 500
Nov. I, 1949
429
July I, 195 1
204
July 8, 1 95 1
201
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 9
War II have affected all classes of mail. It is desirable that the
rates governing each class of mail be advanced in fair proportion.
The Committees of Congress responsible for postal rate legisla-
tion will, of course, want to consider carefully the specific rates
for each class of mail. The Postmaster General will soon sub-
mit to Congress, in addition to his views on increases in postal
pay, detailed recommendations for raising postal rates to more
reasonable levels. I wish to emphasize at this time a few of the
major considerations which seem to me important in raising
rates.
I. First-class mail has always provided by far the greater part
of postal revenues. In 1933 the revenue contribution of first-
class mail was more than 55 percent of total Post Office revenues.
In the last fiscal year first-class mail provided only 40 percent of
such revenues although the proportion of first class volume to the
total volume was only three percentage points lower than in the
earlier year. The failure of this type mail to maintain its revenue
contribution is a major factor in the present postal deficit.
There is, therefore, an urgent need to increase the rate of postage
of first-class mail.
Postal rates are payments made by users of the mails for serv-
ices received. The rate established for each service should reflect
the value of that service in terms of speed, priority of handling,
and the privileges incorporated in each class of mail. If these
factors are taken into consideration in rate-making, the revenue
contribution of first-class mail is clearly inadequate.
The privacy, security and swift dispatch of letter mail; the
priority of service at all times, in all places; and the intrinsic
value of such mail are factors which are pertinent to postal rate-
making in addition to the cost factor.
But the present 3 cent rate for first-class letter mail has not
been increased in almost a quarter of a century. During this
period the costs of all goods and services have almost doubled.
I am convinced that the American people will understand, appre-
ciate, respect and support Congressional action to provide for
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a long-overdue rate increase on letter mail which will go far
towards balancing the postal budget.
2. The revenues derived from second-class mail are clearly
inadequate. These rates which apply to newspapers and maga-
zines should be increased until such matter makes a fair and
reasonable contribution to postal revenues. The Postmaster
General will recommend a two-step increase in second-class
rates which will enable publishers to adjust more readily to the
proposed rate changes.
3. Third-class mail consists largely of advertising matter. In
fiscal year 1954 the revenue contribution of such mail fell sub-
stantially below the cost of providing this service and was a
major factor contributing to the postal deficit. The rates of
postage on such matter should be increased so that the users of
this class of mail pay a proportionately fair share of postal
revenues.
In view of the recurring fiscal problems of the Post Office De-
partment, and of the heavy burden which postal deficits continue
to impose on the Federal treasury, I strongly recommend to
Congress the formal adoption of a policy which will ensure that
in the future the Post Office Department will be essentially
self-supporting.
Certain services which are performed by the Post Office, such
as those for the blind, are a part of general welfare services.
The cost of such services should not be borne by users of the
mails. Expenditures for them, and for services performed for
the Government, should be identified and met by direct
appropriation.
If the Post Office is successfully to meet the challenge of the
future its prices must be sufficiently flexible to reflect changes in
costs and the developing needs of a dynamic economy. It is my
belief that an independent Commission entrusted with the au-
thority to establish and maintain fair and equitable postal rates
can best provide this needed flexibility.
There are also other advantages. Such a Commission, guided
52
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ igss ^ 9
by policies laid down by the Congress, would have the time and
facilities to make thorough analytical studies before prescribing
rate changes. A Commission well versed in the economics of
modern pricing practices can continuously appraise and re-
appraise the soundness of the postal rate structure. Legislation to
secure these ends should be enacted by Congress.
With these views in mind I recommend to Congress the adop-
tion of a temporary increase in postal rates as an interim measure,
and the establishment and activation within the interim period
of a permanent Commission to prescribe future rate adjustments
under broad policy guidance of Congress.
Let me reiterate — the financial problems of the postal service
result, in large measure, from lack of a positive program leading
towards a well-defined fiscal goal. I am^ therefore, recommend-
ing to Congress the following five-point program for the Post
Office Department:
1. Approval of the new salary plan and a 5 percent increase
in basic salary rates.
2. Adoption by Congress of the policy that henceforth the Post
Office Department shall be self-supporting.
3. Separation of those postal costs to be paid by the patron
from those costs which should be paid by general taxation.
4. Establishment by Congress of a permanent Commission
authorized to prescribe postal rate adjustments under policy
guidance of Congress.
5. Enactment by Congress of an interim rate bill which will,
pending activation of the Rate Commission, provide immediate
revenue to meet proposed pay increases and reduce the postal
deficit.
Approval of this program will be in the public interest for it
will further assure efficient service by the Post Office Department.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
note: The President's message on a health program for Federal personnel
appears as Item 25, below.
53
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lo ^ The President's News Conference of
January 12, 1955.
[ This is a complete transcript of the news conference of this date. No
portion of the conference was released for broadcasting or direct quotation
at that time. ]
THE PRESIDENT. Plcasc be Seated.
I don't think I have had a chance to say Happy New Year to
you, which I say now.
There is only one short announcement. We have been reading
in the papers about this trouble in Costa Rica, and I am informed
that the commission set up by the Organization of American
States, which has been successful in the past in settling disputes,
left about 6: i8 this morning for the scene of the trouble.
So, of course, we will have nothing to say about it here until
that investigation is complete and the report is made.
All right, we will go to questions.
Q. Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Mr. President,
do you see any need for any basic revision of the security program
under which the Agriculture Department found Wolf Ladejinsky
a security risk after the State Department had cleared him, and
under which the Foreign Operations Administration then gave
him full security clearance and a new sensitive job?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, Mr. Arrowsmith, you state certain
things in your question that I am not exactly sure are exactly
right. For example, did they put him in a particularly sensitive
job? I am not sure.
In anything as delicate as is this security program, when the
effort is to make certain that the Government is served by the
finest people you can get, and where, at the same time, you don't
want to take unnecessary risks of damaging the reputations of
people who are, many reasons to believe, honest and sincere, it is
a delicate operation and judgments will differ.
Now, as you know, responsibility is placed by law upon the
54
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 10
heads of the departments. In this case, on the evidence available,
one department believed that the best interests of Government
would be served by not hiring this man. Others differ.
Obviously, it was a case where the evidence was of a kind that
was not conclusive, apparently, to the other people.
I have not been through this evidence in detail. I have seen
the summarized reports of it.
Now, this is one reason we have set up in the Department of
Justice a separate special group under Mr. Tompkins, I believe
his name is, to specialize in these matters and to be available as
an adviser. He can't take the responsibility; that belongs to the
Department head, but he can be a special adviser and counsel
in these delicate cases.
I would be the last to say that the program we have devised
is perfect. Of course, it isn't. It has been made by humans,
and it is bound to have its imperfections.
These are difficult matters. Now, we constantly seek ways to
improve. I know of no subject that takes so much time on the
part of the entire Cabinet, both individually and collectively, as
trying to get this thing absolutely straightened out.
Now, while perfection will not be obtained, improvement will
always be obtained ; that is about all I can tell you.
Q, Merriman Smith, United Press: Mr. President, I am sure
you are aware that Vice President Nixon has been attacked and
criticized by certain political elements since the election for the
manner in which he conducted himself during the 1954 congres-
sional campaign.
We are aware, too, that you wrote Mr. Nixon a congratulatory
letter in late October.
I wonder how you feel about these recent criticisms of the Vice
President?
THE PRESIDENT. I think here, Mr. Smith, I have a right to ask
you one question. [Laughter]
Is your question based upon an actual reading of Mr. Nixon's
speeches or what you have learned from what the critics say about
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his speeches? In other words, have you read his speeches in
detail?
Q. Mr. Smith : Yes, sir. My question was based on the Demo-
cratic criticism of him, not as to what he said, not as to the content
of his speeches.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I kuow this — I am going to give you
just a few facts: I think it was before this body that once I found
it necessary to say, and I know I have said it elsewhere, that I
don't consider any party other than the Communists in the
United States to be a party of treason; that there are just as
many patriots and loyal and wonderful Americans in one of the
great parties as in the other. So any sweeping condemnation of
any party, certainly I have never made, and I have never heard
of Mr. Nixon making them.
On the contrary, he has assured me time and again he has
never by any implication tried to condemn an entire party. He
has talked about certain individual cases and the way they were
handled administratively, and he has questioned good judgment
but never loyalty.
Now, exactly what these criticisms are trying to do, I am not
so certain; but just as I defend and believe in the loyalty, the
patriotism of some of the people that are possibly making the
criticisms, I certainly believe in the loyalty and patriotism of
Dick Nixon. I admire him.
So I would be loath to believe that he was guilty of indiscre-
tions, although I do admit that in the heat of campaign, words,
particularly if they are taken out of context, can be made the
subject of possibly legitimate criticisms.
Q. Joseph C. Harsch, Christian Science Monitor: Mr. Presi-
dent, in your letter to Secretary Wilson about the new military
budget you referred to the need for mobile forces, and you said
we should "provide for meeting lesser hostile" acts in situations
"not broadened by the intervention of a major aggressor's forces."
Could you enlarge for us your concept of what these mobile
56
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ lo
forces would be like, the means for giving them mobility, their
equipment and their weapons?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I wouldu't attempt to describe in detail
because there is no military situation that can be visualized en-
tirely in advance, and the cure prescribed.
What we are trying to do around the world is to build up
indigenous forces that can assure orderly government within the
country and normally take care of any difficulty of rebellion, sub-
version, where there isn't major outside interference.
Consequently, the thought would be that if you were called
upon by an established and friendly government to help out in
some situation, that light forces, probably going in there by air,
or fleet marine units in a nearby area could come in, and that
would be sufficient to help out.
Now, I can't possibly describe to you in all details, because they
would vary in severity from something of a very minor character
on up. The fact of it is that you have got to have things ready
to move — and ready to move rapidly.
I believe a stitch in time in this case is often one of those things
that could save possibly very great disaster later.
Q. Mr. Harsch: Do you contemplate their using tactical
atomic weapons, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. I would Say, normally no, because I can't con-
ceive of an atomic weapon as being a police weapon, and we were
talking really more police action. Police are to protect and stop
trouble, not just to cause destruction.
Now, nothing can be precluded in a military thing. Remember
this : when you resort to force as the arbiter of human difficulty,
you don't know where you are going; but, generally speaking, if
you get deeper and deeper, there is just no limit except what is
imposed by the limitations of force itself. But I would say,
normally no, would be my answer.
Q. Joseph A. Loftus, New York Times: With respect to the
security program, Mr. President, can you say, is there anything
specific being done or under consideration to revise it?
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THE PRESIDENT. To do what?
Q. Mr. Loftus: To revise it or make any changes in the
processes.
THE PRESIDENT. No, Other than the studies that come con-
stantly from the group, that speciaKzed group, that we have set
up for watching, trying to improve, this thing; that is the place
from where I would expect it.
Q. Chalmers M. Roberts, Washington Post and Times Herald :
In connection with Mr. Harsch's question, in your state of the
Union message, I believe it was, you have said that we should
not have an undue reliance on one weapon, and you referred to
flexibility of forces.
Yet the general assumption in Washington appears to be that
our forces are moving towards making nuclear weapons conven-
tional weapons. I think you have even used that phrase yourself.
When you were referring to not having undue reliance on one
type of weapon, were you drawing a line between nuclear and
non-nuclear or between strategic and tactical types of nuclear
weapons?
THE PRESIDENT. No. I just Said this: you cannot have too
great a reliance on one kind of formation, one type of weapon, one
kind of vehicle, or any other thing in an army. It has to be
rounded, because you can't tell where is going to be the place
you have to use your forces or the conditions under which you
will have to use them.
At the same time, though, that I urged that, I did urge this:
that our forces, their formation, their training, their doctrine,
keep pace with what science is constantly giving to us — ^in fact,
forcing upon us.
Now, you have got to be ready to do all of these things. And
because this is so expensive, the only thing I say is, let's make
certain that everything we do we need.
It is no crime, you know, as far as I can see, to try to be effec-
tive and efficient and economical. That is what we are trying
to do.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower^ igs^ ^ lo
Therefore, we must have what we need, and no more taken
out, staying constantly in forces that are, after all, negative in
their purpose; they are to protect what you have got, not to
produce. So my whole effort is to keep the kind of forces that
can meet our situations logically, particularly those that can
threaten directly our vital interests.
I repeat again, which I have stated here so often, what is
the thing today that, for the first time in our history, gives us
legitimate cause for alarm as to our own safety? It is the advent
of the atomic weapon, the weapon of great destructive force,
and with means for delivering it.
Up until that time, the oceans had seemed to us such wonder-
ful protective areas that we could well afford the, almost, the
unpreparedness that has been our history from the Revolutionary
War down to the Korean War.
We no longer can afford it. Now, that is all.
Q. Mr. Roberts: Sir, may I ask, as a military man would you
say that it is possible to draw a distinction between strategic and
tactical nuclear weapons?
THE PRESIDENT. As a matter of fact, I don't think it's possible
to draw a sharp line even between strategy and tactics. I don't
believe it is possible.
Every expert, everybody that has ever written on this subject,
has had his own definition of strategy and his own definition of
tactics.
They do merge, there is no sharp line. But I would say this:
every military problem finally brings forward its own logical
way of solving what you have to apply, when.
Now, war is a political act, so politics — that is, world
politics — are just as important in making your decisions as is the
character of the weapon you use.
I can't possibly stand here and, unless we take the world, con-
struct for ourselves a logical military problem, could I give you
my solution to that problem. I can't do it in the abstract. It is
just impossible. But I do say you can draw no sharp line between
59
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tactical use of atomic weapons and strategic use.
Q. Clark R. MoUenhoff, Des Moines Register and Tribune:
Mr. President, the Secretary of Agriculture, in commenting on
the Ladejinsky case, branded Ladejinsky flatly as a member of
two Communist front organizations, and as an economist, analyst,
and investigator for Amtorg, the Russian trading agency.
THE PRESIDENT. YcS.
Q. Mr. MoUenhoff : If those facts are true, how can the FOA
and the State Department clear this man, and Mr. Benson has
not taken a backward step on his position? The other two de-
partments have gone ahead, and these are facts that still stand on
the record against the man.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I am really not going to try to say what
animated either side. I do say here are honest men approaching
this problem. They have reached different answers, that is
obvious.
One attached unquestionably more importance to a past asso-
ciation, particularly in Amtorg, than do the others, who say that
is a long time in the past and the man has had a lot of chances
to reform.
This man, by the way, I believe, wrote a book in which he was
very severely critical of communism — in fact, condemned it; so
you have got a nice balance in the case, and one believes one
thing and the other believes another.
Q. Mr. MoUenhoff: Mr. President, in connection with that,
the Agriculture Department stated that he had a high position
in Amtorg, and set it out specifically. In the State Department
loyalty investigation, security investigation, he denied this under
oath. This would seem to me to raise a pretty serious question,
if the Agriculture Department is correct.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I wiU tcU you! I know of nothing you
can do with this except to go to the people responsible for the
decisions directly and ask them the questions.
Q. Mr. MoUenhoff: Mr. President, will the White House
make sure that we can get some of those answers?
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig55 ^ lo
THE PRESIDENT. I Can't assurc it. These people are responsi-
ble people, but you ought go and try it, I should think.
Q. Ray L. Scherer, National Broadcasting Company: Mr.
President, it has been reported to us that you favor shifting the
Presidential convention to September, thus making for a shorter
campaign, which is the subject of considerable interest to a lot
of people in this room. I wonder if you care to give us your views
on that.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, uow, this is what I said : they came to
me — I mean the group, the chairman, I think it was — ^some weeks
ago, and asked me what I would think about a later convention
and shorter campaign. I said this at least: that if they would
consult whoever was to be the candidate, I am sure he would
favor it because he would have a shorter period in which he goes
through an experience that only some of you who have traveled
on one of those trains from beginning to end can have a faint
idea — and it is only faint at that, I assure you. So I said that I
really thought it was foolish to drag the thing out.
But they brought up to me other considerations. You still
have your primaries by law early in the year; and now what's
going to happen through this long year of uncertainty and con-
flicting ambitions?
I am sure it is one of those things I wouldn't be too positive
about. My impression is that it would be well to have later
conventions.
Q. Daniel L. Schorr, CBS News: Mr. President, were you
aware, sir, in approving the idea of a late convention that you
would be giving the impression that you will be the candidate?
THE PRESIDENT. Bosh ! [Ldughter]
Q. Cabell Phillips, New York Times : Mr. President, it wasn't
clear from your answer to the earlier question as to whether Mr.
Tompkins' unit in the Department of Justice has created a special
group to study this security problem or whether it is just a part
of their continuing study and responsibility.
THE PRESIDENT. It was sct up as a special unit in the Attorney
40308—59 7 6 1
^ 10 Public Papers of the Presidents
General's Office to have this one problem; to study how to
avoid, all right, anomalies like just have occurred ; to see whether,
through giving expert advice, and all the way through, they can
be helpful to each of the departments which must themselves
carry the responsibility.
Q. Mr. Phillips: May I also ask, sir, are you contemplating the
appointment of a special commission of private citizens possibly
to work with Senators and others in the Government to study
this?
THE PRESIDENT. That has been proposed from the beginning;
of course, we had something like that, you know, under Senator
Bingham when I came in here, to this office.
It has been back and forth. I see no way right now in which
such a commission could be helpful. Here is something that
I know that honest men are studying every day, both collectively
and individually, and if I do become convinced that such a com-
mission is advisable, well then, of course, I will call on them.
At this moment I don't see it.
Q. Richard L. Wilson, Cowles Publications: I would like to
ask you for an elaboration of the remark you made earlier in
which you said you had seen the summary of the Ladejinsky case,
and I would like to ask you if you had formed any conclusion of
your own as a result of reading this summary, and if so, what that
conclusion was?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, it might be a little unfair to tell the de-
tails because it was so informal, but the summary of this was
read to me by the Secretary of Agriculture, and as he read it to
me, I said, "Well, that would scare me." I think those are the
words that I said because he was talking about hiring a new man.
I didn't inquire into all of the circumstances, and it was my
impression that both State and Agriculture felt the same way at
that time, so I just said that. I never actually read it. I listened
to it and just made that remark. I have never myself formed a
judgment on this case because I just haven't time to take up the
details of every one of these cases.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ lo
Q. Mr. Wilson: But you did feel, sir, that on the preliminary
showing there was a reasonable doubt about Ladejinsky's secu-
rity?
THE PRESIDENT. I thought there was some doubt about it.
Now, as I say, remember I hadn't studied the other side of the
question. It was brought up here that certain things were so.
For instance, I think at that moment I doubt I knew the man
had written a book on the other side of the question.
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Mr. President, before
you appoint the new Chairman of the Civil Aeronautics Board,
would you be inquiring into his philosophy to see if he favors new
entries in the field of commercial aviation and competition?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I would Certainly inquire into his gen-
eral philosophy as to the relationship of government and free
enterprise, but I would never really insult any individual by try-
ing to ask him about his answers in advance to specific questions
of every kind, whether he favors a route here or a route there.
If a man would give me an answer to a question like that, I
should never appoint him, I assure you.
I would want to know what was his attitude toward efficient
competition in this field, not just putting up competition in order
to get another firm that the Government can pay money to be-
cause the law says they must be profitable.
Q. Alan S. Emory, Watertown Times: Mr. President, a Senate
rules subcommittee, headed by Senator Jenner, in his recommen-
dations a few days ago, recommended that newspapermen as wit-
nesses before congressional committees be compelled to disclose
their sources of information. I wonder if you had any comment
on that?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I havc never heard of such a thing be-
fore. I guess I am mistaken. I understood that the courts have
time and again upheld the right of newspaper people to withhold
that, but I may be wrong. But I haven't any comment because
I don't know enough about it to talk intelligently about it.
Q. KennethM.Scheibel, Gannett Newspapers: Mr. President,
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could you tell us your views now about the question of developing
the Niagara power, whether you would favor private enterprise to
develop that or a public body?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think it is a decision of New York
State, as I understand it. That job has been turned over to
New York.
Q. Mr. Scheibel : Well, inasmuch as the Federal Government
must issue a license to any group which does it, might you have
a preference?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I dou't think it makes any difference
whether I do or not. I am not decisive in such a case. I haven't
had a chance to study this particular one.
Generally speaking, I believe that the closer to the scene of
action decision can be taken by that level of government, the
better it is.
I would rather the State would make the decision than the
Federal Government, because I believe they are right there.
Now, if we do have to approve the license, I believe that the
CAB [FPC] — ^no, in that case the Congress reserved to itself the
right to approve the license. Isn't that the one that they reserved?
[Confers with Mr. Hagerty]. Well, it's Federal Power. I think
the Congress reserved it to itself in that case, unless my memory
is wrong.
But I do believe that when we have an established body like
the CAB [FPC] that the CAB [FPC] working in cooperation with
the State is better than to inject another Federal influence in the
matter.
Q, Nat S. Finney, Buffalo Evening News: Mr. President, the
Atomic Energy Commission sent the new schedule of its prices
on uranium, and so forth, over to the Joint Committee on the Hill,
as a classified document.
Senator Anderson, the new chairman of the committee, told
me yesterday that he refused to receive it as a classified document,
and sent it back, and is raising the question as to whether those
prices should or should not be secret.
64
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ lo
Can you throw any light on that problem?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I wiU Say this: as of now, the Chairman
believes that the promiscuous publication of their price structure
would almost necessarily be revealing of things that shouldn't be
broadcast.
Now, obviously, both the committee, any bidding firms, any
people that are properly cleared, must know about it; and I don't
suppose that you could rate it, therefore, in the long run as the
most delicate secret that the Government has.
I haven't discussed this thing in detail with the head of the
Commission, and this is the first time I had heard that they didn't
accept it. But if it has become a matter of argument, I think
that Chairman Strauss will be in to see me, and we will reach a
real conclusion on it.
Q. Mr. Finney: Mr. President, the debate has already started
on the question of whether these prices are too high or too low,
and we face the prospect of a public discussion, public debate
over this question without any public knowledge of what the
prices are.
THE PRESIDENT [laughiug]. Well, I will have to take a look.
You are bringing up one that I only knew that he did favor some
restriction on it.
Q, Edward T. FoUiard, Washington Post and Times Herald :
Mr. President, it seems to me that there is still an unanswered
question in connection with the Ladejinsky case. You have told
how Secretary Benson read you a summary. You say, sir, that
that scared you.
THE PRESIDENT. I didn't Say "scared." I said, "Well, that
would scare me," meaning that I would take a very jaundiced
look at it.
Q. Mr. FoUiard : I see. And that it did create a reasonable
doubt in your mind?
THE PRESIDENT. YcS.
Q, Mr. FoUiard: Now the question is: Did Mr. Stassen, in
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hiring Ladejiasky, did he know about your state of mind, that
is, that you had a reasonable doubt?
THE PRESIDENT. I dou't kuow, Mr. FolKard. I assume that he
did because in the conversations that these men must have had,
certainly they would have said that the matter had been suggested
to me. But that is the only time, I will say, that the matter has
ever been brought to me directly.
I simply assure you, I am not going to go into those matters
in detail, because it would break the back of any man if he tried
to do that; these come up not only in such a highly publicized
case as you are now talking about, but they come up every day.
This one happened to affect two departments, and for that
reason was suggested to me.
Q. William H. Lawrence, New York Times: We have been
under the impression that because State took one view and Agri-
culture took another, that Mr. Stassen had clearance from the
White House, and by that, sir, I do not necessarily mean you
THE PRESIDENT. No.
Q. Mr. Lawrence: Before he undertook to hire Mr. Lade-
jinsky.
THE PRESIDENT. He may have. I will tell you this, gentlemen :
here is a difficult question to answer, and there are all stages of
security and, let's say, sensitive positions.
If Mr. Stassen thought that this man could acceptably fill the
position, that it was not so sensitive that he could damage the
United States, and that this was a good thing for the Govern-
ment, then I would uphold his right to do it.
But, remember this: he has to stand responsible, and, if some-
thing would turn up to show that his judgment was wrong, then
he is the one that is held responsible. And remember this: each
one of these heads of department is running an enormous organ-
ization. He himself has to work to find time to deal with these
delicate cases; so, therefore, you have got to stand and back him
up, which I do. In this case, I must say, it has created a situa-
tion that is certainly not easy to explain, but I do uphold the right
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Dwight D. Eisenhower^ igs^ ^ lo
of each to make his own decision in the matter.
Q. Paul Martin, Gannett Newspapers: Mr. President, in your
discussions with Governor Dewey this week, did you talk about
the possibility of him taking an appointment in the administra-
tion?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I wiU tell you one thing, most of the
time taken up between Mr. Dewey and me was his describing to
me the joys of private life. [Laughter]
Q. Norman Carignan, Associated Press: Mr. President, there
are reports that your brother, Dr. Milton Eisenhower, might make
a speech some time soon in Texas on Latin American relations.
THE PRESIDENT. YcS.
Q. Mr. Carignan: I wonder if you could tell us about that.
THE PRESIDENT. Ycs, that is corrcct. It is early February some
time, and, of course, we have — [confers with Mr. Hagerty] —
yes, Dallas Council of World Affairs. It is on the Latin Ameri-
can scene and situation in which, of course, my brother has taken
a tremendous interest and remains, I think, very close to the
State Department in discussing it.
Q. Charles S. von Fremd, CBS News: Mr. President, I would
like to ask a question, sir, which I am not, in turn, asking for a
yes or no answer. It has to do with whether or not you may be
a candidate in '56, and I ask it for this reason: there have been
a number of people, politicians, who have said that they believe
you will run for one big reason, and that is the word "duty,''
that they feel that as a man who spent more than 40 years of
his life serving his country, that it is unthinkable that you could
again refuse another call to duty.
I wonder if you could comment on that and, possibly, give
us your interpretation of the responsibility of duty.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, you put up the big question. I hope
that I would never be sufficiently self-centered that I would fail
to respond to a call to duty, but who is to define for any individual
his duty in such a case as this?
I just can't say anything more at the moment. In one form or
67
^ lo Public Papers of the Presidents
another, this question has kept popping at me about duty ever
since 1943, June. I will never forget the day. [Laughter']
Now, I finally think that in such cases the individual has to
determine what he believes to be best for the country, because he
is the only one to make the decision. As I say, I hope I would
never fail to do my duty, but I would certainly want to know in
critical circumstances what is my duty.
Q. Robert G. Spivack, New York Post: Mr. President, in view
of what has been said here this morning and in view of Secretary
Benson's persistence in regarding Mr. Ladejinsky as a security risk,
won't it be difficult for him to command the respect of the people
of Viet-Nam in his new job?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I doubt whether our newspapers are
circulated there as widely as they are here. [Laughter] I doubt
that that would be a serious matter.
Q. Mrs. May Craig, Maine Papers: Mr. President, I am a
little confused by your remark about Governor Dewey. We under-
stood he urged you to run again. Do I understand you that he
was urging on you the joys of private life? [Laughter]
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I read in the paper that he did a lot of
urging. I must say that he may have, I don't recall in detail.
Now, he may have said something that was taken for granted.
But he did describe, as I say, at great length the joys of private life,
and certainly he didn't do it in any terms where he seemed to be
failing to commend it to me. [Laughter]
Q. Edward T. FoUiard, Washington Post and Times Herald:
Mr. President, so I won't be fretting over this for a week —
[laughter] — ^would you tell us what happened in June 1 943 ? Was
that the beginning of the boom?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I wiU tcU you what happened. There
was a man from the United States, a political figure, and I am
not going to name him because he is still alive. We had just
cleaned up northern Africa, and this man came in to me and
said, "I hope you know that no American general can have a
success of this scope and kind and fail to be considered for the
68
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 1 1
Presidency," and I kicked him out of the office. [Laughter]
Merriman Smith, United Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
note: President Eisenhower's fifty- 10:33 ^^ 11:06 o'clock on Wednes-
seventh news conference was held in day morning, January 12, 1955. In
the Executive Office Building from attendance: 177.
II ^ Remarks at Luncheon Meeting of the
Association of American Colleges.
January 13, 1955
Mr. Chairman and President of this distinguished audience:
I must first acknowledge and insist that my appearance today
is really an ex officio one, because I do not presume that my short
adventure, pleasant though it was, in the educational field, gives
me the right to be here to talk to you. But as President it is a
most pleasant duty and a truly great privilege to be able, on
behalf of the Administration — the United States Government —
to welcome this body here, to assure you of the interest with which
we follow your work both collectively and in your individual
capacities.
As to a message of substance, I doubt that I can say anything
that you have not heard, that you will not hear, and possibly that
each of you already understands better than I.
But it might be, nevertheless, of some significance that as the
head of the Government charged with the responsibilities which
were spoken of in the invocation, that by some simple statement
I acknowledge clearly my appreciation of the importance of the
work you people do — ^indeed, must do.
I am going to talk about education for a moment, not in its
spiritual or its intellectual or its materialistic values and purposes.
I want to talk about it, really, as a great cementing force by its
promotion of understanding.
40308—59-
69
Cjf 1 1 Public Papers of the Presidents
For example, we have a clear comprehension that we need to
strengthen the spiritual bases of our free institutions. We know,
also, that we need as never before, experts, technicians in the
sciences, people to conduct the research in every kind of discipline
that applies to our material world. But it certainly takes under-
standing, a deeper comprehension, than a true knowledge of either
of these factors of human existence, to know how to put them
together.
How do you combine idealism and realism and never be guilty
just of weak compromise?
How do you establish for this nation great purposes, ideals that
you are pursuing, and then manage other influences that come
to bear and at least discolor or force a postponement of the
achievement of those great ideals?
How do you cooperate with others in the international field,
certain that we have a great task of leadership to do? There we
must realize that if we try to plant our own methods, our own
concepts of man's dignity and worth instantly into another area,
all we do is incur resistance, indeed enmity. How do we bring
about understanding? We cannot be content merely with study-
ing our own history and seeing how we have developed. We
cannot be content with a mere study of the history of others so
far as it affects us directly, or as they come in contact with us
through wars or trade agreements. We must understand their
cultures, their histories, their aspirations, if we are to recognize —
to be sympathetic even — to the decisions that they take that,
sometimes now, are almost incomprehensible to us.
The great masses of people — the two and a half billions of peo-
ple that make up the population of the world — are never going
to grow closer together unless there is a promotion of
imderstanding.
I think this is in a very large sense spiritual in character.
Whence did we come? Why are we here? What is the true rea-
son for our existence? And where are we going? For all of this.
70
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 1 1
in the answers, we have the assistance — ^we have the faith — of the
Christian ethic, or of our own particular religious convictions.
But others don't. Indeed, our greatest potential enemy in the
world is the frank exponent of the doctrine of materialism, re-
jecting all of these values.
This is the kind of thing, it seems to me, that educators must
concern themselves with, just as seriously as they do with mathe-
matics and engineering and research and theology. The com-
mon questions of humanity must be comprehended to meet — and
it must be an integrated answer — to meet the crying needs of the
human race in the twentieth century.
Now I have only haltingly and possibly very roughly sketched
out an idea that I think will portray to you my appreciation of
your work. Consequently, you know how earnest I am when
I say I could not wish anybody greater success than I do you
people. In our schools, in our churches, indeed in our Govern-
ment, in everything we do, we must find a way to supplement
the efforts of the home to develop Americans of understanding,
of great spiritual beliefs, intellectual capacity, and unexcelled col-
lective material strength, in a prosperity that is so widely shared
that we all march forward together.
That, is seems to me, is my rough idea of what I think you
people have got to do, if the United States is going to attain that
future that is surely hers by right and that, under God, she will
attain.
Thank you very much.
NOTE : The President spoke at the Fitzgerald, Chancellor of the Univer-
Statler Hotel, Washington, D.G. His sity of Pittsburgh and President of
opening words referred to Rufus H. the Association of American Colleges.
71
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12 ^ Special Message to the Congress on
National Security Requirements.
January 13, 1955
To the Congress of the United States :
The military security of the United States requires armed
forces, disposed and alerted for instant action, quickly reinforce-
able by imits ready for mobilization, assured an adequate pool of
trained manpower for necessary expansion. Three elements are
necessary to this military posture — (i) active forces in the
strength and effectiveness necessary to meet, to repel and to
punish a first massive assault or to conduct a lesser operation that
does not require mobilization; (2) reserves so organized and
trained as units that they can be speedily mobilized to reinforce
the active forces in combat or to man defense operations at home;
(3 ) an unorganized reserve pool, adequate in training and num-
bers, to permit a quick general mobilization of all our military
strength.
Never, in peacetime, have we achieved this proper military
posture. The penalties of our unreadiness have been mani-
fold— in treasure, in blood, in the heartbreak of a mighty nation
buying time with the lives of men. Now, in an uneasy peace, we
can and must move toward this proper posture — at tolerable
cost, with due regard for tradition, without disruption of human
plans or the material economy.
Korea and Indo-China are bitter reminders of the ever-
present threat of aggression. The masses of armed men and the
vast array of war-making machines, maintained by the Soviets
and their satellites along the frontiers of the free world, sharpen
the reminders.
The first purpose of our defense planning remains the mainte-
nance of a just, secure peace. If, however, unwanted war should
come, it should find us ready with every resource at our command
to repel and defeat the enemy. And, at home, we must have
72
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 12
forces trained for every emergency, should an aggressor be so
criminally unwise as to attempt an atomic attack.
In seeking to attain these goals, we must remember that the
active military forces are only the cutting edge of our nation's
full strength. A vigorous economy, a strong mobilization base
and trained citizens are the invincible elements in our military
striking power.
But we cannot possibly keep armed and in uniform the total
forces that might ultimately be required in all-out war. The
inescapable burdens would endanger the liberties and the eco-
nomic system we are determined to defend.
On the other hand, in case of a global war, the nation could
not count on having time to marshal its strength while the enemy
was engaged elsewhere. Unquestionably, the United States
would be involved from the outset of such a conflict. We must
be prepared.
The Defense Establishment, through the past two years, has
concentrated on effectiveness, economy and efficiency within the
active military forces. The result is a formidable assurance to
any aggressor that we would react to attack, instantly and
powerfully.
In the same period, exhaustive studies have been made on
manpower — the key to a proper military posture. The recom-
mendations herewith submitted, dealing with both the active and
the reserve forces, are based on them.
In summary, I recommend ( i ) that the present statutory pro-
visions authorizing the induction of young men by the Selective
Service System for 24 months of training and service, scheduled
to expire July i, 1955, be extended until July i, 1959; (2) that
the existing special statutory provisions authorizing the registra-
tion and induction of doctors and dentists, also scheduled to expire
on July I, 1955, be extended until July i, 1957; and (3) that
legislation be enacted by the Congress to permit the strengthening
of the reserve forces to meet essential mobilization requirements.
The extension of Selective Service is necessary because experi-
73
^ 12 Public Papers of the Presidents
ence demonstrates that active Armed Forces of the size we must
maintain cannot be raised by voluntary enhstments alone. The
maximum number of volunteers will continue to be the recruiting
goal of the services. But realistic estimates set the probable ceil-
ing on voluntary forces, in the present economic situation, at a
million and a half — ^more than i ,300,000 men short of the planned
strength goal for the end of the Fiscal Year 1956.
Active force strengths are continually under review in the light
of changing missions and technological improvement of weapons.
A major purpose is economy in the use of men. But I see no
reasonable prospect that the world situation or technological
advances, in the next four years, will render the draft unneces-
sary. I earnestly recommend, consequently, that the extension
be for four years. In the case of doctors and dentists I recom-
mend that the extension be for another period of two years only.
By that time it is expected that the medical personnel require-
ments of the Armed Forces can be met adequately by other
means.
The term of service should be retained at the 24 month level
established by the 82nd Congress after weighing the military
efficiency and dollar-cost arguments involved. Those arguments,
whose soundness was proved in the experience of the three past
years, are now compellingly persuasive that shortening the term
of service would seriously damage the combat readiness of our
active forces.
The present operation of selective service is recognized by the
American people as an equitable and necessary solution to a na-
tional problem. The calm planning for a call, the unquestioning
acceptance of it, the smooth adjustment to a new way of life,
manifested by milUons of our young men and their families, evi-
dences the maturity of their attitude toward the problem of
national security.
Under the new National Reserve Plan, selective service and the
reserve forces, in conjunction with our regular estabUshment, will
fulfill our security needs with the least possible disruptive impact
74
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 12
on the life of the individual citizen and the civilian economy.
Flexibility is a primary characteristic of the Plan. Constant
scrutiny and review of its operation by the Services will assure its
increasing efficiency.
The reserve program has been the subject of extensive study in
the Congress, in various government agencies and in the military
services themselves over long periods of time. As in our active
forces, we will rely as heavily as possible on voluntary service. To
further this purpose, recent surveys indicate that certain improve-
ments can be accomplished within the Services, without legisla-
tion, and steps have been taken to remedy existing deficiencies.
I shall follow this action personally with particular attention to
training for combat missions.
In addition, however, there is need for certain changes in pres-
ent laws relating to the reserves. There are five principal areas
where affirmative legislation is needed to provide the basis for a
strengthened reserve plan.
First, present law divides reserve personnel into categories that
do not lend themselves fully to strategic requirements. I recom-
mend that this be altered so as to provide one group of reservists
who can be organized into a force maintained in a high degree of
readiness to meet immediate mobilization requirements, and a
second non-organized group with prior service who would be
called into military service by a selective process, if the need for
their services should develop in a general mobilization.
The first group should be kept ready through training, through
the constant flow of new men into the group, and through the
screening from the group of combat veterans and persons of es-
sential civilian skills in excess of military requirements whenever
possible. This makes provision for meeting the essential man-
power needs of defense supporting activities as well as those of the
Armed Forces. Both these needs must be met if we are to realize
our maximum national strength in time of emergency.
Second, present legislation does not make adequate provision
for bringing young men directly into the reserve forces without
75
^ 12 Public Papers of the Presidents
either adversely affecting the readiness of the active forces or
reducing the capabiKty of the active forces to recruit long-term
volunteers.
At present, the reserves are composed of older men who have
completed their terms of active service. For example, less than
1 7 percent of the men now in the Army Reserves are under 24
years of age. I recommend that legislation be adopted by which
physically fit yoimg men between the ages of 1 7 and 1 9 may volun-
teer for six months' basic training, to be followed by active reserve
participation for a period of nine and one-half years.
During the six-month period of training, these young men
would receive pay at the reduced rate of $30 a month. The total
numbers accepted in the basic-type training should be subject to
quotas, fixed by the President, to avoid bringing the manpower
pool down to an undesirably low level; on the other hand, if an
adequate number do not volunteer for this program, authority
should be given to induct the needed young men through the
Selective Service System. Men so selected would be between the
agesof iS^andig.
The six-months training program should be authorized for a
term of four years, covering the same period as the requested
extension of the draft. In connection with this program, the Na-
tional Security Training Commission should serve in an advisory
capacity to the Secretary of Defense and to the President as
Commander-in-Chief.
Third, under present legislation, there is no assurance that the
National Guard, which by law is in the first line of defense and
dependent on voluntary enlistments, receives an adequate supply
of young men with appropriate basic training. Young men who
enlist in the National Guard receive no concentrated initial train-
ing of the type provided by the active services. I recommend
that legislation be enacted by which the men enlisting in the Na-
tional Guard receive basic training in the active services. There
must be further assurance that the National Guard contain a hard
core of men who have been schooled in leadership and technical
76
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 12
military skills through longer periods of active training and service.
Primary emphasis on voluntary recruitment of personnel for
the National Guard should continue. However, subject to con-
stitutional limitations, the legislation should provide that in the
event of failure to recruit the necessary numbers and quality of
volunteer personnel, and at the request or approval of the Gov-
ernor of a State, personnel completing training or service in the
Active Forces may be assigned to the National Guard for their
obligated period of reserve participation.
Fourth, I recommend that legislation be adopted to induce
participation in reserve training by providing that men who have
served less than two years may be recalled to active duty in order
to maintain or restore proficiencies.
It is also contemplated that reservists who fail or refuse to
participate in the reserve training that may be required of them
and choose not to restore lost proficiencies, will be given other
than an honorable discharge at the end of their period of military
obligation. Such action, which will be taken in accordance with
existing statutory authority and procedures, is based upon the
concept that honorable military service includes complete fulfill-
ment of all service obligations, reserve as well as active. I ask
that the Congress reaffirm this concept which is already contained
in the law.
Fifth, existing law does not permit states to maintain troops
in addition to the National Guard. In view of the fact that the
potential enemy possesses weapons of mass destruction and means
for their delivery, it is a matter of urgent importance that there
be no break between the time that National Guard units might
be called into Federal service and the time that the states could
raise additional forces to replace them. I therefore recommend
that the Congress enact legislation which would permit the states
to raise and maintain in time of peace organized militia forces
which would take over the National Guard's domestic missions
and support civil defense activities upon its withdrawal.
These five remedies are suggested as amendments to our exist-
77
^ 12 Public Papers of the Presidents
ing legislative pattern, which is an essentially sound one.
Through these amendments, certain broad objectives can be at-
tained. To begin with, we will give each young man the maxi-
mum possible right of self-determination by offering him a choice
of methods of meeting his military obligation. At the threshold
of his career, he will understand his obligations, so that he can
make definite plans for his future.
In addition, a more equitable sharing of the military obliga-
tions will be accomplished. The program will go far toward
assuring combat veterans that they will not be called in an emer-
gency until younger men who have not had combat duty are
called, thus alleviating an inequity made apparent during the
Korean conflict.
In sum, the program will constitute a substantial improvement
in our present defense arrangements. It will make our determi-
nation evident to every would-be aggressor.
I believe that, under today's conditions, steps generally as out-
lined above represent the best available approach to the problem
of military security. I earnestly urge that Congress promptly
initiate its studies of the detailed measures necessary and that
legislation incorporating the principles of the program be
enacted.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
13 ^ Special Message to the Congress on Career
Incentives for Military Personnel.
January 13, 1955
To the Congress of the United States:
We are traditionally a peace-loving people with a heritage
founded on the dignity of the individual. Because our defense
78
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 13
planning is developed within this framework, we seek to man our
armed forces with volunteers to the greatest extent possible. This
is a basic objective.
To sustain our active forces at required levels of strength and
efficiency, it is necessary to increase the present rate of voluntary
enlistments. It is also necessary to induce volunteers, both offi-
cers and enlisted men, to continue in the service on a career basis
in order to obtain maximum usefulness from the skills and leader-
ship which are achieved after long and costly training. The
increasing mechanization and complexity of defense forces make
technical skills and a wide background of experience vastly more
important than ever before.
The need for forces of the size now contemplated in our plan-
ning is obvious. The responsibilities and obligations imposed on
us by our position of leadership in world affairs require that we
stand prepared to shoulder the accompanying burdens.
PERSONNEL TURNOVER IN THE MILITARY SERVICES
But at this time when we must still maintain large forces
under arms and alerted throughout the world, it is difficult to
attract and retain volunteers, both enlisted and commissioned.
For example, only 1 1 .6 percent of Army personnel reenlisted
in 1954 compared with a rate of 41.2 percent in 1949. The
other services, particularly the Marine Corps, have also experi-
enced sharp drops in the rate of reenlistments and today the com-
posite rate for all services is 20 percent.
Approximately one million enlisted men will become eligible
for release from the military services during the coming year.
Under present low reenlistment rates, it will be necessary to re-
place about 800,000 of these men.
The investment in this skilled manpower is enormous. For
example, it costs approximately $3,200 to put one man through
the normal course of basic training. It costs an additional $2,000
to $5,000 to train a man in the typical technical skills that are so
79
^ 13 Public Papers of the Presidents
essential in the military system of today. It costs $120,000 to
train a jet pilot.
These are just a few indications of the expense associated with
training alone. Moreover, the cost of equipment, transporta-
tion and other items goes up as the rate of personnel turnover
increases.
The seriousness of the situation was recognized by the 83rd
Congress when it substantially raised reenlistment bonuses.
REASONS FOR THE HIGH PERSONNEL TURNOVER
Field studies made by the Services have attempted to pinpoint
reasons for the high personnel turnover rate. A very large por-
tion of the military personnel surveyed expressed dissatisfaction
with traditional service benefits such as PX facilities, dependents'
medical care, family housing, death benefits for survivors and
related items. Wherever administrative action can improve con-
ditions, action is being taken by the Services. However, legis-
lation is necessary for changes in most benefits and in the level
of compensation.
Since 1949 there has been one increase in pay which, along
with increases in allowances, amounted to an aggregate advance
in compensation of 5.7 percent. Military pay, nevertheless, has
fallen behind that of industry. In addition, supplementary pay
practices, health, security and retirement benefits and bonus sys-
tems are now widespread throughout industry, and this fact
tends to neutralize such advantage as the military services had
in these fields.
EFFECTS OF HIGH TURNOVER RATE ON OPERATIONAL EFFICIENCY
While the high turnover in military personnel is costly in dol-
lars, even more costly is the loss of experience and operational
efficiency which results from it.
We are losing too many men trained in leadership and technical
skills — the experienced hard core of a modern fighting force.
To maintain required percentages of young officers we must
80
Dwight D. Eisenhower y IQ55 ^ 13
obtain them from the service academies and from reserve training
units. A certain number should elect to continue a service career
beyond the required minimum time. Yet not enough of our
younger officers currently continue in military service. In 1954,
4,000 young Naval Reserve officers completed their obligated
period of service. Only 200 of these elected to remain in the
career service.
As a result of the loss of younger officers, there is a noticeable
shortage of officers and men in the services with intermediate
levels of experience. In the Army, for example, there are sub-
stantially fewer officers with 4 to 10 years service than with 10 to
15 years experience. In the other services, a similar situation
exists. A large percentage of officers in the older age group who
saw service in World War II and in Korea outnumbers a pro-
portionately smaller group of younger officers. We must not
allow this trend to continue.
A continuing shrinkage in the rolls of young experienced com-
missioned and non-commissioned officers will blunt the battle
readiness of our combat units.
HAZARDOUS AND SPECIAL DUTY
Peacetime military service has become more arduous, more
dangerous and more disruptive of normal living habits. The era
of nuclear weapons and jet propulsion has drawn our services into
new dimensions of hazard and uncertainty. For example, jet
flying is ranked by insurance companies as the most hazardous of
all occupations. Many young flyers find it impossible to secure
insurance coverage and those who can get it must pay a sizable
premium differential.
While we are in a peacetime situation, many men in the Stra-
tegic Air Command, the Air Defense Command, and various
Naval units are on alert up to 60 hours per week, subject to sudden
and prolonged absences from home and loved ones. Airborne
troops of the Army and submarine crews of the Navy are also ex-
posed to discomforts and dangers not found in civilian pursuits.
81
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CONCLUSIONS
The fundamental objectives to be attained by the proposed leg-
islation are the attraction of young men to a military career and
the retention of men in this career once they have chosen it. In
addition, it is necessary to offer special attractions to men who
undertake the particularly hazardous jobs that are becoming more
important as weapons become increasingly complex.
These objectives require compensation which is more in line
with that offered by private industry. They also require strength-
ening of traditional service benefits in recognition of the unusual
difficulties facing the serviceman and his family. Servicemen
frequently live in isolated areas and under circumstances that
can be extremely trying. They are subject to frequent and long
absences from their families, enforced on them by their defense
missions.
Both pay and the non-pay benefits are important, varying with
the status of the men we are trying to attract. At the present time,
60 percent of personnel on active duty are unmarried. These men
are less likely to be attracted by deferred or family benefits than
by an increase in pay.
So our problem is twofold. On the one hand we must attract
more of the young, unmarried men into a military career. On the
other, we must provide advantageous benefits for those who have
families.
In proposing adjustments in pay I do not recommend that any
across-the-board increase should be authorized. Such pay adjust-
ments should foster career service. Specifically, no increase is
proposed in the first two years for enlisted men, because this is
the least valuable period of a man's service, and no increases are
proposed in the first three years for officers. Our efforts should
be directed at inducing men to stay on after those periods. For
this reason, I consider it highly important that a schedule of selec-
tive adjustments be approved.
82
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 13
RECOMMENDATIONS
In summary, my recommendations are as follows:
( 1 ) The compensation of military service personnel should be
increased on a selective basis. The aggregate increase proposed
would add approximately 6.7 percent to the present level of pay
and allowances.
(2) Hazardous duty pay for airmen and submarine crews
should be increased, also on a selective basis, and increases also
should be made in the hazardous duty pay for parachute duty,
demolition work, deep-sea diving and certain other specialties.
(3 ) Other non-pay benefits should be provided, including:
{a) A "dislocation" allowance for military personnel with de-
pendents who are ordered to a new permanent duty station.
( 6 ) An increase in the per diem allowance for temporary duty
travel from $9 to $12, in keeping with a comparable proposal
for civilian government employees.
(c) More housing for service families in areas where present
facilities are insufficient and authority for reduced rentals where
men and their families must live temporarily in substandard
housing.
(d) Removal of existing inequities and provision for better
medical care for military families.
{e) Equalization of survivor benefits according to rank for
active and retired personnel.
These recommendations are vitally important to the welfare
of our military people and to the sustained security of the nation.
It is the objective of the Government that the size of the active
military establishment shall be no greater than is consistent with
the needs of national security. It shall always be our objective, in
the present world situation, to maintain a military force that we
can support for the many years that may be necessary to dispel
the shadow of Communist threat. In my judgment, the meas-
ures herein presented will strengthen our security and preserve
our way of life.
83
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I urge that the Congress give early and favorable consideration
to the recommendations I have herein submitted.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
14 ^ Letter to the President of the Senate and to
the Speaker of the House of Representatives
Approving Certain Virgin Islands Corporation
Activities. January 13, 1955
Sir:
In accordance with section 7(a) of the Virgin Islands Cor-
poration Act (48 U.S.G. i407f (a) ) I hereby report my approval
of the emergency undertaking by the Virgin Islands Corporation
of certain activities of a type authorized by the Act, but not in-
cluded in the budget program or subsequently approved by the
Congress.
The activities undertaken are in connection with the manage-
ment of the Federal properties in the Virgin Islands known as
the Marine Corps Air Facility and the Naval Submarine Base.
These properties had been transferred by the Navy to the Depart-
ment of the Interior for operation and management under a revo-
cable permit. The Department of the Interior had in turn leased
the properties to the St. Thomas Development Authority, an in-
strumentality of the Municipality of St. Thomas and St. John,
Virgin Islands. When serious mismanagement of the properties
was brought to the attention of the Secretary of the Interior in
June 1954, he terminated the lease and directed the Virgin Islands
Corporation to assume responsibility for operation and mainte-
nance. Immediate action was necessary to avoid further revenue
losses and deterioration of Federal property.
Revenues from the operation of the property are expected to
84
Dwight D, Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ i6
be sufficient to pay all expenses of operation and to restore the
property to good condition.
Respectfully yours,
Dwight D. Eisenhower
note: This is the text of identical Senate, and to the Honorable Sam
letters addressed to the Honorable Raybum, Speaker of the House of
Richard M. Nixon, President of the Representatives.
15 ^ Cablegram to Dr. Albert Schweitzer on the
Occasion of His 80th Birthday. January 13,1 955
Dr. Albert Schweitzer
Lambarene
French Equatorial Africa
My cordial greetings and best wishes on your eightieth birth-
day. Your spirit and work have been an example and inspiration
to all of us.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
16 ^ Statement by the President on United
Nations Negotiations With Communist China for
Release of American Airmen and Other Personnel.
January 14, 1955
THE SECRETARY GENERAL of the United Nations has re-
turned from his mission to Peiping. He has not yet formally re-
ported but has indicated that his visit represented only a first
stage in United Nations negotiations to achieve the release of
the American airmen and other United Nations personnel de-
tained in Red China. He believes that progress has been made
and urges that restraint be exercised to permit of further efforts.
85
^ 1 6 Public Papers of the Presidents
Quite naturally, the immediate reaction of all Americans to
the Secretary General's announcement is disappointment. All
of us are rightly aroused that our airmen have not long since been
released by their Communist captors in accordance with the clear
terms of the Korean Armistice.
We must never forget one fimdamental thing: We want our
airmen returned safely to their homes.
All Americans are united and dedicated to this cause. Truth
and right are on our side. We must have faith in the community
of nations and in the tremendous influence of world opinion.
It will not be easy for us to refrain from giving expression to
thoughts of reprisal or retaliation. Yet this is what we must
not now do. We must not fall into a Communist trap and
through impetuous words or deeds endanger the lives of those
imprisoned airmen who wear the uniform of our country.
They are fighting men, trained to discipline. We now owe
them discipline from ourselves. We must support the United
Nations in its efforts so long as those efforts hold out any promise
of success.
1 7 ^ Annual Budget Message to the Congress :
Fiscal Year 1956. January 17, 1955
Part A
To the Congress of the United States:
I am transmitting to you today the Budget of the United States
Government for the fiscal year 19565 which begins July i, 1955.
The first part of this budget message summarizes the budget
totals and highlights our policies and plans for next year, par-
ticularly as related to the fiscal situation. The second part pre-
sents summary tables and also contains my budget recommenda-
tions for each major Government activity.
The fiscal and budget story during this past year centers around
86
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 17
the fact that we successfully made the adjustment from a wartime
to a peacetime type of economy, a truly significant achievement.
Aided by a proper fiscal policy, the inevitable dislocations of this
adjustment, while difficult for some, have not been serious on the
whole. Our present growing prosperity has solid foundations,
free from the artificial stimulations of war or inflation. How-
ever, the peace in which we live is an insecure peace. We must
be constantly on the alert. Along with the other free nations
of the world we must continue to strengthen our defenses. At
the same time to remain strong for what will apparently be a long
period of uncertainty ahead, we must also progressively increase
our prosperity and enhance our welfare.
The 1956 budget is based on this outlook. Total expenditures
will be reduced. However, I am recommending somewhat in-
creased expenditures in particular areas important to human
well-being. Budget expenditures for the fiscal year 1956 are now
estimated at 62.4 billion dollars, i.i billion dollars less than for
the current year. All parts of the administration will continue
to work toward further reductions during the year by eliminating
nonessentials and by doing necessary things more efficiently.
We must maintain expenditures at the high level needed to
guard our national security. Our economy is strong and pros-
perous but we should not dissipate our economic strength through
inflationary deficits. I have therefore recommended to the Con-
gress extension for i year of present excise and corporate income
tax rates which are scheduled for reduction on April i, 1955,
under present law. If this is done, and employment and produc-
tion increase as currently anticipated, we can expect budget
receipts to rise i billion dollars over 1955, to a total of 60 billion
dollars in the fiscal year 1956.
On the basis of these estimates of expenditures and receipts,
the deficit will be reduced from the presently estimated 4.5 billion
dollars in the fiscal year 1955 to an estimated 2.4 billion dollars in
1956. Thus we continue to progress toward a balanced budget.
87
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
BUDGET POLICIES
Three broad considerations of national policy have guided me
in framing the budget for the fiscal year 1956.
First, we must defend our priceless heritage of political liberty
and personal freedom against attack from without and under-
mining from within. Our efforts to date have helped bring
about encouraging results — cessation of fighting, new and
stronger alliances, and some lessening of tensions. The grow-
ing strength of the United States and its friends is a key factor in
the improved outlook for peace. We must continue to build
this strength. We must at the same time preserve our liberty at
home by fostering the traditional initiative of the American peo-
ple. We will increase the scope of private activity by continuing
to take Government out of those things which the people can do
better for themselves, and by undertaking on a partnership basis,
wherever possible, those things for which Government action is
necessary. Thus, people will be able to keep more of their earn-
ings to use as they wish.
Second, the Government must do its part to advance human
welfare and encourage economic growth with constructive
actions, but only where our people cannot take the necessary
actions for themselves. As far as possible, these steps should be
taken in partnership with State and local government and private
enterprise. We must do our part to provide the environment
for our free enterprise system to keep employment high, to create
new jobs, and to raise the standard of living. We must broaden
the opportunity for individuals to contribute to the growth of our
economy and enjoy the fruits of its productivity.
Third, we must maintain financial strength. Preserving the
value of the dollar is a matter of vital concern to each of us.
Surely no one would advocate a special tax on the widows and
orphans, pensioners, and working people with fixed incomes.
Yet inflation acts like a tax which hits these groups hardest.
This administration has made a stable dollar and economy in
Government operations positive policies from the top down. Ex-
88
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ^955 ^ ^7
penditure reductions, together with a judicious tax program,
effective monetary policy, and careful management of the pub-
lic debt, will help to assure a stable cost-of-living — continuing our
achievement of the past 2 years.
A liberal attitude toward the welfare of people and a con-
servative approach to the use of their money have shaped this
budget. Our determination to keep working toward a balanced
budget provides the discipline essential for wise and efficient
management of the public business.
NEW AUTHORITY TO INCUR OBLIGATIONS
My recommendation for appropriations and other new author-
ity to incur obligations for the fiscal year 1956 is 1.3 billion dollars
more than the amoimt for the fiscal year 1955, primarily be-
cause of new requirements for our military services. However,
it represents a reduction of 32.8 billion dollars from 1952, 21.7
billion dollars from 1953, and 4.2 billion dollars from 1954.
New authority
to incur obligations
Fiscal year: {in millions)
1952 $91.4
1953 80. 3
1954: As estimated, January 9, 1953 72. 2
Actual 62. 8
1955 estimated 57. 3
1956 recommended 58. 6
The new authority to incur obligations which I am recom-
mending for our major national security programs is 2.4 billion
dollars greater than in the fiscal year 1955. I am proposing
a reduction in the total new authority for all other Government
programs, although within this total, I am recommending selec-
tive increases.
Part of the reduction in 1955 of new authority for our major
national security programs below the amount enacted for 1954
was possible because the military services improved their supply
procedures, which resulted in larger use of existing stocks and
89
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
reduction of the large backlog of unexpended balances. The
accumulated unexpended balances of funds appropriated to all
Government agencies in prior years are now on their way down
to more reasonable levels and the continued downtrend in total
unexpended balances will be less rapid in the future than in the
fiscal year 1955.
Recommended new authority for 1956 is less than both the
anticipated revenues and the estimated expenditures for that
year. By holding the level of new authority lower than antici-
pated revenues, we can continue making progress toward
balancing the budget. Likewise, as long as the amount of new
authority is less than expenditures, we are continuing on the way
toward lower levels of Government spending.
BUDGET EXPENDrrURES
In the fiscal year 1956, net budget expenditures are estimated
to be 1 1.9 billion dollars below actual spending in the fiscal year
1 953. The record shows that this administration cut Government
spending in 1954 by 6.5 billion dollars below 1953, and lo.i bil-
lion dollars below the level estimated for 1954 on January 9, 1953.
For 1955, an additional reduction of 4.3 billion dollars is now
estimated and still another reduction in spending of i.i billion
dollars is the present estimate for 1956. The fiscal year 1955 is
only half completed and the beginning of 1956 is still 5J/2 months
away. We shall continue working to improve efficiency and to
reduce still further the totals now estimated for these years.
Expenditures
Fiscal year: {in billions)
1952 $65. 4
1953 74- 3
1954: As estimated, January 9, 1953 77.9
Actual 67. 8
1955 estimated 63.5
1956 estimated 62.4
The stern requirements of our national defense dictate the larg-
est part of our budget, and it is chiefly these requirements which
90
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 17
prevent us from decreasing budget expenditures faster at this time.
Further progress in reducing expenditures must result in large
part from increasing efficiency and from finding better ways of
doing the things that must be done. Future savings will be more
difficult than those already accomplished. However, we expect
to continue reducing the cost of Government.
Major national security. — Expenditures for major national
security programs in the fiscal year 1956 are estimated at 40.5
billion dollars, 65 percent of total budget expenditures. This
amount includes the cost of new legislation. I am proposing to
establish an effective military reserve system and strengthen the
career service. This budget provides for more expenditures by
the Department of Defense for air power than ever before in
peacetime history. New weapons for defensive and retaliatory
action are being developed and produced in increasing quantities.
High priority is being given to strengthening our continental de-
fense system. Since military supplies are not being consumed in
combat, the bulk of the military materiel being produced by our
factories is adding to our capacity to defend ourselves. Our de-
fense expenditures are now bringing about a steadily growing
strength. Never in our peacetime history have we been as well
prepared to defend ourselves as we are now.
We will deliver about the same amount of military equipment
to friendly nations as in 1954 ^^^ 1955. New atomic energy
plants will be placed in operation and more than in any previous
year will be spent for peaceful applications of atomic energy. The
dollar value of our stockpile of strategic materials is expected to
reach 78 percent of the minimum objective, compared with 58
percent in 1954.
International affairs and finance. — Our international pro-
grams are closely related to national security. The conduct of
our foreign affairs is crucial in preserving peace. We have mate-
rially contributed to the strengthening of friendly nations through
the economic aspects of the mutual security program. Continua-
tion of such assistance is urgendy needed for some countries. Net
91
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
expenditures for international affairs and finance are estimated
to be 1.3 billion dollars, 88 million dollars lower than in the fiscal
year 1955.
Keeping our own defenses strong and cooperating with our
allies to increase their defenses will deter outside attacks on our
freedom. We must at the same time look to the abiding sources
of our intemal strength — our faith in the power of free men, our
individual initiative, and our competitive enterprise.
Commerce and manpower. — ^We are moving ahead in taking
the Government out of business wherever this can properly be
done. In addition to selling the Inland Waterways Corporation
and liquidating the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, we have
already sold or shut down a number of Department of Defense
plants for processing scrap and manufacturing paint, clothing,
and chlorine. Private industry is performing an increasing share,
which has reached almost half, of major equipment overhauls
for the Air Force. Most of the synthetic rubber plants have been
sold to private purchasers, subject only to congressional approval.
These actions not only serve to strengthen our system of private
enterprise, but also in many cases reduce Government expendi-
tures and increase tax receipts for cities, counties, and States as
well as the Federal Government.
During the past year, legislation was enacted permitting pri-
vate lenders to make mortgage money available on more liberal
terms so that more people can buy their own homes. Local pub-
lic agencies, aided by private investors, are being encouraged to
start comprehensive urban renewal programs. Provision has been
made for extension of unemployment insurance to 4 million more
workers.
For the coming year, I am recommending that we start a 10-
year program to modernize the interstate highway system in
cooperation with State and local governments. I am also pro-
posing that we step up aeronautical research, expand air naviga-
tion facilities, and help industry build more ships. These activi-
ties are important for our national security as well as for our
92
Dwight D. Eisenhower, iq§5 ^ 17
growing economy. I firmly believe that as large a proportion as
possible of the expenditures of the Government should be borne
by those directly benefiting therefrom. The user charge prin-
ciple should be further extended. I have recommended to the
Congress that postal rates be increased to make the postal system
self-supporting in the near future. With the enactment of this
legislation, total net expenditures for commerce and manpower
in the fiscal year 1956 are expected to be 2.2 billion dollars, 364
million dollars below 1955.
Natural resources. — ^An important policy of this Government
is to encourage an increased sharing by State and local govern-
ments of our long-range development projects. For example, the
State of New York and the Province of Ontario are now jointly
developing the power resources of the St. Lawrence River without
cost to the Federal Government. Under legislation passed last
year the Markham Ferry project in Oklahoma and the Priest
Rapids project in the State of Washington, both with large power
developments, will be built by State or local units, with modest
Federal contributions only for those purposes such as flood control
which involve national responsibilities. This budget proposes the
start of several new construction projects under such partnership
arrangements. Thus, we are continuing to develop our natural
resources at less cost to the Federal Government. Net budget
expenditures of 953 million dollars in 1956 are estimated for
natural resources, 1 80 million dollars less than in 1955.
Agriculture. — Greater freedom from Government direction
and control of farming operations will be made possible in future
years as a result of the new farm legislation enacted last summer.
The flexible supports provided for therein will stimulate the con-
sumption of farm products at home and abroad and will reduce
Government expenditures for buying and storing surplus com-
modities. Greater private participation in the financing of loans
to farmers has also been brought about by legislation enacted
last year. By increased use of fully insured private loans, the need
for direct Federal loans for farm ownership and for soil and water
40308—59 9 93
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
conservation has been reduced. A sound basis has also been pro-
vided through the new watershed protection legislation for greater
cooperation between the Federal Government and States and local
groups in the upstream flood prevention program. In addition,
through strengthened agricultural research and educational work,
farmers can better work out solutions for their own problems.
These steps reduce the dependence of farmers on the Govern-
ment, encourage farmers to take the initiative in adjusting pro-
duction to demand, and provide the conditions under which
farmers can maintain their incomes with less interference by the
Government. The flexible support legislation will not greatly
affect expenditures for the fiscal year 1956. Estimated net ex-
penditures for agricultural programs in 1956 will be 2.3 billion
dollars, 871 miUion dollars less than in 1955. This reduction is
principally due to the anticipated smaller outlays for farm price
supports resulting from acreage restrictions and increased sales.
Welfare, health, and education. — Our policy of partnership
with State and local governments and with private enterprise is
also enabling us to make significant contributions to human wel-
fare. Our broadened programs of assistance for vocational re-
habilitation and for construction of nonprofit hospitals and health
centers will encourage greater State, local, and private activity in
these fields. The extension of old-age and survivors insurance to
I o million more persons and the increased contribution and benefit
rates enacted last year are in keeping with our tradition of self-
reliance and will diminish dependence on charity. This budget
includes appropriations for the health improvement program
which I shall outline in a special message. Increases in some
programs, principally for public health and vocational rehabilita-
tion, will be offset by some reductions in other programs. Total
expenditures for welfare, health, and education are estimated at
2.3 billion dollars in the fiscal year 1956, about the same as in
1955-
Veterans^ services and benefits. — Expenditures for veterans'
benefits continue to increase as a result of the growing number of
94
Dwight D, Eisenhower y ^955 ^ ^7
veterans, now estimated at 2 1 million in civil life, becoming eligi-
ble for benefits. Legislation enacted last year raised compensation
and pension benefits to our ex-servicemen and women. I have
recently issued a proclamation ending the time period for acquir-
ing further rights to readjustment benefits intended for veterans
of the Korean conflict. Estimated net expenditures for veterans'
programs will be 4.6 billion dollars, about 200 million dollars
more than in 1955.
Interest and general government. — Expenditures for interest
are estimated to amount to 6.4 billion dollars, 180 million dollars
less than in 1955. In the field of general government, I recom-
mend that we increase our expenditures for tax collection and
management of Government property as further steps toward
efficiency. I also recommend strengthening our law-enforcement
agencies, particularly the Federal Bureau of Investigation.
Finally, the Government should resume its payments as employer
to the civil service retirement fund. As a result of these recom-
mendations and anticipated increases in payments of certified
claims, expenditures for general government purposes are ex-
pected to rise 344 million dollars to 1.6 billion dollars in the fiscal
year 1956.
Special classification of expenditures. — ^The budget expendi-
tures discussed above may be divided into four large groupings to
show the ends for which we pay taxes and also the items which
make our budgets big. These groupings are ( i ) the cost of civil
operations and administration, (2) interest, (3) civil benefits to
various parts of our society, and (4) the major cost of protection
against war.
The expenditures for civil operations and administration of
the Government have been obscured for many years by the large
expenditures for defense and by the variety and complexity of the
domestic and international programs. The cost of keeping the
civil functions of the Government running for the fiscal year 1956
is estimated to be 2.3 billion dollars or about 4 percent of the net
budget expenditures. This includes most of the expenditures
95
^ 1 7 Public Papers of the Presidents
Special Classification of Net Budget Expenditures
[Fiscal years. In billions]
^ 955 1 956 estimated
1 95 1 1952 1953 1954 esti-
actual actual actual actual mated Amount Percent
Current expenses for
civil operations and
administration $1.9 $2.2 $2.3 $1.9 $1.9 $2.3 4
Interest 5. 7 5. 9 6. 6 6. 5 6. 6 6. 4 10
Civil benefits 11. 5 12.2 13.4 11. 6 13.3 12.0 19
Protection 25.6 46.0 52.0 47.9 41.7 41.5 67
Undistributed (reserves
and adjustments) ... — .7 — .9 .1 .3
Total 44.1 65.4 74.3 67.8 63.5 62.4 100
classified as general government plus the expenditures for repair,
maintenance, and operation of Government civilian facilities, and
for regulatory activities.
The fluctuation shown in the cost of civil operations arises pri-
marily from the contribution made by the Federal Government,
as employer, to the civil service retirement fund. This contri-
bution was 321 million dollars in the fiscal year 1953 and 216
million dollars is proposed for 1956. No contributions were
made during 1954 ^^ ^955 pending a detailed review of all
Federal retirement systems by a special commission. Increased
funds are also provided for several departmental operations
where there has been a longstanding backlog of work.
Decreasing interest rates during the past 12 months, together
with a change in the timing of interest payments, have made
possible a forecast for lower expenditures for interest in the fiscal
year 1956.
The various civil benefit programs of the Govemment are esti-
mated to amount to 12 billion dollars in the fiscal year 1956.
Expenditures for veterans' benefits represent 38 percent of all
civil benefits in that year. The variations in expenditures for
farm price supports and mortgage purchases account for part
of the changes in total benefit expenditures between the fiscal
years 1953 and 1956.
96
Dwight D, Eisenhower y ig^^ ^ 17
The expenditures for protection, which account for two-thirds
of total expenditures, include continental defense at home and
mutual defense abroad. The total amount in the fiscal year 1956
consists of the 40.5 billion dollars for major national security
programs and i billion dollars for economic and technical assist-
ance imder the mutual security program. In addition, many
items of smaller size scattered through other parts of the budget,
not included in this category, are related in varying degrees to
protection. Examples are the Coast Guard and the Selective
Service System.
TAX POLICY
Last year we made great progress in reducing tax burdens and
improving the tax structure. Total tax reductions of 7.4 billion
dollars became effective. This was the largest tax reduction in
any single year in the country's history. It was made possible
only by large cuts in Government expenditures. The basic tax
law was revised to relieve hardships for millions of individuals
and to reduce tax barriers to economic growth.
The budget would have been balanced for the current fiscal
year if there had been no tax cuts. However, it was desirable
to share the benefits from the large expenditure reductions.
This enabled the people to have the extra money to spend for
themselves which they retained because of the reduction in their
taxes.
In view of the prospective deficit, we cannot afford to have any
further loss of revenue this year through reductions in taxes.
The corporate tax rate would be automatically reduced under
existing legislation from 52 to 47 percent on April i with a
revenue loss of about 2 billion dollars for a full year unless ex-
tended. Under existing law, the excise taxes on liquor, tobacco,
gasoline, and automobiles would also be automatically reduced
on April i, with a revenue loss of i billion dollars unless appro-
priate legislation is enacted by the Congress extending them.
In the fiscal year 1956, there will be an automatic revenue
reduction (as compared with 1955) of almost 2 billion dollars
97
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
under existing law, wholly apart from any changes in tax rates.
The principal reason is the completion of the plan adopted 5
years ago under which payments of corporate taxes have been
moved forward into earlier fiscal years. Fortunately, this re-
duction in 1956 will be more than offset by increases in revenue
due to the economic growth of the country.
Because we must keep our existing revenues intact, I have
already recommended to the Congress in my State of the Union
Message that existing rates on both excises and corporate incomes
be extended for i year. Any other course of action would result
in either ( i ) inadequate expenditures for national security, or
(2) inflationary borrowing.
During the past year the Treasury Department has continued
to examine possible changes in the tax laws concerning which no
recommendations were made in the revision of the tax laws last
year. As final conclusions are reached by the Department they
will be sent to the Congress.
I have also directed the Secretary of the Treasury promptly to
make recommendations for any other changes in the laws which
may be found necessary to prevent anyone from avoiding his fair
share of the tax burden.
The present tax take of nearly one-fourth of our national in-
come is a serious obstacle to the long-term dynamic growth of
the economy which is so necessary for the future. There must be
the means for providing more and better jobs not only for those
who are working today but also for the millions of young people
who will come of working age in future years. The stimulus of
further tax reductions is necessary just as soon as they can prop-
erly be made.
We must always make adequate provision for our security and
other essential services, and further tax reductions can only be
made as savings in governmental expenditures or increased rev-
enues resulting from growth in our economy are in sight.
However, further tax reduction remains a firm goal of this
administration, and our policy is directed to achieving both the
98
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 17
savings in expenditures and the economic growth that will make
such reductions possible.
I hope that tax reductions will be so justified next year. If so,
I shall recommend a reduction in taxes to spread the relief fairly
among all taxpayers in a way which will be the most effective to
relieve individual tax burdens and to increase incentive for effort
and investment.
DEBT MANAGEMENT
Debt management policy during the past year was keyed to
Federal Reserve monetary policy to help assure the ready avail-
ability of money and credit needed to sustain a high level of busi-
ness activity. The Treasury refrained under the special circum-
stances of 1954 from issuing long-term securities which would
compete for long-term money available for the construction of
new homes, for business expansion, or for new schools, highways,
and hospitals at the State and local government level. At the
same time, progress was made in improving the structure of the
public debt by some extension of maturities through issuing more
intermediate-term bonds. In each major Treasury financing
during 1954, except for borrowing through tax anticipation secu-
rities, investors had the opportunity to buy securities longer than
I -year certificates. The result was a substantial reduction in the
short-term debt.
On December 31, 1954, the public debt subject to the stat-
utory limit was 278.3 billion dollars. We expect to be able to
operate this fiscal year within the temporary debt limit of 281
billion dollars voted by the Congress last August. The increase
beyond 275 billion dollars provided by this legislation is, however,
temporary. The statutory limit will go back to 275 billion dollars
on June 30, 1955. We anticipate that the heavy tax receipts
during the remainder of this fiscal year will enable us to reduce
the debt to within that figure by June 30, 1955.
At the start of the new fiscal year in July 1955 ^^e debt will
already be pressing against the legal limit. With the present
seasonal pattern of tax collections, expenditures will exceed re-
99
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
ceipts in the first 6 months of the fiscal year 1956 by about 8 billion
dollars. Thus, it will not be possible to pay the Government's
bills in that period without exceeding the 275 billion dollar limit.
We recognize that the statutory debt limit is valuable as an
expression of firm intent to maintain fiscal soundness. With pres-
ent requirements for national security we have not yet been able
to achieve a balanced budget, even though we have made sub-
stantial progress toward it. Therefore, I have no alternative
but to ask the Congress to again increase the debt limit.
During the past 2 years, we have proved that a free, democratic
system can make the adjustment from war to peace without
serious economic disturbances. A major factor in this achieve-
ment has been the confidence of the people in the ability of the
Government to bring its financial affairs under control and to
conduct them in a responsible manner.
Our objective of being provident in financial matters has paid
and is still paying dividends in general well-being. We have re-
duced expenditures and eased the crushing load of taxation. We
have improved the structure of the public debt and provided a
favorable environment for sound monetary policy. We have en-
couraged private initiative by starting to take the Government
out of competition with private enterprise. We have made prog-
ress in housing and in protection against personal catastrophe.
We are developing our natural resources in partnership with the
State and local governments and with private initiative. These
steps are designed to assure high and rising employment, a grow-
ing prosperity, and a stable dollar.
This administration will continue to exercise the utmost care
in the manner in which it uses the taxpayers' money. It will con-
tinue to purchase what we must have for our security, well-being,
and prosperity with the fewest possible number of dollars. And
it will continue to administer the huge Government organization
more efficiently. It will put first things first and restrain spend-
100
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ JQ55 ^ 17
ing to items of high priority. Our success thus far in reducing
taxes, expenditures, and the deficit is the best evidence of the
earnestness of our efforts.
With an indestructible faith in the destiny of this country, a
faith equal to that of the founders who held that all men are
Divinely endowed with inalienable rights; with full confidence
that in the intelligent cooperation of free men is to be found the
most effective way of solving group and national problems; with
unshaken dedication to the pursuit of peace and justice at home
and in the world, we shall continue to sustain our liberties and we
shall meet and far surpass the objectives we now set for ourselves
in promoting human welfare, happiness, and prosperity.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
Part B
• [This second part of the budget message starts with three summary tables
which are omitted. ]
To the Congress of the United States:
This second part of my message contains further details regard-
ing budget expenditures and new appropriations and my legisla-
tive recommendations. Major trust fund transactions are sum-
marized. Expenditures are analyzed from two different points of
view.
Purposes of expenditures. — From one point of view, budget
expenditures serve four broad purposes. These were summarized
on page 96. Four percent goes for keeping the civil functions
of Government running. Another 10 percent is necessary to pay
the interest charges on the Government debt. A somewhat larger
proportion, 19 percent, is devoted to the costs of various programs
combined under the heading of civil benefits. Some of these
benefit particular groups or localities. Others are in the nature
of more general benefits. Another 67 percent is for the major
programs for protection against possible war.
40308—59 10
lOI
f 17
Public Papers of the Presidents
That part of the expenditures of various agencies which is for
current expenses of civil operations and administration is shown
by agency in the following table :
Current Expenses for Civil Operations and Administration
[Fiscal years. In millions]
I 95 I 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956
actual actual actual actual estimated estimated
Legislative branch $57 $58 $53 $55 $64 $65
The Judiciary 25 27 27 28 30 33
Executive branch:
Department of Agriculture .. . loi 89 96 139 138 139
Department of Commerce 105 145 112 50 84 82
Department of Defense — Civil
functions 56 58 81 52 59 60
Department of Health, Educa-
tion, and Welfare 7 8 8 8 9 10
Department of the Interior. . . 11 1 119 127 125 150 150
Department of Justice 150 194 169 181 184 200
Department of Labor 38 48 53 51 86 96
Post Office Department 74 70 35 ^6
Department of State 193 211 221 144 131 141
Treasury Department:
Claims and judgments 98 76 137 213 163 250
Otiier 434 471 478 488 480 495
Civil Service Commission 324 332 346 50 48 235
Economic Stabilization Agen-
cy 91 64 2
General Services Administra-
tion 96 163 162 147 148 153
Otiier 43 13 130 135 143 144
Total 1,911 2,174 2,299 1,872 1,916 2,251
^ Since August 15, 1953, the cost of Government mail has been paid by the various
agencies.
Expenditures for civil benefits are shown in the following table.
These expenditures are partly for the acquisition of assets, which
have varying degrees of recoverable value or permanency. Other
expenditures are for long-range development, and for current aids
and services to various groups.
The largest amount of benefits goes to veterans for compensa-
tion and pension payments, hospital and medical care, and read-
102
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 17
justment benefits, including vocational training. The next largest
current expense for benefits is for public assistance grants to States.
Current expenses for agriculture consist of losses realized in dis-
position of commodities acquired under price support programs,
payment for the removal of surplus commodities, administrative
expenses of loan programs and other aids to farmers.
Expenditures for Civil Benefits
[Fiscal years. In millions]
I 95 I 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956
actual actual actual actual estimated estimated
Federal assets (loans, construc-
tion, major equipment, and
additions to commodity in-
ventories) $1,771 $2,905 $4,672 $2,840 $3,323 $2,013
Long-range development:
State, local, and private assets
(roads, airports, schools,
and soil conservation) ... . 961 1,023 i> 124 1,022 1,131 i> 302
Expenditures for education,
training, health, and re-
search and development. . . 1,178 566 602 586 667 754
Current expenses for aids and
services:
Agriculture 905 463 305 540 995 750
Business:
Post Office 521 670 624 307 267 1 15
Other 288 371 310 341 483 522
Labor 203 209 215 216 272 348
Home owners and tenants .. . —160 —129 —123 —116 —92 —48
Veterans 4,515 4» 7io 4, 178 4> 185 4,347 4,536
Public assistance i, 186 i, 178 i, 33° i> 43^ i, 445 i> 420
Other aids 141 186 176 209 420 371
Total 11,509 12,153 13,413 "»57o 13*259 11,984
1 Based on proposed increases in postal rates and postzd pay.
Most of the postal deficit for 1954 and 1955 has been included
among benefits to private business since the Post Office Depart-
ment's analysis shows that it arises principally from inadequate
second- and third-class mail rates. The proposed rate increase
will practically absorb the postal deficit in 1956.
Expenditures for protection, as shown in the next table, likewise
103
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
include the acquisition of Federal assets, of varying degrees of
permanent value, from airbases to aircraft, tanks, trucks, and
bombs. Such expenditures also include long-range development,
and current expenses. The last mentioned is primarily the cost
of military pay and operations. Protection also includes a sub-
stantial amount of military equipment and economic and tech-
nical assistance furnished under the mutual security program, of
which a significant amount goes to Korea and other Far Eastern
countries.
Expenditures for Protection
[Fiscal years. In millions]
I 95 I 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956
actual actual actual actual estimated estimated
Federal assets (construction,
plant and major equipment,
and stockpiling) $6, 099 $15, 059 $21, 438 $19, 914 $16, 762 $16, 934
Long-range development (re-
search and development) ... . 915 1,285 1,617 1,6x6 1,546 1,649
Current expenses (military pay,
operations, maintenance, ad-
ministration, and military aid
abroad) 15*293 27,505 27,219 24,994 22,336 23,625
Current expenses of economic
assistance abroad 3, 320 2, 154 i, 705 i, 339 i, 029 i, 017
Unallocated reduction in esti-
mates (Department of De-
fense) — I, 750
Total 25, 626 46, 002 51, 979 47» 863 41, 673 41, 475
Controllability of expenditures. — The preceding analysis has
indicated the broad purposes of expenditures. It is important
that we also consider our budget from another point of view.
About one-fourth of the total expenditures can be classified as
permitting little or no administrative discretion through the
budget process. The level of these expenditures depends upon
the provisions of the legislation which authorized the programs
and on other factors independent of Executive control.
104
Dwight D. Eisenhower, IQ55 ^ 17
Summary of Net Budget Expenditures Indicating
Controllability
[Fiscal years. In miJlions]
1953 1954 1955 1956
Description actual actual estimated estimated
Major national security programs $50, 274 $46, 522 $40, 644 $40, 458
Major programs not readily subject to
administrative discretion through
the budget process:
Veterans' compensation, pensions, and
selected benefit programs 3j 3^3 3^297 3,512 3,680
Veterans' unemployment compensation 26 82 131 150
Grants to States for public assistance. . i, 330 i, 438 i, 445 i, 420
Payment to railroad retirement fund
for military service credits 33 35
Agricultural price support (Commodity
Credit Corporation) i, 943 i, 526 2, 159 * i, 142
Removal of surplus agricultural com-
modities 82 178 113 180
Conservation of agricultural land re-
sources 273 171 190 212
Federal-aid highway grants 509 53 1 600 680
Grants to States for unemployment
compensation and employment serv-
ice administration 202 203 195 245
Payment to the unemployment trust
fund 64 87
Claims and relief acts 129 213 163 250
Payments to Federal employees' retire-
ment funds 321 31 30 217
Unemployment compensation for Fed-
eral employees 33 40
Legislative and the Judiciary 88 87 102 116
Interest 6, 583 6, 470 6, 558 6, 378
Total 14*902 14,262 i5>295 14, 797
Another 9,098 6,988 7,565 7,153
Total budget expenditures 74, 274 67, 772 63, 504 62, 408
*For comparability with prior years, includes expenditures (127 million dollars) from
appropriations to reimburse Commodity Credit Corporation.
For example, interest depends upon the size of the public debt
and the interest rates. Expenditures for veterans' benefits depend
upon the benefit rates and the number of eligible veterans. Ex-
penditures for agricultural price supports are affected by such
105
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
factors as the weather, the level of world prices, and the ability
of foreign purchasers to pay dollars. Grants to States are made
under formulas fixed in legislation and vary with State partic-
ipation and general economic conditions. Expenditures for rela-
tively uncontrollable programs will be 14.8 billion dollars in the
fiscal year 1956. This will be 498 million dollars less than in
1955. Increases for grants under the Federal-Aid Highway Act
of 1954, veterans' benefits, payment of claims, and resumption
of the Government's contribution to the civil service retirement
and disability fund are more than offset by the decreases expected
for agricultural price supports and interest on the public debt.
Expenditures for major national security programs will decline
186 million dollars in the fiscal year 1956. All other Government
expenditures are estimated to decline 412 million dollars. Al-
though these latter expenditures are only 1 1 percent of the total,
they include the great majority of the individual appropriation
items in the budget. Between the fiscal years 1953 and 1956,
these expenditures are estimated to be reduced by 1.9 billion
dollars. Included in this total are expenditures for international
affairs and finance, and for most of the regular operations of the
Government such as enforcing laws, collecting taxes, promoting
health, postal service, and civil public works.
Major trust funds. — The budget receipts and expenditures
which I have so far discussed reflect only transactions of funds
which belong to the Federal Government. In addition, the Fed-
eral Government engages in extensive transactions with funds
which it does not own but holds in trust for others. The follow-
ing table summarizes the receipts, expenditures, and balances for
the major trust funds. These include the trust funds for vet-
erans' life insurance, old-age and survivors' insurance, railroad
retirement. Federal employees retirement, and unemployment
compensation. The total receipts and expenditures of the many
smaller trust funds which are not included in the table have
amounted to about one-half billion dollars annually in recent
years.
106
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 17
Summary of Receipts, Expenditures, and Balances of Major Trust Funds
[Fiscal years. In millions]
1954 1955 1956 ^
actual estimated estimated
Balance in funds at start of year $43, 057 $44, 924 $46, 449
Receipts 8, 698 9, 343 i o, 882
Expenditures 6, 832 7, 819 8, 245
Balance in funds at close of year 44, 924 46, 449 49, 087
The accumulated balances of these funds will increase substan-
tially from 43.1 billion dollars at the beginning of the fiscal year
1954 to an estimated 49.1 billion dollars at the close of 1956.
Most of these balances are invested in special issues of United
States Government securities. Receipts of these trust funds in-
clude interest on such investments, payroll taxes paid by employ-
ers and employees, and premiums paid by veterans for life
insurance. Expenditures are primarily for the payment of bene-
fits. Additional information on these funds can be found in part
III of the budget document.
Receipts from and payments to the public, — ^Transactions of
trust funds and Federal funds are consolidated to show the total
of the Federal Government's receipts from and payments to the
public. This statement shows the total flow of funds for the year
and is one measure of the inflationary or deflationary impact of
Federal fiscal transactions on the national economy; it is not a
substitute for the regular budget statements.
Receipts From and Payments to the Public, Excluding Borrowing
[Fiscal years. In millions]
1954 1955 1956
actual estimated estimated
Gash receipts from the public $71, 636 $66, 649 $68, 793
Gash payments to the public 71, 868 69, 026 68, 235
Excess of cash receipts 558
Excess of cash payments 232 2, 377
MAJOR NATIONAL SECURITY
The major national security category of the budget includes not
only the military functions of the Department of Defense, but
107
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
also the development of atomic energy, the stockpiling of strategic
and critical materials, and the portions of the mutual security
program which consist of military assistance and direct forces
support to other free nations. These four major programs are
the basic elements of our national security. Other programs with
smaller totals and relating to activities which are not so exclusively
defense are included under other classifications of the budget.
For example, the commerce and manpower section includes the
Coast Guard, merchant marine, the Selective Service System, civil
defense, aeronautical research, and promotion of defense pro-
duction.
Expenditures for major national security programs in the fiscal
year 1956 are estimated at 40.5 billion dollars. This total is 186
million dollars below that for 1955, and 6.1 billion dollars below
the actual 1954 amount. Recommended new authority to incur
obligations is greater than for 1955 but less than for 1954. After
the cessation of combat operations in Korea, we were able to
reduce our 1955 military appropriations because the unobligated
balances available were greater than required and the large stocks
of supplies on hand permitted the military services to "live off the
shelf" to a large degree without replacing the items consumed.
Recommendations in this budget for our major national secu-
rity programs are based on the same philosophy which I recom-
mended and the Congress adopted for the fiscal years 1954 and
1955. I then proposed that we should plan and finance our
national security program on a long-term basis that would main-
tain essential military strength over an indefinite period of time
without impairing the basic soundness of the United States
economy. This budget continues the concept of no assumed fixed
date of maximum danger. Any other concept would lead to an
inevitable let-down in strength and produce peaks and valleys in
our defense spending and production.
It is essential that we, together with other nations of the free
world, maintain a level of military strength which will effectively
108
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 17
discourage any would-be aggressor from attacking. We cannot
accept less. The effectiveness of our power to deter rests princi-
pally upon our capability to retaliate swiftly and decisively and
upon our ability to defend ourselves against attack. The advent
of nuclear weapons has profoundly affected our concepts of mili-
tary strategy and tactics as well as our national security policies.
Such weapons multiply many fold the striking power of any mili-
tary force. This budget, therefore, continues the emphasis on
the development and maintenance of effective nuclear-air retalia-
tory power of the Air Force and Naval aviation as the principal
deterrent to military aggression. Such power is being supple-
mented by other military forces of great strength, flexibility, and
mobility and by the forces of our allies.
In order to safeguard our striking power and resources, we are
giving continued high priority to the accelerated development of
continental defense programs.
Priority is also being given to the development and introduction
into operating units of new weapons and techniques adapted to
the radically changed conditions imposed by the potential of nu-
clear warfare. This budget also provides for continued improve-
ment in mobilization reserve stocks and for the cost of expanding
and strengthening our military manpower reserves as outlined in
my special message on this subject.
The complexity of modem military equipment and the revolu-
tion in military concepts in this atomic age put an extra preminum
upon military leadership, skill, and training. Unfortunately,
much of our investment in developing trained manpower is being
lost, as too many servicemen are rejecting a military career for
the attractions they expect from civilian life. My legislative pro-
posals to meet these problems were set forth in my special message
on military pay and incentives, and funds for them are provided
in this budget.
109
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
Major National Security
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Budget expenditures {net)
Item
Direction and coordination of
defense
Other central defense activi-
ties
Army defense activities
Navy defense activities
Air Force defense activities . . .
Proposed legislation
Unallocated reduction in esti-
mates
1950
actual
$10
199
3.983
4, TOO
3.600
1953
actual
$15
394
16, 242
11,874
15.085
1954
actual
$12
452
12,910
11.293
15, 668
1.955
estimated
$12
488
8,900
9.775
15, 200
1956
estimated
$12
588
8,850
9.700
15, 600
I, 000
-1.750
Subtotal, Department of
Defense
11,892
550
43. 610
I. 791
40, 336
34. 375
2,050
34. 000
Development and control of
atomic energy, present
program
Proposed legislation
1.895
1,910
90
Strategic and critical mate-
rials
438
919
651
3.629
12
994
783
Mutual security (military):
Military assistance, present
program
130
3.954
2,675
550
2,875
200
500
100
Proposed legislation
Direct forces support, pres-
ent program
Proposed legislation
Subtotal, military as-
sistance and support .
130
13, 010
3,954
3.641
46, 522
3.225
40, 644
3.675
Total budget expenditures . . .
50, 274
40, 458
IIO
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1Q55
f 17
Item
Direction and coordination of
defense
Other central defense activities
Army defense activities
Navy defense activities
Air Force defense activities . . .
Proposed legislation
Reduction through transfers of
prior year appropriations
Subtotal, Department of
Defense
Development and control of
atomic energy
Strategic and critical materials
Mutual security (military):
Military assistance, present
program
Proposed legislation
Direct forces support, pres-
ent program
Proposed legislation
Subtotal, military as-
sistance and support .
Total new obligational au-
thority
JVew obligational authority
1950
1953
1954
1955
1956
actual
actual
actual
estimated
recom"
mended
$11
$15
$13
$13
S13
180
540
778
645
627
4,392
15,221
12, 777
7,788
7,303
4,359
12,689
9,612
10,272
8,937
5,428
20,451
11,411
12,065
14,536
2,983
— 1,500
14,370 48,916 34,590 30,783
839
425
4,152
134
I, 118 I, 284
380
1,359
4,096 3,192 1,144
570 795
1,359
32, 899
1,292
522
1, 400
630
4,096 3,763 1,939 2,030
16,993 57,298 39,471 34,386 36,742
Department of Defense. — To maintain a strong military pos-
ture and assure that our national security policy will adequately
support our foreign policy, our military planning must be kept
flexible and dynamic. The structure of our military forces must
be subjected to continuing review and adjusted to reflect the
rapid technological advances of this nuclear and electronic age.
A year ago, I approved a long-range plan for our military forces
upon which the fiscal year 1955 budget was based. Recent re-
views of our plans and policies have resulted in reaffirmation of
most of the elements of this long-range plan, but with some
III
^ 1 7 Public Papers of the Presidents
changes in timing. Our current military plans, in turn, will be
subjected to continuing review so that they — as well as our mili-
tary equipment — ^will be kept up-to-date. It is important that
we do not attempt to fix our minds or plans upon any partic-
ular set of numbers, for today's technological changes may make
yesterday's numbers and concepts obsolete.
In my judgment, the military forces and programs upon which
this budget is based are accurately adjusted to the national needs.
Under our current plans, the number of military personnel is
scheduled to be reduced from the present level of approximately
3.2 million to about 3 million by June 30, 1955, and to something
over 2.8 million by June 30, 1956, for an average of approxi-
mately 2.9 million personnel during the fiscal year 1956, com-
pared with an average of 3.2 miUion during the fiscal year 1955.
Within this figure, however, the Air Force personnel strength
will be somewhat increased.
The cessation of hostilities and the buildup of the Republic of
Korea forces have permitted us to withdraw five United States
ground divisions from the Far East. We have thus increased the
number of divisions in a central reserve of forces which can be
deployed where and when needed. In addition, 1/3 Marine
divisions will be withdrawn from the Far East in the near future,
so that their capability as a highly trained, combat-ready, am-
phibious force may be available as part of the central reserve.
United States military forces will be maintained at appropriate
levels in the Far East, with emphasis on highly mobile naval and
air units of unparalleled striking power.
The Army has devoted considerable effort to assessing the
changes in Army organization and doctrine required to meet the
conditions of the atomic battlefield. These studies are continu-
ing, and it appears that the Army of the future will be organized
into smaller, but more mobile and self-contained, units with
greater fire power. The Navy will operate approximately 1,000
active ships — including 400 warships. The number of carrier air
groups is to be increased from the present 16 to 17, and an addi-
112
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 17
tional attack carrier equipped with modern aircraft will be
added to the fleet. The Navy will continue to maintain 15 anti-
submarine warfare squadrons. The Marine Corps will main-
tain 3 combat-ready divisions and 3 air wings. The current
level of approximately 10,000 Naval and Marine operating air-
craft will be maintained. The Air Force is continuing its buildup
toward a goal of 137 wings, and expects to have 130 wings in
being by June 30, 1956 — 119 of which will be combat wings.
The major units of all services will be supplemented by appro-
priate combat support units. All the services will continue their
efforts to increase the proportion of military personnel assigned
to combat units.
About two-thirds of the projected Department of Defense
expenditures in the fiscal year 1956 will be devoted to air power
and related programs — ^both offensive and defensive. Expendi-
tures for these programs will be the largest in our peacetime
history. The active aircraft inventory in combat and support-
ing units of the Air Force, Navy, and Marine air forces will
increase from over 34,000 on June 30, 1954, to 36,000 on June 30,
1956, and will continue to increase in succeeding years toward
the present objective of close to 40,000 aircraft. In addition,
the Army will maintain 3,600 active aircraft, with more than a
20 percent increase during the next 2 years in the number of
helicopters. The growth in our effective air power is far greater
than these numbers indicate, for our aircraft continue to increase
in size, speed, range, and striking power.
By the end of the fiscal year 1956, the total number of aircraft
in combat units of the Air Force, Navy, and Marine Corps will
be approximately one-fourth greater than at the beginning of
the current fiscal year. The number of jet aircraft in such units
will increase by more than one-third during the same period.
The increasing modernization of our air power is shown by the
fact that by June 30, 1956, the Air Force combat units will be
almost 100 percent jet equipped. The proportion of jets in
the combat units of the Marines and Navy will increase by
113
^ 1 7 Public Papers of the Presidents
approximately 15 percent over the beginning of the current
fiscal year.
During the past year, continuing improvements have been
made in the management and operations of the Department of
Defense. The stock-fund principle, which has been applied in
the Navy over a period of years, is now being broadly adopted by
the Army and is being initiated in the Air Force. Stock funds
have been extended to include 9.3 billion dollars in inventories.
Major savings — ^particularly in the Army — are resulting from
the extension of such property accounting and other businesslike
management techniques. The Army is now beginning to
account for its supplies in terms of dollar value, and is relating its
needs and purchases to its inventories. Largely as a result of the
Army's more efficient administration of the supplies and fiinancial
assets in its stock fund account, operating stocks are being reduced
to lower but better-balanced levels. In addition, military
installations with i .6 billion dollars of annual transactions have
been put on a businesslike basis through the use of industrial
funds.
Military functions of the Department of Defense will require
32.9 billion dollars of new authority to incur obligations in the
fiscal year 1956, including proposed legislation. The gross re-
quirements to finance proposed legislation total 3 billion dollars,
but I am recommending that 1.5 billion dollars of this be met
with currently available fimds which can be transferred as a
result of actual and prospective savings and adjustments by the
Department of Defense.
Total expenditures for military functions of the Department
of Defense will be greater than the new obligational authority
required. Expenditures have been estimated at 34 billion dol-
lars despite the fact that the present estimates for the many indi-
vidual Department of Defense programs add to a total of 35.75
billion dollars. The success of the Secretary of Defense to date
in introducing improvements in planning and increased efficiency
in operations leads him to believe that he will find more oppor-
114
Dwight D. Eisenhower, IQ55
^ 17
tunities for savings and economies. It is not feasible for the
Secretary to predict at this time what the possible savings, slip-
pages, and program adjustments will be in each category of
military expenditures but he expects that total expenditures will
not exceed 34 billion dollars. Consequently, the anticipated
savings and adjustments are shown as an unallocated reduction of
1.75 billion dollars, about 5 percent of the total estimated ex-
penditures of the Department of Defense.
The estimated 34 billion dollars of expenditures for the fiscal
year 1956 includes i billion dollars for proposed legislation. The
total estimate is 375 million dollars lower than the current esti-
mate of expenditures for the fiscal year 1955 and 6.3 billion
dollars below expenditures in the fiscal year 1954.
Department of Defense Costs by Major Categories
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Budget expenditures
1953 1954
Cost category actual actual
Military personnel $i i, 556 Sio, 961
Operation and maintenance. lOj 379 9? 356
Major procurement and pro-
duction (17, 123) (15, 958)
Aircraft 7, 416 8, 334
Ships 1,191 1, 090
Other 8, 516 6, 534
Military public works i, 913 i, 706
Reserve components 522 584
Research and development. . i, 412 i, 385
Establishmen t- wide activities . 759 771
Working capital (revolving)
funds —54 —384
Unallocated reduction in esti-
mates
Reduction through transfers of
prior year appropriations
1955
estimated
$10,245
7,869
(12,627)
7,557
888
4, 182
1,418
705
1,307
719
-515
Recommended
new obliga-
1 956 tional author^
estimated ityjor 1956
$10,295 $10,612
8, 576 9, 184
(12,718)
7,550
999
4,169
1,749
927
1,369
793
-677
-1,750
(9, 524)
6,064
1,317
2,143
1,914
1,037
1,370
758
■1,500
Total.
43,610 40,336 34,375 34,000 32,899
Military personnel costs, which include the compensation of
military personnel, family allowances, subsistence, clothing, and
115
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
permanent-change-of-station transportation, will be approxi-
mately the same in 1956 as during the current fiscal year but
about 6 percent below the fiscal year 1954. Although the num-
ber of military personnel is scheduled to decrease during the fiscal
year 1956, the resulting decrease in expenditures will be more
than offset by the added costs of the pay increase and other bene-
fits proposed in my special message. I am again recommending
legislation to provide medical care for dependents of members of
our Armed Forces in both military and civilian medical facilities.
Funds are included in this budget for this proposal. I will also
recommend an extension of the Dependents Assistance Act and
funds are included in this budget to cover these costs.
Continuing improvements in organization and management of
the Department of Defense have resulted in significant savings
in the costs of operating and maintaining posts, stations, airbases,
aircraft, ships, and other military equipment during the past 2
years. The planned reduction in numbers of military personnel
will permit further savings through appropriate reductions in the
number of supporting establishments. Nevertheless, total ex-
penditures for operation and maintenance will be greater in the
coming fiscal year than during the fiscal year 1955, since the cost
reductions will be more than offset by the increasing costs of
operating and maintaining the modern equipment being provided
for our forces, and for operating our expanding system of conti-
nental defense in which all services participate.
Major strides have been made during the past year in expand-
ing the system for defense of continental United States against
possible enemy attack. NIKE guided-missile battalions are
rapidly being installed for the defense of key potential targets.
A separate Continental Air Defense Command, reporting directly
to the Joint Chiefs of Staff, has been established. It has opera-
tional control over continental defense forces, including ( i ) Air
Force fighter interceptors and aircraft control and warning net-
works, (2) Army anti-aircraft and guided missile battalions,
(3 ) Navy radar picket ships and air units in the contiguous radar
116
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 17
system, and (4) additional forces from other Air Force, Navy,
Marine Corps, and Air National Guard fighter and radar units
when made available for air defense. Our radar screen is being
expanded and existing gaps in coverage are being filled. Our
Air Defense forces, as well as the Strategic Air Command and
Naval air power, are being kept on an alert basis. A surprise
enemy attack would find us with increasing readiness to resist
attack and retaliate with devastating effect. These measures in-
evitably lead to increased operating costs for continental defense,
which are now higher than ever before in our history and are
still rising.
Expenditures for procurement and production of major items
of equipment will continue at approximately the same level as
during the current fiscal year and will constitute more than one-
third of the total projected expenditures of the Department of
Defense. Procurement of aircraft and guided missiles will con-
tinue at the same level as during the current year and will account
for two-thirds of total major procurement expenditures. Ship-
building expenditures will increase over the current fiscal year.
This budget provides for an increased number of new shipbuild-
ing starts. This continues the program I recommended in the
1955 budget to cope with the problem of "block obsolescence"
of the fleet, which was largely built during World War II. In-
cluded in the proposed shipbuilding program for the fiscal year
1 956 is a fifth carrier of the Forrestal class.
Appropriations enacted in prior years have permitted us to
build our mobilization stocks of key military items to greater levels
than ever before accumulated except in time of war. My recom-
mendations in this budget will permit us to continue the accumu-
lation of reserves of selected types of materiel. They also provide
for our operating needs for newer weapons and equipment. As
has been the policy of this administration in the past, maximum
feasible reliance will also be placed upon keeping military pro-
duction facilities in operation rather than on accumulating even
larger reserve stocks of end-items.
117
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
Military construction expenditures during the fiscal year 1956
are expected to increase substantially over the 1955 level, reflect-
ing progress in all Services on construction of bases. A substantial
portion of the military public works projects proposed to be under-
taken during the fiscal year 1956 are related to the continental
defense program. In addition, this budget provides for essential
increments to overseas construction programs now nearing com-
pletion and for rounding out the facilities needed for the approved
military force levels. The program includes a portion of the
family housing greatly needed at military installations. Limited
provision is also made for replacing a small portion of substandard
World War II construction which has passed the point of econom-
ical maintenance and operation.
In my special message I recommended urgently needed legisla-
tion to create a more effective military reserve. Expenditures for
the reserve components are expected to increase markedly during
the fiscal year 1956 as a result of this legislation. Reservists in
drill pay status are estimated to increase from 697,000 as of June
30, 1954, to about 857,000 at the end of the current fiscal year
and a little over 1,000,000 at the end of the fiscal year 1956. In
addition, under the terms of the proposed new program, there will
be approximately 50,000 reservists in drill pay status who will
have completed 6 months' active duty training by the end of the
fiscal year 1956.
This budget also provides for continuation of the present high
level of research and development in the Department of Defense.
Major emphasis is being placed on developments which will more
effectively utilize nuclear energy in military operations. New
equipment and techniques are being developed to provide the
mobility needed to meet the changed requirements of nuclear
warfare. We shall continue to concentrate on those programs
which show the greatest promise of providing reliable new weap-
ons and significant improvements in both our offensive and de-
fensive capabilities under the conditions of modem warfare. It
is my belief that increased returns in military research and de-
118
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 17
velopment can best come from maintaining a stable high level
program. Although this level of program utilizes, either through
direct employment or on a contractual basis, about one-half the
research scientists and engineers in the United States, it also
permits a high level of nonmilitary research and development
essential to an expanding economy.
Civil defense. — Civil defense is also an integral part of the
overall program for defense of the continental United States
against enemy attack. Although the major part of continental
defense is in the military budget, expenditures by the Federal
Civil Defense Administration are classified in the commerce and
manpower section together with those for dealing with peacetime
disasters.
The concept of civil defense adopted last year takes account
of the destructive threat of modern weapons and places emphasis
on improved warning of impending attack, to allow time for evac-
uation of potential target cities. Since this policy was announced,
the Federal Civil Defense Administration has developed its plans
more fully and individual cities have tested mass evacuation. I
cannot stress too much that civil defense will succeed or fail in
proportion to the willingness of American communities to meet
the peril. The Federal Government is developing cooperative
methods with State governors, mayors, and voluntary citizen
groups, as well as among Federal agencies, in building the civil
defense organization. In accordance with the Federal Civil De-
fense Act of 1950, the primary responsibility for civil defense rests
with the States and their political subdivisions.
Development and control of atomic energy. — It is our purpose,
working in concert with other nations, to banish the threat of
atomic warfare which now confronts the world. Progress is
being made toward establishing an international agency for co-
operation in developing the peaceful uses of atomic energy, as I
proposed to the United Nations on December 8, 1953. The
budget of the Atomic Energy Commission for the fiscal year 1956
provides for greater expenditures than ever before on projects to
119
^ 1 7 Public Papers of the Presidents
develop peaceful applications of atomic energy. We shall con-
tinue unabated our efforts to assure that this great force will be
used, not for war, but for the well-being of all mankind. Until
such assurance can be achieved, however, we have no alternative
but to strengthen further our most effective deterrent to armed
aggression — the power of our nuclear weapons stockpile.
Despite a growing program, I am recommending for 1956 only
a slight increase over 1955 in new authority to incur obligations
because of the availability of large unobligated balances, due
partly to savings in construction costs. Total expenditures in the
fiscal year 1956 are estimated at 2 billion dollars, 50 million
dollars less than in 1955.
Operating expenditures will rise in the fiscal year 1956 to the
highest rate yet attained. They will increase from 1.2 billion
dollars in 1955 to 1.5 billion dollars in 1956 principally because
of an expected higher level of procurement of raw uranium ores
and concentrates and because of greater production at the Com-
mission's plants as new facilities are completed and placed in
operation. The estimates assume continuing reductions in unit
production costs.
Capital expenditures in the fiscal year 1956 will drop con-
siderably as the large new production plants authorized in prior
years approach completion. Recommended new construction
will include : ( i ) plant improvements and other facilities to in-
crease the efficiency and capacity of the production complex,
(2) certain weapons research facilities, (3) a medical research
center, (4) an international training school in reactor technology,
and (5) developmental atomic reactor projects.
The national effort to develop industrial atomic power for
peacetime uses will go forward with increased vigor. The Atomic
Energy Act of 1954 makes possible substantial private activity and
investment in the constructive applications of atomic energy.
Construction of one large atomic powerplant jointly financed by
the Government and industry is already underway. As I stated
in my message of February 17, 1954, to the Congress, 'Tt is
120
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 17
essential that this program so proceed that this new industry will
develop self-reliance and self-sufficiency." Accordingly, it is ex-
pected that industry will finance an increasingly larger share of
the total national effort in developing power reactor technology.
However, to speed progress in getting the new technology estab-
lished, the Atomic Energy Commission in 1956 will expand sub-
stantially its program to develop industrial power reactors. Con-
struction of several experimental reactors will be started in 1955
and 1 956. Of these, one of the most significant is a power breeder,
designed to produce more fissionable material than it consumes.
Nearly 15 million dollars is included in the budget for this project.
Effective progress in military propulsion reactors will continue.
The launching in 1954 of the first atomic submarine, the U.S.S.
Nautilus^ will be followed by the launching in 1955 ^^ ^^ U.S.S.
Sea Wolf, an atomic submarine of different design. In addition,
two atomic-powered attack type submarines have been financed
by Department of Defense appropriations in the fiscal year 1955.
My recommendations for the Department for 1956 include addi-
tional submarines of this type. In 1956, development work will
proceed on improved types of submarine reactors, and on a re-
actor to power larger naval vessels. The Atomic Energy Com-
mission and the Department of Defense will expand and accele-
rate research on atomic powered aircraft, and will continue
development work on small transportable power reactors for
military use.
The basic — as distinct from applied — research which is funda-
mental to progress in all aspects of nuclear energy will be pursued
energetically and will entail somewhat higher expenditures in
1956, both in the Commission's own laboratories and through
support of research in universities and other institutions.
I again recommend that the Congress approve legislation to
allow the residents of Oak Ridge, Tennessee, and Richland, Wash-
ington, to purchase their homes and establish self-government,
thus taking the Federal Government out of the business of owning
and governing these communities.
121
^ I J Public Papers of the Presidents
Stockpiling of strategic and critical materials. — ^A ntw long-
term stockpile level has been established to provide an additional
measure of security over and above the minimum goals. Pro-
curement of the additional minerals will generally be limited to
instances where purchases at favorable prices will serve both to
meet the long-term stockpile objectives and to maintain essential
domestic production, as in the case of lead and zinc in the past 6
months.
Preliminary reviews of 50 minerals indicate that the new policy
may eventually increase the inventories of materials by 3.3 billion
dollars above the 6.5 billion dollars of minimum objectives. By
the end of the fiscal year 1956, about 5.1 billion dollars of ma-
terials within the minimum objectives, and an additional 1.2 bil-
lion dollars toward the long-term objectives will be in inventory,
compared with June 1954 levels of 3.8 billion dollars and 700
million dollars, respectively. In considerable measure, this prog-
ress is made possible under the Defense Production Act, discussed
in the commerce and manpower section of this message.
Mutual security program. — Military assistance and direct
forces support help other free nations to train and equip the mod-
ern armed forces which are necessary for our security as well as
their own. Such assistance is an integral part of our own national
security program for it helps to create, in crucial areas of the free
world, essential military strength which bolsters our own forces.
Because our allies generally provide the major portion of the costs
of maintaining the forces, this strength is being created at a rela-
tively low cost to the United States taxpayer.
The military assistance and direct forces support programs are
two parts of an integrated mutual security program which in its
entirety is designed to provide other nations with the margin of
outside assistance which they need to develop and maintain their
political, military, and economic strength, which is in our interest.
Other parts of this program are discussed in the international
affairs and finance section of this message. I shall submit to the
Congress proposals for necessary changes in the Mutual Security
122
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ 1^55
§ 17
Act. These will include my specific requests for authorization
of appropriations for the fiscal year 1956. Total expenditures
for mutual security are estimated at 4.7 billion dollars in the fiscal
year 1956, including the provisions for a program in Asia. Rec-
ommended new authority to incur obligations is 3.5 billion dollars.
Organization for mutual security operations, — The organiza-
tional arrangements to carry on the mutual security program
beyond the present fiscal year are now under careful study and
I shall in the near future present to the Congress my recommenda-
tions regarding them.
Mutual Security Program, Military and Economic
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Expenditures
Military:
Military assistance:
Present programs . . .
Proposed legislation .
Direct forces support:
Present programs . . .
Proposed legislation .
Nonmilitary:
Present programs
Proposed legislation . . .
1954 1955
actual estimated
$3, 629 $2, 675
Recommended new
obligational au-
^.95" thorityfor 1956
estimated
%2, 875
200
550
1,241 1,075
500
100
725
300
Si, 400
630
1,500
Total:
Present programs . . .
Proposed legislation .
4,882
4,300
4, 100
600
' 3» 530
1 Compares with new obligational authority of 4,725 million dollars in 1954 and 2,781
million dollars in 1955.
Military assistance. — ^The mutual mihtary assistance proposed
for the fiscal year 1956 will further help our allies to complete
equipping and training the equivalent of more than 180 divisions,
551 combat vessels, 278 air squadrons, and related supporting
units. Our assistance goes only for forces determined to be
essential by our Joint Chiefs of Staff. It provides only the criti-
cal margin of training and equipment which the countries cannot
123
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
provide for themselves. During the past 5 years we have de-
livered over 6,000 airplanes, almost 900 naval vessels of all types,
36,000 tanks and combat vehicles, nearly 200,000 transport
vehicles, billions of rounds of ammunition, and many other items.
Furthermore, specialized training courses have been conducted
for officers and technicians from 32 countries.
Expenditures for military assistance in the fiscal year 1956 are
estimated at 3.1 billion dollars as compared with 3.6 billion
dollars in the fiscal year 1954, ^^^ ^^ estimated 2.7 biUion
dollars in 1955. The decline in estimated expenditures from
1954 to 1955, and the subsequent increase projected for 1956,
do not accurately reflect the probable rates of delivery of equip-
ment to our allies during 1956. Actual deliveries are expected
to continue in the fiscal years 1955 and 1956 at around the 3-
billion dollar level which was attained in the fiscal year 1954.
The fluctuations in expenditure estimates are due to a change in
the method of financing wherein the Department of Defense
finances the production of common type materiel, pending de-
livery to the mutual security program and subsequent reimburse-
ment of Department of Defense appropriations.
Much of our mutual military assistance continues to strengthen
our allies in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and I hope
that we may soon begin furnishing certain items of military
equipment which will be needed by the new German forces. To
the extent that this materiel cannot be financed by the Federal
Republic of Germany from its own resources, it will be financed
from appropriations made for the mutual security program.
The continuing growth of economic strength in Europe and com-
pletion of the financing of much of the capital equipment which
was required for the initial rapid military buildup will make it
possible to reduce military assistance for this area in the immedi-
ate future below the level of the last few years.
The military assistance program proposed for the fiscal year
1956 will include aid to Korea which, in previous years, was
financed from regular Department of Defense appropriations.
124
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 17
We are also proposing the continuation of assistance designed to
strengthen further the defenses of Formosa, Japan, and certain
other countries in Asia which are presently receiving military
assistance.
Expenditures in the fiscal year 1956 will be largely from
appropriations made in previous years. At the same time, how-
ever, new authority of 1.4 billion dollars, which I am recom-
mending, is needed to incur obligations in the fiscal year 1956
to finance in advance certain new requirements such as the
Korean program.
Direct forces support. — ^The present Mutual Security Act dis-
tinguishes between military equipment and those supporting
items which are necessary to make the soldiers and weapons effec-
tive. These supporting items, commonly referred to as direct
forces support, include gasoline, tires, uniforms, medicines,
rations, and similar items which all military forces consume every
day.
For the fiscal year 1956 I propose that direct forces support be
provided to only a few selected countries. These countries,
primarily in Asia, are ones where our mutual security requires
the maintenance of active forces larger than those which these
countries could support from their own resources. In the fiscal
year 1956 direct forces support for the armed forces of the Re-
public of Korea, which was formerly provided for in the Depart-
ment of Defense budget, will be covered for the first time by
the mutual security program.
Direct forces support will continue to be a significant part of
the mutual security program for so long as the security of the
free world requires that large military forces be maintained in
Asia and the Near East. I recommend 630 million dollars of
new obligational authority under proposed legislation for this
purpose. Expenditures for this program from existing appro-
priations and from the proposed legislation are estimated at 600
million dollars in the fiscal year 1956, as compared with 550
million dollars in the fiscal year 1955.
40308—59 11 1 25
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS AND FINANCE
During the past year the free world, despite some setbacks, has
made heartening progress in building the strength and unity
which are so important to our security. In this hemisphere, in
Europe, Asia, and Africa, the free nations acted together to
strengthen their defenses against international communism, to
widen economic cooperation, and to settle long standing disputes
which have undermined free world imity. In these developments
the United States has played a vital role.
My program for the coming year is designed to consolidate
these gains and to make further progress. Particular emphasis
will be laid on further strengthening the foreign service organi-
zation of the Department of State which carries the burden of
foreign policy leadership and negotiations. We are likewise
placing emphasis on revision of our several international pro-
grams to give appropriate attention to the important trouble spots
around the world today.
My budget recommendations for international affairs and fi-
nance reflect a coordinated plan for the conduct of foreign affairs,
for the expansion of trade and investment, for mutual security
economic assistance, and for foreign information. Total net
budget expenditures for the fiscal year 1956 are estimated at 1.3
billion dollars, as compared with 1.4 billion dollars for the current
year.
Recommended new authority to incur obligations in the fiscal
year 1956 amounts to 1.9 billion dollars, 291 million dollars more
than for 1955. Major items of this increase in new obligational
authority result from increased emphasis on defense support and
development assistance in Asia and reimbursement of the Com-
modity Credit Corporation for emergency assistance in the form
of commodities furnished in previous years.
126
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^
^ 17
International Affairs and Finance
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Expenditures
gram or agency
Gross expenditures:
Economic and technical development:
International investment activities:
International Finance Corpora-
tion (proposed legislation) . . .
Export-Import Bank (including
Reconstruction Finance Cor-
poration liquidation)
Investment guaranties
Mutual security program (non-
military) :
Defense support and develop-
ment assistance
Technical cooperation
Refugee and other aid (contribu-
tions to international agencies)
Proposed legislation
Civil assistance programs, Depart-
ment of Defense
Emergency commodity assistance,
Department of Agriculture
Other assistance
Other refugee activities (Depart-
ment of State)
Foreign information and exchange
activities:
United States Information Agency.
Department of State
Emergency fund for international
affairs
Conduct of foreign affairs (Depart-
ment of State and other)
Total '
Deduct applicable receipts:
Export-Import Bank
Reconstruction Finance Corporation
Investment guaranties
Commodity Credit Corporation ....
Net budget expenditures
1954
actual
$534
4
1,241
87
74
3
71
QO
130
2, 166
434
9
2
1955
estimated
$334
6
1.075
30
124
6
77
18
4
116
1, 800
376
1956
estimated
$35
335
7
725
300
6
177
9
15
86
21
124
1,841
425
4
79
Recommended
new obliga-
tional author^
ityfor 1956
$35
1.332
1,500
^79
9
16
88
22
123
1,876
1,720 1,420
^ Appropriation to reimburse the Commodity Credit Corporation for commodity as-
sistance provided in previous years.
2 Compares with new obligational authority of $1,268 million in 1954 and $1,585
million in 1955.
127
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
International investment activities. — In my recent special mes-
sage on foreign economic policy, I made recommendations which
will enable us to expand foreign trade and investment. As a
further step in providing capital to underdeveloped areas through
stimulating private investment, the United States is participating
with other members of the International Bank for Reconstruction
and Development in working out proposals for an International
Finance Corporation. Such a corporation, although it could not
purchase stock, could provide venture capital by making special
types of loans without government guaranties to private enter-
prises in less developed countries. This budget includes 35 mil-
lion dollars as the United States' share of the corporation's capital
of 100 million dollars.
Moreover, in keeping with legislation approved last year, the
Export-Import Bank estimates an increase in direct loans and
guaranties of private loans from 460 million dollars in the fiscal
year 1955 to 665 million dollars in 1956. It is expected that a
significant part of this increase will consist of guaranties of private
loans which are not included in gross budget expenditures. New
direct loans are expected to be authorized in the amount of 403
million dollars. The collections on old loans, including lend-lease
and postwar reconstruction credits in Europe, will exceed dis-
bursements against new direct loans, so that a net receipt of 90
million dollars to the Treasury is estimated in 1 956.
Defense support and development assistance. — We anticipate
that the trade and investment policies outlined above, and the
marked advance in economic strength of many foreign countries
over the past 2 years, will increasingly enable us to confine direct
Government assistance for defense support and economic develop-
ment abroad generally to two types of situations, both of which are
related intimately to our own future security.
In the first place, we will find it necessary for some time to
provide defense support to certain countries which have under-
taken a military effort beyond the capacity of their own economies
to support. This defense support includes consumption goods and
128
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 17
capital equipment to support the general economy, as contrasted
with direct forces support which provides assistance to the mili-
tary forces of the country. In the second place, our national inter-
est will require direct assistance to certain less developed countries
where a rate of economic progress which would be impossible
without such assistance is essential to their becoming and remain-
ing strong and healthy members of the community of free nations
capable of resisting Communist penetration and subversion.
Employment, production, and foreign exchange reserves in free
European countries are generally increasing. Most of these coun-
tries can now strengthen their military establishments and at the
same time improve their living standards without further United
States defense support. In the fiscal year 1955, defense support
has been limited to very few countries, and a similar situation is
expected to prevail in 1956.
Latin America, an area with which we have well-established
trade and investment relations, has a great need for capital for
economic development. Nevertheless, if Latin American coun-
tries follow a policy of encouraging private investment, domestic
and foreign, they should be able to continue to raise the capital
needed for further economic growth. In those cases in which
private or International Bank resources are not available or not
appropriate for financing sound projects, the Export-Import Bank
will welcome applications for loans. The new International
Finance Corporation, when organized, can also help provide
capital. Grants in Latin America have been necessary only in
special situations such as in Bolivia and Guatemala.
In Asia, active warfare has only recently ceased and the free
countries of this continent continue to face the threat of Com-
munist subversion and external aggresssion. We therefore have
been furnishing and propose to continue to f umish defense support
to several countries including Korea, Formosa, Vietnam, Laos,
and Cambodia. Some assistance in economic development has
been extended to India.
Unless such support is provided, we may expect economic de-
129
^ I J Public Papers of the Presidents
terioration and dangerous reductions in the military defenses of
the free world. Moreover, without such assistance, these coun-
tries, most of which border on Russia and Communist China, will
not achieve the economic progress which is necessary to meet the
threat of Communist subversion. The loss of northern Vietnam
makes this support more imperative than ever.
In the Middle East and Africa, we have provided some grant
and loan assistance to promote economic development and polit-
ical stability, and will request funds to continue this type of assist-
ance in the fiscal year 1956. This assistance has gone to Iran,
Israel, Lebanon, Jordan, Egypt, and Libya.
My budget proposals for the mutual security program were
developed on the assumption that all requirements for that pro-
gram will be met from appropriations made for that purpose.
Therefore if it becomes desirable to utilize foreign currencies
accruing from sales of surplus agricultural commodities made
under the Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act
for mutual security purposes, mutual security appropriations will
be used to reimburse the Commodity Credit Corporation for
currencies so utilized.
Technical cooperation. — Over recent years, technical co-
operation has become a continuing part of United States policy
toward the rest of the world. American experts help the people
in foreign countries, and foreign technicians come to the United
States to observe our methods. As a result, millions of people
are learning how to produce more food, to improve health and
educational standards, and to operate modern industries more
effectively. Agreements for technical cooperation are in effect
in 68 countries and territories in Latin America, Asia, the Near
East, and Africa.
In addition to these bilateral efforts, we have contributed to
meeting the total cost of the United Nations technical assistance
program, for which experts and financial contributions come
from many nations. I am proposing new obligational authority
to cover the total proposed contributions of the United States to
130
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 17
this program for both calendar years 1955 and 1956.
Refugee and other foreign relief. — The 1953 Refugee Relief
Act provides for the admission of 214,000 people beyond regular
immigration quotas before December 31, 1956. Approximately
1 7,000 visas have been granted to date. Sufficient progress has
been made on concluding agreements with other countries,
organizing staff abroad, and completing arrangements with
voluntary agencies in the United States to justify the expectation
that the program can be completed in accordance with the pro-
visions of the act. To accomplish this, I recommend an increase
for the Department of State appropriation for the fiscal year
1956, and a supplemental appropriation for 1955.
I am also recommending continued United States support of
those programs and international agencies through which funds
have been made available for relief, rehabilitation, and resettle-
ment of escapees, refugees, and other special groups. These
agencies include the Intergovernmental Committee for
European Migration, and the United Nations agencies for
Palestine refugees, and for emergency aid to children. In addi-
tion, this budget makes provision for a small contribution to help
the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees take
refugees out of camps and make them part of the local
commimities.
Foreign information and exchange activities. — ^The United
States Information Agency has done a capable job of redirecting
its work and is increasingly effective. It is carrying out its mis-
sion in 79 countries through local radio, press, films, and informa-
tion centers. Its worldwide radio broadcasting is increasingly
directed to the countries beyond the Iron Curtain. But the
Soviet efforts to divide the United States from other nations of
the free world by twisting our motives, as well as its efforts to
sow fear and distrust, are mounting in tempo in many areas of the
world. I believe it is of the highest importance that our pro-
gram for telling the truth to peoples of other nations be stepped
up to meet the needs of our foreign policy.
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^ ij Public Papers of the Presidents
The Department of State's educational exchange program is
primarily directed toward the exchange of educators, newsmen,
labor and management officials, students and others who influence
the formation of public opinion abroad. The sharing of ideas
strengthens the community of interest so vital to our relations
with other people. I recommend that these exchanges be
increased, particularly with underdeveloped areas.
Conduct of foreign affairs. — ^A prerequisite to the achievement
of all our international affairs and finance programs is dynamic,
positive, and dedicated leadership by the Department of State.
This budget recognizes the essentiality of a stronger and better
trained career corps of foreign service officers. We should also
provide more adequate facilities for carrying out statutory con-
sular functions. Finally, more comprehensive commercial, labor,
and other economic data are necessary to assist American business-
men to increase their foreign investment and trade.
As a result of the recommendations of the Committee on Gov-
ernment Operations of the House of Representatives and a com-
mittee of distinguished citizens, we are starting a series of improve-
ments in the foreign service. The foreign service will be
expanded to cover departmental positions; officers will be rotated
more regularly between United States and foreign posts; and
training will be improved. Appropriations to initiate these
reforms are recommended.
veterans'" services and benefits
Expenditures for veterans' programs are now rising — reversing
the decline from the peak in 1947 as World War II veterans com-
pleted their readjustment to civilian life. In the fiscal year 1956,
the Federal Government will spend an estimated 4.6 billion dollars
for a wide variety of aids to veterans, an increase of 9 percent over
the actual outlays in 1954 and 5 percent over 1955. This increase
will occur notwithstanding the savings made through improved
management of the Veterans Administration, and the long-run
132
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1Q55 ^ 17
outlook under present laws is for continued large increases in
payments to veterans.
Three main factors account for this outlook. First, World War
II, the Korean conflict, and large defense requirements have in-
creased the present and potential veteran population tremen-
dously. Twenty-one million veterans are now in civilian life,
5 times the number before World War II. An additional 3 million
men and women now in the Armed Forces have acquired rights
to wartime veterans' benefits by serving during the Korean
emergency.
Second, the 3 million veterans of World War I are reaching age
65 and are qualifying for pensions in large numbers. A service-
incurred disability is not required for these benefits.
Third, benefits for veterans who served during wartime or an
emergency have been increased in scope and liberality. Last year,
laws were enacted which will add more than 1 70 million dollars
in estimated expenditures for veterans' benefits for the fiscal year
1956, principally for increased pension and compensation
payments.
These facts require sober consideration. Our Government has
a responsibility to provide generous assistance to those who have
special needs arising from service in the Armed Forces, partic-
ularly war service. We must make sure that benefits which are
provided to veterans and their survivors are timely and reach
those who need them most. At the same time, we must bear in
mind that Government policies designed to assist in the mainte-
nance of a prosperous economy and to support social security,
health, and other humanitarian programs are all of value to
veterans as well as to other people. Since more than two-fifths of
all adult males are entitled to veterans' benefits, expenditures for
veterans are a budgetary problem of major interest to the whole
population.
Our veterans' pension and compensation laws, in particular,
are in need of constructive reconsideration. The non-service-
40308—59 12 1 33
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
connected pension system dates back to the Revolutionary War,
and its principles require reexamination in the light of recent
developments, including the nearly universal coverage of the old-
age and survivors insurance system. The overall system of statutes
and regulations governing eligibility and payment rates for
service-connected compensation has not had a fundamental re-
view for many years. It also needs to be reappraised in the light
of the great improvement in medical and rehabilitation tech-
niques and the actual economic situation of the many
beneficiaries.
I am therefore appointing a Commission on Veterans' Pen-
sions to study the entire structure, scope, and philosophy of our
veterans' pension and compensation laws in relation to each other
and to other Government programs. This budget includes
300,000 dollars for the continuation of the work of this Commis-
sion in the fiscal year 1956.
An especially complex and difficult problem exists in the field
of survivor benefits for military personnel and veterans, where 4
different agencies now provide 5 major benefits. This problem
has received extensive attention within the executive branch and
from the Select Committee on Survivor Benefits of the House of
Representatives. I hope that our mutual efforts will result in
enactment of adequate and improved programs which will in-
clude full coverage for military personnel under our basic old-age
and survivors insurance program and will properly relate benefits
provided military personnel to those for veterans.
I have recently issued a proclamation terminating accrual of
eligibility after January 31, 1955, for various benefits authorized
for veterans who served during the Korean conflict. Few of
those discharged during the fiscal year 1956 will be materially
affected by this action. Studies will be undertaken to determine
the need for measures to ease the readjustment to civilian life of
men required to enter the Armed Forces for 2 years of service.
134
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^
f 17
Veterans' Services and Benefits
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Program or agency
Gross expenditures:
Readjustment benefits:
Education and training
Loan guaranty and other benefits
(Veterans Administration)
Unemployment compensation (De-
partment of Labor)
Compensation and pensions
Insurance and servicemen's indemni-
ties.
Hospital and medical care:
Current expenses
Hospital construction
Other services and administration
(Veterans Administration and
other)
Total
Deduct applicable receipts:
Insurance programs (Veterans Ad-
ministration)
Other services and administration
(Veterans Administration, prima-
rily canteen services)
Recommended
Expenditures
new obliga-
1954
actual
1955
estimated
1956
estimated
thorityfor
1956
$546
$602
$587
$587
76
38
40
40
82
131
150
150
2,482
2,679
2,800
2,800
104
72
135
127
724
688
710
716
59
48
60
20
217
173
4,289 4,468 4,684 *4j6i5
29 28
16
29
Net budget expenditures 4, 256 4, 431 4, 640
1 Compares with new obligational authority of 4,272 million dollars in 1954 and 4,285
million dollars in 1955.
Readjustment benefits, — The Veterans' Readjustment Assist-
ance Act of 1952 authorizes education and training, loan guaranty,
and unemployment compensation benefits for veterans who
served during the Korean conflict. Many World War II vet-
erans are still eligible for loan guaranty benefits and some are still
completing their education and training under the original "GI
bill." In addition, special vocational rehabilitation aid is pro-
vided under other laws for veterans of both conflicts who were
disabled in service.
135
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
The total estimated expenditures of 777 million dollars for all
readjustment benefits in the fiscal year 1956 will be at about the
same level as in the current year, and 10 percent higher than in
1954. The proportion of total readjustment benefits going to
veterans of the Korean conflict has been increasing, and is
expected to exceed 90 percent in the fiscal year 1956.
An average of 516,000 trainees is expected in the school, job,
and farm training courses during the fiscal year 1956. One out
of each 4 of the 4.7 million veterans eligible for these Korean
conflict benefits will have participated in education or training
by the end of the fiscal year 1956. The reservoir of potential
enroUees is still large, considering that i out of each 2 World War
II veterans received such benefits.
Budget expenditures under the loan guaranty program have
declined sharply since the fiscal year 1954 because payments for
the first year of interest on mortgages have ceased. It is expected
that 467,000 loans totaling 5 billion dollars will be insured or
guaranteed during the fiscal year 1956. Almost all of these loans
will be for housing. The estimated 40 million dollars of expendi-
tures in this category for 1956 includes 25 million dollars for
acquisition of properties and losses on defaulted guaranteed loans.
The other 15 million dollars is for tuition and supplies in the
vocational rehabilitation program and grants of up to 10,000 dol-
lars each for special housing for certain severely disabled veterans.
Expenditures for the Veterans Administration direct housing loan
program under present law and its proposed extension are in-
cluded among aids for private housing in the commerce and man-
power section of this message.
Federal unemployment compensation benefits of 26 dollars a
week for a maximum of 26 weeks are payable through State agen-
cies to veterans of the Korean conflict. Where the veteran who
is insured under a State unemployment compensation system re-
ceives lower benefits from that system, the United States Depart-
ment of Labor supplements the State benefit. Expenditures for
this purpose are increasing as the number of eligible veterans rises.
136
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 17
In the fiscal year 1956 an estimated weekly average of 138,000
veterans will receive unemployment benefits, wholly or partly
financed by the Federal Government.
These unemployment benefits were intended to assist veterans
of the Korean conflict during their transitional period immedi-
ately following separation from military service. Possibly by in-
advertence, the present provisions were so written that a veteran
of the Korean conflict may apply for these benefits at any time
up to January 31, i960, no matter how many years have passed
since his discharge. I recommend that the law be amended to
limit the time for filing claims to 3 years after separation or enact-
ment of the amendment, whichever is later.
Compensation and pensions. — The upward trend in total ex-
penditures for veterans results mainly from the rise in compensa-
tion and pensions. Expenditures for this purpose are estimated
to increase more than 300 million dollars from the fiscal year
1954 to 19565 to a total of 2.8 billion dollars. They will equal
more than half of all payments from the old-age and survivors
insurance system. On the basis of present laws and veteran
population, the present annual rate of expenditures for veterans'
pensions and compensation is expected to double in 3 or 4
decades.
The estimated expenditures of 2.8 billion dollars include 1.9
billion dollars in payments to nearly 2,486,000 families
and veterans for death or disability resulting from service, and
859 million dollars for pension payments in 1,046,000 cases
where death or disability was not connected with military service.
During the fiscal year 1954, an average of 2,412,000 cases re-
ceived about 1.7 billion dollars in death and disability compensa-
tion benefits, and 716 million dollars in pensions were paid in
902,000 cases. The expenditures for 1956 also include 17 mil-
lion dollars for 110,000 burial awards and 26 million dollars in
subsistence payments to disabled veterans during their vocational
rehabilitation.
Insurance and servicemen^s indemnities. — Payments for insur-
137
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
ance and indemnity benefits go to families of personnel who die
in military service. The increase in expenditures in the fiscal
year 1956 reflects (i) a steady increase in indemnity benefits,
and (2) an imusual increase in insurance expenditures resulting
from recently declared deaths of servicemen who were previously
reported missing during the hostilities in Korea.
Indemnity benefits of $92.90 a month are paid for 120 months
to the family of each serviceman who dies while on active mili-
tary service or within 120 days after separation. The benefits
are reduced proportionately if the serviceman has any Veterans
Administration insurance. Payments of 42 million dollars esti-
mated for the fiscal year 1956 are 79 percent higher than in
1954-
While no new national service life insurance or United States
Government life insurance has been issued since 1951, previously
issued policies continue in force. Where deaths are caused by
the hazards of war, or occur during military service while
premiums have been waived, the Government reimburses the
insurance trust funds for losses. The Government also pays
benefits directly to certain policyholders. Budget expenditures
for insurance losses are estimated at 93 million dollars in the
fiscal year 1956, somewhat more than in 1954 and more than
double the amount in 1955.
Hospital and medical care. — ^A rising patient load in the vet-
erans' hospital and medical program will result in an increase in
current expenses for the fiscal year 1956. The average number
of patients in Veterans Administration and contract hospitals is
expected to rise 4 percent above the 1955 level to 1 14,500. While
the proportion of service-connected cases is slowly increasing as
more veterans of the Korean conflict are treated, it is estimated
that more than two-thirds of the expenditures in 1956 will still
be for patients hospitalized or treated for ailments not connected
with military service. The number of persons in Veterans Admin-
istration and State homes is estimated to be 25,700 in the fiscal
year 1956. The workload for out-patient care to service-incurred
138
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 17
dental and medical cases is expected to be about 14 percent below
that in 1954, with a total of 2,340,000 examinations and treat-
ments in 1956. About four-fifths of the estimated average em-
ployment of 171,000 in the Veterans Administration during the
fiscal year 1956 will be in the hospital and medical programs.
The budget includes recommended new authority to incur ob-
ligations of 20 million dollars for construction and improvements
at Veterans Administration facilities. Most of this is for modern-
ization of existing structures. Expenditures for construction and
improvements in the fiscal year 1956 are estimated at 60 million
dollars, approximately the same amount as in 1954 and somewhat
higher than in 1955. Expenditures will be greater than the rec-
ommended new appropriations because funds for three large new
hospitals to be built in 1956 were appropriated in previous years.
Other services and administration. — ^The general operating
expenses of the Veterans Administration are estimated to decline
further in the fiscal year 1956, reflecting declining workloads in
some parts of this agency, especially in the insurance programs,
and better organization and management throughout the agency.
Average employment in nonmedical activities in 1956 is esti-
mated at 34,500, or 13 percent below the 1954 kvel.
Trust funds. — Nearly 6 million national service life insurance
and United States Government life insurance policies, which
provide more than 40 billion dollars of protection, continue in
force. About i million of these policies are held by personnel still
in the Armed Forces, largely on a waiver-of -premium basis. The
remainder are held by veterans who pay premiums. As the special
dividend payments to the policyholders declared in 1954 ^^^
earlier years are completed, the receipts of the insurance trust
accounts begin to exceed their disbursements. The transactions
in these, as well as other, trust funds are not included in the budget
totals.
139
^ I J Public Papers of the Presidents
Veterans' Life Insurance Funds
(Trust funds)
[Fiscal years. In millions]
1954
Item actual
Balance in funds at start of year $6, 613
Receipts:
Transfers from general and special accounts. 72
Interest on investments 200
Premiums and other 426
Total 697
Expenditures:
Dividends to policyholders 267
Benefits and other 503
Total 769
Net accumulation (+ ) or withdrawal (— ) — 72
Balance in funds at close of year 6, 541 6, 574
1955 ,
estimated
$6, 541
1956
estimated
S6, 574
31
208
414
81
269
406
652
696
174
446
160
444
620
604
+ 33
+ 92
6,665
WELFARE, HEALTH, AND EDUCATION
Major advances have been made in the past year in the fields
of social security, health, and education, pursuant to recommen-
dations which I made to the Congress. We have demonstrated
that the well-being of our people can be strengthened without
yielding to the dangers of centralized power in the Federal Gov-
ernment, and we shall continue firmly to resist any project which
would seem to us to involve such dangers. We have found ways
to provide greater human security and social opportunity, while
restricting the Federal Government's role to that of assisting pri-
vate action and State and local responsibility with research and
technical assistance, social insurance, and grants-in-aid. We be-
lieve that these gains can be continued through cooperative action
among all levels of American government together with private
participation.
140
Dwight D, Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 17
In the last Congress, old-age and survivors insurance was ex-
tended to 10 million more persons and benefits were improved.
Vocational rehabilitation grants to the States have been stepped
up toward the objective for 1959 of helping 200,000 people a
year to rehabilitate themselves. We have undertaken to aid the
construction of medical diagnostic and treatment centers, reha-
bilitation facilities, nursing homes, and chronic disease hospitals,
as well as general hospitals.
To assist in the search for solution of the Nation's serious
school problems, the White House Conference on Education was
authorized. The Office of Education has been strengthened.
Assistance to schools especially affected by Federal activities was
extended.
In this budget, I recommend increased appropriations for cer-
tain activities, including health research and the training of health
personnel, and basic scientific research. I am also proposing
new legislation to help fill gaps in present programs for health
care, public assistance, and old-age and survivors insurance, and
to obtain better coordination among them. Estimates for new
legislation include 3 million dollars for grants-in-aid to enable
State, local, and private agencies to deal more effectively with
juvenile delinquency. I am recommending the enactment of
legislation to establish an Advisory Commission on Fine Arts
within the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, to
provide recognition of the importance of the further development
of our cultural heritage.
Budget expenditures for welfare, health, and education, includ-
ing proposed legislation, are estimated at 2.3 billion dollars in
the fiscal year 1956, a decrease of 4 million dollars from 1955.
These figures do not include expenditures for health, education,
and research which are classified among veterans' benefits or in
the military, atomic energy, and other programs in other sections
of the budget.
141
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
Welfare, Health, and Education
[Fiscal years. In Baillions]
Budget expenditures (net) Recommended
new obliga-
^ 954 ^ 955 1 956 tional author-
Program or agency actual estimated estimated ityforig^G
Promotion of public health:
Present programs $288 $292 $32 1 $335
Proposed legislation 17 52
Public assistance:
Present program i, 439 i, 447 i, 402 i, 402
Proposed legislation 20 20
Other welfare aids and services:
School lunch program 84 84 68 68
Vocational rehabilitation 24 29 43 43
Indian health, education, and wel-
fare 49 59 76 80
Other 106 77 80 83
Promotion of education:
Assistance for schools in federally-
affected areas 184 224 173 89
Vocational education 25 31 31 31
Other educational aids 25 30 33 30
General-purpose research:
National Science Foundation 6 10 21 31
Department of Commerce 17 35 27 27
Total 2,248 2,316 2,312 ^2,289
^ Compares with new obligational authority of 2,190 million dollars in 1954 and 2,310
million dollars in 1955.
Promotion of public health. — This budget includes funds
necessary to assist an expansion of existing services and initiate
appropriate new measures which will carry out the objectives of
a coordinated health program which I shall outline shortly in a
special message to the Congress.
Under existing legislation, budget expenditures for public
health are estimated at 321 million dollars in the fiscal year
1956. The principal expenditures are for grants to States for
construction of hospitals and other health facilities, public health
services, maternal and child health, and the control of various
diseases; for research programs, including grants to universities
and medical schools; and for operation of Public Health Service
hospitals.
142
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 17
Significant items in the 29-miliion-dollar increase of expendi-
tures over 1955 ^^^ f^^ expansion of the research and training
activities of the National Institutes of Health, including special
emphasis on mental health; construction of more health facilities;
an intensified attack on problems of air and water pollution; and
strengthened enforcement of the food and drug laws.
I am recommending elsewhere in this message that the Atomic
Energy Commission be authorized to build a new medical re-
search center containing a nuclear reactor designed specifically
for medical research and therapy. This will be a significant
addition to the Nation's facilities for basic research in the field of
health.
The new health legislation which I shall recommend will re-
quire budget expenditures of approximately 37 million dollars
in the fiscal year 1 956.
This legislation includes health reinsurance — the best method
yet proposed for encouraging adequate health insurance cover-
age for our people. It includes also the part-year cost of a pro-
gram of grants-in-aid for medical care for public assistance
recipients, shown in the table under proposed legislation for pub-
lic assistance. Other measures in the health program are de-
signed to foster construction of more adequate medical facilities,
training of nurses and other necessary medical personnel, and
general improvement of key services in the States and local
communities.
Public assistance. — The recent expansion of old-age and sur-
vivors insurance should gradually reduce the need for public
assistance, with a consequent saving to all levels of Government
in budget outlays for this purpose.
Further savings will result over the long run from amendments
to public assistance legislation which I am recommending. The
present grant-in-aid formula requires the Federal Government
to pay each State 20 dollars of the first 25 dollars of average
monthly old-age assistance benefits, and half of the next 30 dol-
lars for any recipient. One of the proposed amendments would
143
^ I J Public Papers of the Presidents
modify the public assistance law so that Federal grants can be
adjusted downward to reflect gradually, by application to new
cases, the number of old-age and survivor insurance beneficiaries
who also need supplementary old-age assistance. By limiting
to 50 percent the Federal share of old-age assistance for these
future recipients of both types of benefits, this amendment would
result in a more equitable sharing of costs between the State and
Federal governments. The other amendment would encourage
States to help needy individuals to become self-supporting or to
care for themselves at home.
Other welfare aids and services. — Expenditures of 84 million
dollars from the school lunch appropriation in the fiscal years
1954 and 1955 include about 67 million dollars for cash pay-
ments to States and nearly all of the rest is for commodities.
The appropriation recommended for 1956 covers only the cash
payments to the States and the costs of administration. In addi-
tion, contributions of surplus commodities, financed mainly from
a permanent appropriation to the Department of Agriculture for
this purpose, are expected to continue at a high level, so that
the combined total of Federal cash payments and food donations
will remain approximately the same in 1956 as in 1955. More-
over, the new school milk program authorized by the Agricultural
Act of 1954 provides 50 million dollars a year in the fiscal years
1955 and 1956 to encourage increased consumption of milk by
schoolchildren. Taken together, these various aids will make
Federal support of the overall school lunch program the largest
in our history. The expenditures for surplus commodities and
school milk are classified under agriculture and agricultural
resources.
This budget fully supports the enlarged vocational rehabilita-
tion program enacted last year and will make possible the re-
habilitation of 95,000 people in the fiscal year 1956.
The Congress last year provided for the transfer of Indian
health services from the Department of the Interior to the De-
partment of Health, Education, and Welfare, where they can be
144
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig55 ^ 17
administered with other health programs. The appropriations
recommended for the fiscal year 1956 will provide improved
medical care for our Indian population.
Social insurance and retirement trust funds. — ^The Federal Gov-
ernment acts as trustee of three large, publicly sponsored retire-
ment and insurance programs — old-age and survivors insurance,
railroad retirement, and Federal employees' retirement. Contri-
butions under these programs, including Federal payments, are
collected in the respective trust funds and maintained separately
from the budget accounts of the Government.
In connection with old-age and survivors insurance, I am rec-
ommending two legislative measures. One is the coordination
of income and old-age insurance tax collection procedures to make
reporting easier for wage earners and employers and at the same
time to reduce Government costs for collecting taxes and paying
benefits. The second is extension of this insurance to military
personnel and to those Federal civilian personnel not now covered,
as the basic part of improved systems of survivorship, disability,
and retirement protection, with existing staff retirement systems
retained as independent and separate entities. The military re-
tirement pay system should remain unchanged. Certain adjust-
ments in the present civilian personnel retirement systems will
be needed.
Promotion of education. — ^We are all aware that our schools
are passing through a period of extraordinary stress. School-age
population is increasing faster than classroom space has been en-
larged and qualified teachers recruited. In some communities,
the available fiscal resources have been strained severely by efforts
to meet these needs; in too many States and school districts, the
financial support given to schools has not kept pace with recent
increases in taxable resources.
The national problem is to find means of overcoming these
difficulties within the present framework of responsibilities. In
our system of government, the States and their subdivisions have
145
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
Social Insurance and Retirement Funds
(Trust funds)
[Fiscal years. In millions]
1954 1955
Fund and item actual estimated
Federal old-age and survivors insurance trust fund:
Balance in fund at start of year $18, 363 $20, 040
Receipts:
Appropriation from general receipts 4? 537
Deposits by States 92
Interest and other 45 1
Payments of benefits, construction and administra-
tive expenses, and tax refunds — 3, 405
Net accumulation i , 675
Balance in fund at close of year 20, 040
Railroad retirement fund:
Balance in fund at start of year 3, 183
Receipts:
Appropriation from general receipts 638
Interest on investments 99
Payments of benefits, salaries, and expenses — 502
Net accumulation 235
Balance in fund at close of year 3, 418
Federal employees' retirement funds (Civil Service and
Foreign Service):
Balance in funds at start of year 5, 652 5, 932
Receipts:
Employee contributions 430 444
Interest 226 234
Transfer from budget accounts and other:
Present law 35 34
Proposed legislation
Payments of annuities and refunds, and expenses. . —411 ~~447
Net accumulation 280 265
Balance in funds at close of year 5, 932 6, 1 96
1956
estimated
$21,356
5,190
6,175
120
130
464
494
-4, 459
-4,968
1,315
1,831
21,356
23, 187
■
3,418
3,538
600
625
102
106
-581
-590
121
141
3,538
3,679
6, 196
502
222
5
216
-489
456
6,652
146
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 17
the privilege and the responsibiUty of providing free public edu-
cation. The role of the Federal Government has wisely been
confined to encouragement and special assistance. I am confident
that the overwhelming majority of our people agree that there
should be no dilution of that State and local responsibility.
I have called a White House conference this fall of represent-
atives from all the States. Some local and State conferences of
citizens and professional educators have already been held in
preparation for this national assembly. Others will meet this
spring and summer. These meetings will highlight possible long-
range solutions to the problems and will place in better perspective
the obligations and opportunities of the respective levels of
government.
Concurrently, without impairment in any way of State, local,
community, and family responsibility, the Federal Government
should serve as an effective catalyst in dealing with the problem
of classroom shortages. I shall send to the Congress, in February,
a special message presenting an affirmative program.
The major Federal expenditure for promotion of education
consists of grants to aid school construction and operation in dis-
tricts where enrollment has grown significantly because of Federal
operations. Last year, the Congress extended the temporary pro-
gram of aid for construction for 2 years. To finance this exten-
sion, I am recommending an appropriation of an additional 70
million dollars for the current fiscal year and 24 million dollars
for 1956.
The Congress also delayed a requirement that these school dis-
tricts absorb a greater proportion of the operating costs resulting
from increased enrollments. Primarily for this reason, a supple-
mental appropriation of 19 million dollars will be needed this
year. In the fiscal year 1956, greater absorption of the increased
enrollments by the local districts will reduce the assistance pay-
ments for operations 6 million dollars below 1955, to a total now
estimated at 70 million dollars.
147
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
The budget recommendations provide for continuing the in-
crease in vocational education grants which was enacted for 1955,
and will permit the Office of Education to initiate a program
of cooperative research as authorized by the last Congress.
General-purpose research, — Despite our tremendous technolog-
ical strides in recent years, our national interest requires that
we support a strong program of basic research and that we train
a greater number of highly qualified scientists and engineers.
Accordingly, this budget recommends increased National Science
Foundation grants for basic research and for training more grad-
uate students, college instructors, and high school science teach-
ers. It includes also the remaining necessary financial support
for United States participation in the International Geophysical
Year, a worldwide scientific undertaking which will yield great
long-range benefits to this country.
The budget estimates for the Department of Commerce in-
clude substantial expansion in the general scientific and tech-
nological work of the National Bureau of Standards as recom-
mended by a committee of outstanding scientists.
Another aspect of general-purpose research is the statistical
work of the Census Bureau. We do not have all the statistical
information required in our dynamic economy. I am therefore
recommending a govemmentwide effort to improve statistics in
those areas where our work has been most handicapped by in-
complete information. Increases in appropriations are recom-
mended for the Census Bureau for statistics on the labor force
and for an intercensal survey on housing. At the same time, in
other parts of the budget, increases are recommended for statis-
tics on agriculture, production, construction, employment, and
finance.
AGRICULTURE AND AGRICULTURAL RESOURCES
The basic agricultural legislation which I recommended and
which the Congress enacted last year will help to promote a stable,
prosperous, and free agriculture. By helping farmers solve many
148
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ^955 ^ ^7
of their own problems we shall make possible reduced reliance on
Government intervention such as production controls, and on
Government spending for support of farm income. The Agri-
cultural Act of 1954 ^^d the Agricultural Trade Development
and Assistance Act will facilitate readjustment of farm produc-
tion, expansion of agricultural exports, and stimulation of
domestic consumption of farm products. The Watershed Pro-
tection and Flood Prevention Act of 1954 provides a sound basis
for Federal partnership with States and local groups in upstream
flood prevention and soil and water conservation. The Farmers'
Home Administration was given expanded authority to make
loans for soil and water conservation, and a basis was provided
for greater participation of private lenders in the financing of this
and other loan programs.
My recommendations for agricultural programs in this budget
will carry forward the broad objectives reflected in this new
legislation. They will also continue the steps taken last year to
place greater emphasis on research and educational activities. I
have confidence in the ability and willingness of farmers to deal
with many of their economic problems if given help through ex-
panded agricultural research and advice in making use of the
research results.
Gross expenditures for agriculture and agricultural resources
in the fiscal year 1956 are estimated at 7.6 billion dollars. Re-
ceipts, estimated at about 5.4 billion dollars, consist mainly of
collections on loans and sales of commodities. Net budget ex-
penditures are estimated at 2.3 billion dollars in the fiscal year
1956, which is 871 million dollars less than estimated for 1955
and 298 million dollars less than in 1954. The reduction in net
budget expenditures for 1956 is primarily due to anticipated
smaller outlays for farm price supports.
New authority to incur obligations recommended for the fiscal
year 1956 is 1.3 billion dollars, as compared with 2.6 billion dol-
lars in 1955 and 4 billion dollars in 1954. The reduction in 1956
is accounted for almost entirely by the Commodity Credit Corpo-
149
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
ration. The Corporation's present borrowing authority, which
was increased from 6.75 billion dollars to 10 billion dollars during
the fiscal years 1954 ^^^ 1955? ^^ now expected to be adequate
to finance price support activities in the fiscal year 1956.
Stabilization of farm prices and farm income. — ^Establishment
of the principle of flexible supports and provision for a gradual
shift to modernized parity for the basic agricultural commodities
in the legislation enacted last year will encourage farmers to
adjust their production to realistic market prices in keeping with
the current needs of the economy. Since the transition to the
new basis for price supports will be gradual, the benefits for the
agricultural economy and for the Nation will not be fully realized
for several years.
Based on the best information now available, gross price sup-
port expenditures in the fiscal year 1956 are estimated at 4.2
billion dollars, 1.5 billion dollars less than the amount estimated
for 1955. These gross expenditures do not represent losses;
rather they are outlays for loans and commodities to be acquired
during the year, and for redemption of certificates of interest in
commodity loans previously sold to private lenders. A substan-
tial part of these outlays will be recovered from collections on
loans and sales of commodities in later periods. Receipts from
commodity sales and collections on loans in 1956 are estimated
at 3.2 billion dollars, resulting in net budget expenditures of 968
million dollars.
The decline in net price support expenditures anticipated in the
budget will be brought about by two major factors. First, con-
tinuation of acreage restrictions, particularly on 1955 crop year
cotton and wheat, and lower support levels on some commodities
are expected to result in a lower volume of price support loans.
Second, receipts from sales of such commodities as cotton, com,
and wool are expected to increase as our efforts to find new and
expanded markets for agricultural products begin to show results.
These factors will be offset in part by increased Commodity Credit
150
Dwight D. Eisenhower, IQ55
f 17
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^ I J Public Papers of the Presidents
Corporation expenditures to retire certificates of interest in prior-
year crop loans sold to banks and private lenders, because a sub-
stantially smaller volume of new commodity loans will be available
in 1956 than in 1955 to serve as a basis for certificates of interest.
Also, funds of the Corporation will be used to provide for in-
creased milk consumption by schoolchildren and members of the
Armed Forces during 1955 and 1956 when supplies of dairy
products are expected to be plentiful.
Expenditures in 1956 under the International Wheat Agree-
ment are estimated to be lower than in 1955, but higher than in
1954. In the fiscal year 1954 a total of 119 million bushels of
wheat was exported under this program. The average amount
paid by the Government to cover the difference between the do-
mestic price and the Wheat Agreement price was 48 cents per
bushel. Larger exports under this program are expected in both
1955 and 1956.
In addition to exports under the Wheat Agreement, the Com-
modity Credit Corporation has offered to sell wheat in limited
quantities for export at competitive world prices. Net costs to
the Corporation of these additional exports in 1954 were 26 mil-
lion dollars and are estimated at 59 million dollars in each of the
fiscal years 1955 and 1956.
The Corporation may also sell surplus agricultural commodities
for foreign currencies under the Agricultural Trade Development
and Assistance Act. The law provides for a 3 -year program with
total cost to the Corporation to be reimbursed by appropriations
limited to 700 million dollars. With due regard to the impact on
world markets, we are moving ahead in an orderly manner in the
negotiation of agreements, and it is expected that transactions
completed during the fiscal year 1955 will account for a substantial
part of the costs under this Act. Except for expenditures under
the International Wheat Agreement, these expenditures for ex-
port programs are included in the total shown for the Commodity
Credit Corporation.
The trade development act is helpful in marketing commodity
152
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 17
surpluses and tends to reduce current outlays under the regular
price support program. However, it is unwise to rely upon this
means as a final solution to our surplus problem. We must con-
tinue our efforts to restore a sound position for agriculture in
world markets.
Financing farm ownership and operation, — The agricultural
credit institutions supervised by the Farm Credit Administration
make standard risk loans to farmers and their cooperatives on
both a short- and long-term basis. Some of these loans are made
with funds obtained through the federally owned intermediate
credit banks. New loans of the Federal intermediate credit
banks are estimated to be nearly 2 billion dollars in the fiscal
year 1956, and will exceed loan collections by 40 million dollars.
Receipts from other operations will reduce total net budget ex-
penditures of the Farm Credit Administration to 37 million
dollars.
The Farmers' Home Administration makes direct loans to
farmers to supplement the credit services provided by private
and cooperative credit agencies, and also insures loans by private
lenders. By greater reliance on insured loans, the services of
the Farmers' Home Administration can be increased without
increasing budget expenditures. Under legislation enacted last
year the interest rate on insured loans for farm ownership, farm
housing, and other improvements has been set at a level that will
attract a larger volume of funds from private lenders. Insured
loans will also be used to finance an increase in soil and water
conservation loans, which the new legislation has made available
in all States. In addition, the Farmers' Home Administration
can now take second mortgages as security for direct loans. This
will permit private lenders to continue as first mortgage holders
in the financing of farm ownership and development, thereby in-
creasing the number of borrowers that can be served under that
program.
Financing rural electrification and rural telephones. — The pro-
grams of the Rural Electrification Administration have brought
153
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
about great advances for rural America, and this administration
will continue to make loans available to meet all legitimate needs
for rural electrification and telephones.
The need for electrification loans to provide initial connections
of farm homes with central station service is much less than in
earlier years. But this is more than offset by larger requirements
for improvements of existing systems and for power generation.
My budget recommendations, therefore, provide for a higher
level of new electrification loans in 1956 than in the current fiscal
year.
The rural telephone program is still in an early stage of devel-
opment. Progress is being made in resolving the various prob-
lems involved in achieving adequate telephone service in rural
areas. This budget makes provision for new loan authority suffi-
cient to raise the level of telephone loans in 1956 to 80 million
dollars, which is 5 million dollars higher than in 1955.
Agricultural land and water resources. — My recommendations
for agricultural land and water resources for the fiscal year 1956
recognize the great importance to the Nation of soil and water
conservation activities. The new watershed protection legisla-
tion enacted last year is a vital part of our conservation program.
It provides a practical basis for partnership between the Federal
Govemment and State and local groups in the planning and
carrying out of a coordinated program for upstream flood pre-
vention and soil and water conservation. This budget recom-
mends an increase of 4 million dollars for 1956 to provide for
the necessary Federal participation in watershed protection
projects.
Under the forward authorization for the 1955 ^^^P Y^^^ ^&^i"
cultural conservation program, contained in the 1955 appropria-
tion act, larger expenditures will be required for payments to
farmers in the fiscal year 1956 than in 1955. This program assists
farmers in applying sound soil conservation practices and in put-
ting to proper use farm land diverted from its previous use
through acreage allotments. Because the problems created by
154
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^s ^ 17
diverted acreage are expected to become progressively less press-
ing, I am recommending a forward authorization of 1 75 million
dollars for the 1956 crop year as compared with the 250 million
dollars provided for the current crop year.
Research and other agricultural services. — ^Additional research
and educational work on problems of agricultural production,
soil and water conservation, and marketing of farm products, can
make important contributions to a more efficient and stable agri-
culture capable of meeting the needs of a growing population.
These activities not only contribute directly to the solution of
immediate problems of farmers, but also benefit consumers of
farm products by more efficient production and marketing. The
1956 budget provides for an increase of 9 million dollars in ex-
penditures for research and an increase of 6 million dollars for
extension work. These additional amounts are needed to expand
the Federal-State cooperative research and extension programs
and to strengthen the basic agricultural research program carried
on by the Federal Government.
As part of the coordinated plan to improve economic statistics
of the Government, this budget includes added funds to strengthen
the work of the Department of Agriculture in developing ade-
quate farm income and production statistics. Expenditures for
other agricultural services also include 10 million dollars in 1955
and 15 million dollars in 1956 for eradication of brucellosis in
cattle. The necessary funds are to be made available by transfer
from the Commodity Credit Corporation. This program is de-
signed both to assist in stabilizing the dairy industry and to give
added protection to the health of our citizens.
NATURAL RESOURCES
This administration believes that achievement of the resource
development basic to the economic progress and security of the
Nation requires encouragement of local public and private initi-
ative and, where Federal participation is necessary, emphasis on
the partnership aspects of essential cooperative arrangements with
155
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
State and local governments or with private enterprise. To the
greatest extent possible, the responsibility for resource develop-
ment, and its cost, should be borne by those who receive the
benefits. In many instances private interests or State and local
governments can best carry on the needed programs. In other
instances Federal participation or initiative may be necessary to
safeguard the public interest or to accomplish broad national
objectives, where projects because of size or complexity are beyond
the means or the needs of local public or private enterprise. The
Federal Government must be willing and ready to bear the cost
of improvements made for national purposes; but in all cases
where the partnership principle logically applies there is auto-
matically acquired a concern for economy and efficiency that is
often lacking when no local contribution is required.
As a result of this partnership policy and the willingness of
State, local, and private interests to undertake or cooperate in
the development of our natural resources, it has been possible to
reduce Federal expenditures for these programs since the fiscal
year 1954. ^^ the same time, we have strengthened our resource
development programs.
The conservation and development of our natural resources will
require estimated net Federal expenditures of 953 million dollars
in the fiscal year 1 956, as compared with i . i billion dollars in 1 955
and 1.2 billion dollars in 1954. About two-thirds of the net
expenditures in 1956 will be for flood control, irrigation, power
and multiple-purpose river basin development. The other one-
third will be largely for the management and development of the
national forests, parks, and public lands, and for our fish and
wildlife and mineral resources programs. Federal expenditures
for natural resources, if wisely made in proper relation to local
public and private efforts, are investments for the benefit of the
Nation; in many cases they also result in receipts to the Treasury,
thus often providing reimbursement in later years for part of the
costs incurred.
156
Dwight D. Eisenhower, IQ55
f 17
Natural Resources
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Gross expenditures
1954
actual
Program or agency
Land and water resources:
Corps of Engineers: Flood
control and multiple-
purpose projects:
Present programs. $416
Proposed legislation:
Passamaquoddy Bay sur-
vey
Partnership projects
Department of the Interior:
Bureau of Reclamation:
Irrigation and multi-
ple-purpose projects:
Present programs 1 99
Proposed legislation:
Federal projects
Partnership projects.
Power transmission agen-
cies
Indian lands resources . . .
Bureau of Land Manage-
ment and other
Tennessee Valley Authority.
Department of State
Federal Power Commission .
Forest resources
Mineral resources:
Present programs
Proposed legislation: Aid for
anthracite mine drainage .
Fish and wildlife resources . . .
Recreational use of resources.
General resource surveys and
other
1955 1956
esti' esti-
mated mated
Net expenditures
1954 1955 1956
actual esti' esti'
mated mated
$366 $363 $416 $366 $363
I
10
I
10
Recom'
mended
new obli"
gational
authority
Jor 1956
$371
I
10
168
177 196 165 174
180
5
5
7
10
10
10
53
48
41
53
48
41
25
33
37
41
32
36
40
24
15
17
18
15
17
18
17
409
431
250
238
214
2
28
7
5
4
7
5
4
2
4
4
5
4
4
5
5
117
121
"5
117
121
"5
116
41
47
46
37
43
42
40
2
3
2
3 .•
38
46
43
38
46
43
41
33
39
50
33
39
50
25
27
26
26
27
26
26
26
Total 1,391 1,358 1,209 1,213 1,133 953 *929
1 Compares with new obligational authority of 1,196 million dollars in 1954 and 967
million dollars in 1955.
40308—59-
-13
157
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
Land and water resources. — Under the recommendations for
the fiscal year 1956, the Federal Government will spend 673 mil-
lion dollars for the development of land and water resources. A
large share of this total — 430 million dollars — is for continuation
of work on 152 river-basin development projects and units under
construction by the Bureau of Reclamation and the Corps of
Engineers. Much of this work is multiple-purpose development
for irrigation, flood control, navigation, and hydroelectric power.
Construction on 37 of these projects will be virtually completed
in 1956. Funds recommended for work underway in 1956 will
maintain power generation schedules and continue nonpower
projects at economical rates. Maintenance and operation
activities will be at a level which will provide reasonable protec-
tion of the Federal investment.
My recommendations are intended to encourage States and
local public and private groups to take the initiative in develop-
ing our valuable water resources with Federal cooperation where
national interests are involved. This budget includes 20 million
dollars under proposed legislation to enable the Bureau of
Reclamation and the Corps of Engineers to participate, in 1956,
in partnership water developments. Five million dollars of this
amount is proposed for three multiple-purpose projects with
power facilities in the Pacific Northwest. It is expected that
local interests will install and operate the power facilities of the
Cougar and Green Peter-White Bridge projects in Oregon and
that the Corps of Engineers will build the flood control and other
facilities in which there is a national interest. Non-Federal
interests are also expected to build the Rocky Reach project in
Washington, and the Corps of Engineers will assist in financing
the nonpower facilities having national benefits. Assistance will
be given to other partnership projects as specific proposals are
developed. In addition, provision will be made for cooperation
in authorized partnership projects, such as Priest Rapids in
Washington and Markham Ferry in Oklahoma, when satisfac-
tory arrangements have been completed.
158
Dwight D. Eisenhower, IQ55 ^ 17
I also recommend enactment of legislation authorizing the
Bureau of Reclamation to undertake construction of two com-
prehensive river-basin improvements which are beyond the ca-
pacity of local initiative, public or private, but which are needed
for irrigation, power, flood control and municipal and industrial
water supply. These are the Upper Colorado River Basin devel-
opment in the States of Colorado, Utah, Wyoming, Arizona, and
New Mexico, and the Fryingpan- Arkansas development in Colo-
rado. The Colorado River development will enable the Upper
Basin States to conserve flood waters and to assure the availability
of water and power necessary for the economic growth of the
region. The total cost of these major developments is estimated
at I.I billion dollars, with first-year expenditures of 5 million
dollars. Sale of power generated at these developments will repay
the power investment within 50 years and will make a contribu-
tion toward repayment of other investments.
In furtherance of the policy to move forward with needed water
use and control projects, the 1956 budget provides for the starting
of a number of new authorized Federal projects. For each au-
thorized project recommended, planning has advanced to the
stage where the project could be placed under construction early
in 1956. Most of the projects are small or intermediate-sized
developments, having a high degree of financial participation by
local interests or a reasonable excess of benefits over costs. Some
of them are essential to permit full functioning of Federal works
already completed or under construction.
This budget makes provision for the Bureau of Reclamation to
start construction on 5 new irrigation and water supply projects,
and for the Corps of Engineers to begin work on 10 local flood
protection projects, 2 flood control projects of broader scope, 8
projects for beach erosion control, and 14 navigation projects.
It also provides for resumption of work which was suspended a
few years ago on i local flood protection project and i navigation
project. These add up to 39 new projects and 2 resumptions.
In addition, 2 million dollars is recommended for the construction
159
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
of a number of small projects to be selected by the Secretary of
the Army, none of which may cost more than 150,000 dollars.
The total cost of all this new work is estimated at 347 million
dollars, of which expenditures of 23 million dollars are contem-
plated for the fiscal year 1956. The navigation projects included
in the above construction starts, at an estimated cost of 198 million
dollars, are discussed in the commerce and manpower section of
this message.
In the selection of reclamation projects, consideration has been
given to ( I ) more efficient use of present water supply and cor-
rection of adverse water supply conditions, and ( 2 ) the proportion
of the irrigation investment which will be repaid by the water
users. The new local flood protection works will provide benefits
primarily in highly urban and industrialized areas. The new flood
control projects are the Eagle Gorge Reservoir in Washington,
on which there will be substantial local contributions in related
work and cash, and the Old River Control project in Louisiana.
The latter project is essential to prevent the diversion of the Mis-
sissippi River to the Atchafalaya River channel, with resultant
disruption to the economy of the lower Mississippi River area.
Adequate collection and evaluation of basic data on topog-
raphy, minerals, soils, and water and weather conditions are
essential to provide a soimd basis for water resources projects.
Current progress in collection of basic data will be continued. It
is also essential to prepare adequate project designs prior to con-
struction to assure efficient construction and to safeguard the pub-
lic investment. I am recommending increased funds for general
investigations by the Bureau of Reclamation to assure a proper
basis for project authorization. Advance planning of authorized
projects by the Corps of Engineers and the Bureau of Reclamation
will proceed at a rate which will permit early initiation of con-
struction on projects in accordance with needs and budget policy.
This budget also provides i million dollars under proposed legis-
lation for a survey to determine whether hydroelectric power can
160
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ i^j
be economically developed from the tremendous tides at Passa-
maquoddy Bay.
Expenditures of the Bonneville, Southeastern and Southwest-
em Power Administrations in the fiscal year 1956 are in line with
the partnership poUcy whereby State, local, and private interests
participate in power development and transmission. The expen-
diture estimates also reflect the approaching completion of trans-
mission systems for marketing power from Federal projects now
under construction.
In order to establish equity between the Federal Government
and other interests, I recommended in my 1955 budget message
enactment of legislation to provide that the Federal Government
make payments to non-Federal owners of water resources projects
when Federal hydroelectric power developments benefit from
these projects. Payments are now required from other licensees
deriving such benefits and I see no reason why the Federal Gov-
ernment should be exempted. I hope the Congress will amend
the Federal Power Act during this session to require such Federal
payments.
The Tennessee Valley Authority, in the fiscal years 1955 and
1956, will continue installation of steam electric and hydroelectric
generation units started in prior years. With construction on
some of the facilities nearing completion, gross expenditures of
the Authority are estimated to show a very substantial decrease
from 431 million dollars in 1955 to 250 million dollars in 1956.
Receipts from operations, largely from the sale of power, are
expected to increase from 217 million dollars to 248 million dol-
lars. Thus, an approximate balance between expenditures and
receipts is estimated for 1956, with net budget expenditures of 2
million dollars.
No appropriations have been recommended for new power
generation units in the fiscal years 1955 or 1956 for the Tennessee
Valley Authority. After 600,000 kilowatts contracted for by the
Atomic Energy Commission with the Mississippi Valley Gen-
erating Company become available for replacing power furnished
161
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
the AEC by TVA, the scheduled capacity of the TVA system
will provide for a substantial increase in loads through the calen-
dar year 1958. The Tennessee Valley Authority is giving
immediate attention to the possibilities of financing further ex-
pansion of its power system by means other than Federal appro-
priations. The Authority has been requested to complete its
studies in time to permit consideration by the Congress at this
session of any legislation that may be necessary. It is expected
that the power needs for the system will be reexamined after the
Congress has had an opportunity to consider legislation to provide
for future financing.
Legislation will also be presented to the Congress to provide
that an adequate rate of interest be paid to the Treasury on
appropriated funds invested in power facilities of the Tennessee
Valley Authority.
National forest and other public lands. — ^Forest and range lands
managed by the Forest Service and the Bureau of Land Manage-
ment provide valuable timber, range, and mineral resources.
Receipts from these lands are estimated at 165 milUon dollars in
1956. Part of these receipts are appropriated for payments to
the States and counties in which the lands are located. In-
creased expenditures are recommended in 1956 for construction
of forest roads and trails, supervision of timber sales, and soil
and moisture conservation work. As a result of Federal coopera-
tive assistance in the past. States are now assuming greater re-
sponsibility for forest fire control on non-Federal lands and some
reduction in Federal payments is proposed for 1956. Expendi-
tures on Indian lands and resources will provide for management
of forest and range lands at the current level, but some increases
are recommended for soil and moisture conservation, mainte-
nance of buildings and utilities, and construction of roads.
In the fiscal year 1955, the submerged lands of the Outer
Continental Shelf were first offered for drilling for oil and gas
under Federal leases. Receipts from these leases, deposited in
the Treasury, are estimated at 147 million dollars in 1955 and
162
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig55 ^ 17
100 million dollars in 1956. Leasing of these lands will con-
tinue to provide substantial receipts in later years.
Urgent needs for maintenance and for improved services to
the increasing number of visitors will require some increase in
expenditures for our national parks, monuments, and historic sites.
Employment of additional personnel to collect admission fees,
together with the increase in fees put into effect during the cur-
rent year, will result in increased receipts to the Treasury.
Parkways, roads, and trails will be extended in 1956, pursuant
to authority provided in the Federal Aid Highway Act of 1954.
Mineral resources. — During the past year, the Cabinet Com-
mittee on Minerals Policy has recommended, and I have ap-
proved, general guidelines for developing mineral resources in
accordance with our national security needs. Case by case studies
of individual mineral industries will be made to determine within
the framework of our overall domestic and foreign economic
policies the proper level of efficient domestic production necessary
for our mobilization base. Where necessary, the various means
available to the Government will be used to support essential
parts of the mobilization base. The factfinding and research
activities of the Geological Survey and the Bureau of Mines will
contribute to this end.
I recommend legislation and a supplemental appropriation in
the fiscal year 1955 to enable the Federal Government to co-
operate with the State of Pennsylvania in providing facilities for
surface water drainage in the anthracite coal region. This will
afford protection against the flooding of valuable resources and
the decrease in employment which would result if additional
mines were closed.
COMMERCE AND MANPOWER
The basic principle underlying budget recommendations for
programs in the field of transportation, housing, and business is
that the national interest is best served by privately owned and
operated industry, which is assisted by a minimum of Federal
163
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
funds and Federal basic facilities operated at the lowest feasible
cost and financed, where possible, by charges levied on the users
of the services. Budget recommendations for manpower programs
are designed to help the Nation's productive system function
smoothly and efiiciently, by providing economic safeguards for
workers, by helping bring together jobseekers and jobs, and by
fostering orderly labor relations and the amicable settlement of
disputes.
In the past 2 years, in furtherance of these principles, we have
strengthened our major commerce and manpower programs by
placing increased reliance on expansion of private investment, by
encouraging greater participation of State and local governments,
and by providing for the extension of coverage of unemployment
insurance. Wherever possible. Federal programs are being placed
on a self-supporting basis. As a result, a large share of the Gov-
ernment's operations in these areas is being financed from program
receipts, rather than from tax revenues.
After 30 years of discussion, the United States is joining with
Canada in constructing the Saint Lawrence Seaway. A joint
program is underway with industry to modernize our merchant
fleet. Federal aids to States for highway construction have been
increased. Positive steps have been taken to promote an econom-
ically sound system of air transportation with reduced reliance
on Federal subsidies. The Post Office Department has made
major improvements in service and substantially reduced its op-
erating deficit. Limited attacks on urban blight through slum
clearance have been expanded into a comprehensive urban re-
newal program. More private investment in housing is being
encouraged by more liberal mortgage insurance, by the voluntary
home mortgage credit program, and by permitting private inves-
tors to retire gradually the Government's investment in the sec-
ondary mortgage market. Meanwhile, other housing loans and
Government-owned housing are being liquidated as rapidly as
feasible. Our production capacity has been expanded to make
possible speedier mobilization in case of future emergencies.
164
Dwight D. Eisenhower, igss
^ 17
Provision has been made for extension of coverage of the Federal-
State unemployment compensation system to 4 million more
workers.
Commerce and Manpower
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Gross expenditures
Net expenditures
Recommended
new obliga"
^ tional
1954 1955 1956 1954 1955 1956 authority
actual estimated estimated actual estimated estimated for 1956
Program or agency
Provision of highways $586 $659 $725 $586 $659 $725
Merchant marine 236 228 198 153 209 192
Navigation aids and facili-
ties 403 409 441 313 325 353
Promotion of aviation 275 274 283 275 274 283
Postal service:
Present program 2, 686 2, 741 2, 81 1 312 268
Proposed pay and rate
mcreases
Other transportation and
communication programs. 62
Urban development and
redevelopment :
Present programs 37
Proposed legislation
Aids to private housing:
Federal Housing Admin-
istration 125
Federal National Mort-
gage Association 563
Veterans Administration:
Present programs 118
Proposed legislation
Other 31
Public housing programs . . 658
Other housing and com-
munity facilities 93
Civil defense and disaster
relief 103
Promotion of defense pro-
duction:
Present programs 936 i, 061
Proposed legislation
Business loans and guaran-
ties:
Present programs 131
Proposed legislation
58
86
143
813
170
5
570
83
80
-270
60
145
-28
22
36
56
294
270
42
94
130 —28
338 —221
85
92
90
5
604
52
76
626
12
-42 -67
243 -193
"8 39
90
— 16 —29 —29
34
—401
53
61
216
-85
54
72
76
44
70
104
12
50
II —100 —38 —106
28 28
S919
235
330
284
295
—270
37
4
200
96
19
71
67
40308—59-
-14
165
^ I J Public Papers of the Presidents
Commerce and Manpower — Continued
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Recommended
Gross expenditures Net expenditures new obliga-
liQYial
1954 ?955 1.956 1954 1955 ^95^ authority
Program or agency actual estimated estimated actual estimated estimated for 1956
Other promotion or regula-
tion of business $33 $37 $37 $17 $21 $36 $36
Unemployment compensa-
tion and placement:
Administration 211 204 254 209 203 253 257
Payment to Unemploy-
ment Trust Fund 64 87 64 87 87
Other labor and manpower
programs:
Present programs 67 65 66 67 65 66 66
Proposed legislation 4 4 5
Total 7,355 7,800 6,908 1,577 2,550 2,186 12,846
1 Compares with new obligational authority of 2,846 million dollars in 1954 and 3,381
million dollars in 1955.
The appropriations recommended in this budget will permit
even greater progress in the fiscal year 1956 and later. In addi-
tion I am recommending legislation ( i ) to bring the interstate
highway system up to modem standards in the next decade; (2)
to make the postal system self-supporting; (3) to increase au-
thority for mortgage insurance and urban renewal grants and to
authorize contracts for additional public housing units; (4) to
extend the Defense Production Act, the Small Business Act, and
the veterans' housing loan program beyond their present expira-
tion dates of June 30, 1955; and (5) to raise the minimum wage
now provided under the Fair Labor Standards Act and modern-
ize Federal workmen's compensation and other labor laws.
Gross expenditures for commerce and manpower, including
proposed legislation, will be reduced from an estimated 7.8 billion
dollars in the fiscal year 1955 to 6.9 billion dollars in 1956, pri-
marily because of reduced purchases of mortgages by the Federal
National Mortgage Association and lower spending for defense
production activities. Assuming enactment of the recommended
increase in postal rates, net budget expenditures for 1956 are
166
Dwight D. Eisenhower, IQ55 ^ 17
estimated at less than 2.2 billion dollars, 364 million dollars
below 1955.
Highways. — In the past decade and a half we have not kept
pace with the rapidly growing needs for highways adequate for
economic development and national security. I plan to send a
special message to the Congress in the near future recommending
a program of coordinated action by Federal, State, and local gov-
ernments, to overcome major highway deficiencies. The addi-
tional budget expenditures, if any, required in the fiscal year 1956
would be relatively minor.
Budget expenditures for highways under present programs will
continue to increase as a result of the enlarged program already
provided in the Federal Aid Highway Act of 1954. Grants to
States (including Federal administrative expenses) will amount
to 680 million dollars, with an additional 45 million dollars of
expenditures for highways in Federal forests, on public lands, and
in Alaska.
Merchant marine, — ^To continue our program of helping to
bring the merchant fleet up to date, I am recommending for the
fiscal year 1956 new obligational authority for ship construction
of 103 million dollars. These funds will : ( i ) continue the trade-
in-and-build tanker program begun this year; (2) start orderly
replacement of cargo ships built during or before World War II;
(3) finance construction of two cargo ships and one tanker as
prototypes for mass production in an emergency; (4) provide
for the construction or conversion of four passenger-cargo ships;
and (5) continue essential research and development work on
ship design. The appropriation of 103 million dollars will be
more than matched by private funds, resulting in total investment
of about 225 million dollars in new ship construction. Together
with the joint 400-million-dollar program now underway and
with expanded naval construction in private yards, it should
maintain a substantial nucleus of peacetime shipyard
employment.
Payment of subsidies to American ship operators to offset lower
167
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
operating costs of foreign ships will require appropriations esti-
mated at 115 million dollars in 1956. The rapid rise recently
in expenditures for this purpose and the possibility of continued
increases make it important to provide more effective budgetary
control over the level of subsidized operations. I am, therefore,
proposing in this budget to establish a limitation on new long-
term contracts to pay operating-differential subsidies. Such a
limitation will permit annual review by the President and the
Congress of the extent of our future subsidy commitments.
Navigation aids and facilities. — In accordance with legislation
enacted last May, the Saint Lawrence Seaway Development Cor-
poration has been established to construct, operate, and maintain
that part of the new Seaway located in United States territory.
Construction is being pushed at maximum speed because of the
Seaway's importance to economic development and national
security. Almost one-quarter of the work is scheduled for
completion by the end of the fiscal year 1956.
The Corps of Engineers program for rivers and harbors gives
primary emphasis to inland waterways and to those navigation
projects needed to provide reliable access to important ports or to
relieve serious congestion for important established deep draft
traffic. The increase in expenditures from 108 million dollars
in 1955 to 135 million dollars in 1956 reflects mainly the normal
rate of progress on construction of projects started in 1955 and
the resumption of urgently needed maintenance of shallow draft
channels.
In addition, 14 new navigation projects and the resumption of
one project previously suspended are recommended in the fiscal
year 1956. These are projects which promise to yield benefits
relatively high in comparison to the construction costs involved
or which have substantial local participation. With 2 exceptions,
these are relatively small or intermediate-sized projects. Dredg-
ing of the Delaware River channel between Philadelphia and
Trenton is proposed, but specific recommendations will be sent
to the Congress only on the basis that provision be made for
168
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^s ^ 17
adequate cost-sharing in some form. Appropriations are recom-
mended to widen the Calumet-Sag Waterway in Illinois to make
this vital channel adequate to handle present and steadily
increasing traffic needs.
Although expenditures of the Coast Guard will continue to
decline from 205 million dollars in 1955 ^^ ^93 niillion dollars
in 19565 the basic aids provided for air and water commerce will
be maintained at their current strength. In addition, the Coast
Guard will again operate the ocean weather-station network for
the Department of Defense.
Promotion of aviation. — ^We have made shifts in Federal
aviation programs during the past 2 years in order to reduce
assistance no longer required and to concentrate on those Federal
aids which are indispensable to the continued rapid progress of
aviation.
Since October 1953, when responsibility for subsidy payments
to commercial air carriers was placed in the Civil Aeronautics
Board, substantial progress has been made in decreasing the level
of subsidies. Expenditures by the Civil Aeronautics Board for
this purpose in 1955 are now estimated at 70 million dollars com-
pared to 80 million dollars estimated a year ago; a further decline
to 63 million dollars is anticipated for 1956. This trend is con-
sistent with the recommendations made by the Air Coordinating
Committee after a comprehensive study made at my request of
our basic civil aviation policies. In addition, wherever possible,
military mail is being carried by commercial airlines, thus not
only eliminating Government competition with private business,
but also helping to reduce subsidies to the private carriers.
The continuing growth of civil and military air traffic has in-
creased congestion on the airways system — at times restricting
aircraft operations in areas of heavy traffic. As a step to main-
tain high standards of safety and increase the regularity of
flights, I am recommending increased appropriations for the Civil
Aeronautics Administration for expansion and improvement of
169
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
air navigation facilities and for more radar traffic control
equipment.
With the increasing maturity of civil aviation, the Federal
Government soon should be able to reduce substantially its safety
promotion and enforcement activities without affecting the
present high level of safety. I have requested the early prepara-
tion of a plan, in cooperation with industry, to achieve this
objective.
I again recommend incorporation of Washington National Air-
port to provide the administrative flexibility needed for efficient
operation of this business-type enterprise.
The work of the National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics
is of key significance in strengthening our military aircraft and
guided missiles programs and in supporting our continued
progress in the air. During recent years we have achieved
spectacular success in flying at speeds well beyond the speed of
sound. However, we have not yet overcome all problems of
structural failure, engine malfunctioning, and lack of stability and
control at high speeds. A more intensive effort in these fields
is needed in order that the great improvements in performance
now known to be possible can be realized in the actual produc-
tion of military aircraft, engines, and missiles, which represent
such an important and costly part of our defense program. For
these reasons, I am recommending additional appropriations for
both 1955 ^^d 1956 to increase the Committee's research effort in
fields of critical military importance.
Postal service. — Considerable progress is being made in provid-
ing better postal service to the American people at lower cost to
the taxpayer. Movement of first-class mail has been expedited.
Substantial investments have been made in capital improvements
and in skilled personnel which are just beginning to pay dividends.
Long-term leases are being negotiated which will permit acqui-
sition of needed modem postal facilities. Promising experiments
in new equipment are underway which, if successful, will revo-
lutionize mail-handling techniques.
170
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 17
Largely because of these savings, the net expenditures of the
Post Office under existing laws have been reduced to the lowest
level in the last 8 years. The increased postal rates which I rec-
ommended in my special message to the Congress would add 400
million dollars to postal revenues. This would be enough to cover
the recommended pay adjustments of 130 million dollars and re-
duce net expenditures to 24 million dollars in the fiscal year 1956.
These steps, together with further major economies now in proc-
ess, should cause the postal system to become self-supporting in
the near future. As a long-run solution, an independent coromis-
sion should be created to review future rate changes proposed by
the Postmaster General in accordance with a basic formula laid
down by the Congress.
Urban development and redevelopment. — Under the new ur-
ban renewal program authorized by the Housing Act of 1954,
local public agencies, jointly with forward-looking private inves-
tors, are developing and executing plans to rebuild our major
cities and prevent the decay which is making large urban areas
unfit for sound economic investment or family life. The act
strengthens the previous slum clearance program by (a) requir-
ing localities as a condition of Federal aid to have a workable
plan to eliminate substandard housing and neighborhood decay;
(6) providing Federal grants and loans for neighborhood rehabil-
itation, as well as redevelopment projects; and (c) authorizing
the Federal Housing Administration to insure mortgages on homes
in blighted areas and to help finance new homes for families
displaced by slum clearance.
By the end of the fiscal year 1956, an estimated 22 slum clear-
ance projects will be completed, and 364 other slum clearance and
urban renewal projects will be underway. Net expenditures will
increase from 56 million dollars in 1955 to 94 million dollars in
1956, largely for capital grants to pay the Federal share of project
costs. On the basis of experience thus far, private investment and
local government expenditures for slvim clearance and urban re-
171
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
newal projects will be about four to five times as great as the
Federal capital grants.
Before the end of the current fiscal year, the present 500 million
dollars in contract authority for capital grants will be committed.
Accordingly, to permit the program to go forward without delay,
I am recommending legislation to provide an additional 100
million dollars in capital grant authority in the fiscal year 1955,
and 200 million dollars in each of the two subsequent fiscal years.
Federal Housing Administration, — The Federal Housing Ad-
ministration is now authorized to insure larger loans with longer
maturities, as well as loans to support the urban renewal program
and to help servicemen buy homes. Thus, more of our people can
buy their own homes. Because of the more liberal terms provided
and the increased availability of mortgage credit, applications for
mortgage insurance have risen substantially in recent months. On
the basis of the present outlook, construction or purchase of almost
800,000 homes and improvement or repair of 1,500,000 other
homes will be financed during the fiscal year 1956 by private
lenders backed by Government insurance commitments.
The total private investment in both new and existing homes
by homeowners and builders, underwritten by the Federal Hous-
ing Administration, in the fiscal year 1956 will amount to an
estimated 8.3 billion dollars. To meet the expanding needs for
mortgage insurance for the remainder of the fiscal year 1955 and
through 1956, approximately 5 billion dollars in additional
insurance authority will be required.
In recent months both legislative and administrative measures
have been taken to eliminate abuses in insurance programs. The
budget also includes additional funds to assure more adequate
supervision. The increase in premium collections and other
income will, however, more than offset the increased supervisory
expenditures, and receipts are estimated to exceed expenditures
by 67 million dollars in the fiscal year 1956, compared with 42
million dollars in 1955.
Federal National Mortgage Association, — Under the Housing
172
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ igs^ ^ 17
Act of 1954, the Federal National Mortgage Association was re-
constituted to comprise financially separate activities for the sec-
ondary market, special assistance, and management and liquidat-
ing functions. Except for the initial transfer of the Government
capital investment of 92 million dollars from the earlier associa-
tion, the secondary market activity will be financed entirely from
private funds and its operations are, therefore, not reflected in this
budget. The purpose of this activity is to make sure that mort-
gage funds are available to meet normal needs in all parts of the
Nation at market rates of interest. Private capital will be gradu-
ally substituted for the Government investment until the Govern-
ment funds are fully repaid and the private owners take over
responsibility for the program.
Expenditures and receipts for the other two activities are in-
cluded in the budget totals. Under the special assistance pro-
gram, the President can authorize limited purchases of mortgages
(a) to meet acute housing needs of groups or areas unable to
obtain private financing, or (&) to prevent a decline in housing
activity. In the fiscal years 1955 and 1956, the Association ex-
pects to support the financing of about 90,000 housing units, pri-
marily for the urban renewal program. This support will be
mainly through commitments to purchase participations in pri-
vate mortgages. Under the management and liquidating func-
tion, the Association will administer the 3.1 billion dollars of
mortgages and imdisbursed commitments outstanding at the
beginning of the fiscal year 1955.
Primarily because of large purchases imder previous commit-
ments, expenditures by the Association will exceed receipts by
243 million dollars in the fiscal year 1955. In 1956, however,
net receipts of 193 million dollars are anticipated.
Veterans^ housing loans. — ^The Veterans Administration pro-
gram of direct housing loans expires on June 30, 1955. These
loans are made only where guaranteed private mortgages are
not available or cannot be secured through the voluntary home
mortgage credit program. I recommend legislation continuing
173
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
this program until expiration of the veterans' loan guaranty pro-
gram for World War II veterans on July 25, 1957. If permis-
sion is granted to use receipts from repayments, as well as from
sales, new obligational authority of 100 million dollars should
be adequate for the fiscal year 1956.
Public housing. — ^The aids contained in the Housing Act of
1954, and especially the aids to low-cost housing, will provide
the opportunity for the private housing industry to satisfy,
eventually, the housing requirements of families of all income
groups. In the meantime, it is essential to continue a minimimi
amount of low-rent public housing construction to meet the
critical needs of the lowest income families and to help provide
a new place to live for families displaced by urban renewal and
slum clearance operations. I recommend a 2 -year authorization
for contracts with local housing authorities to pay contributions
for an additional 35,000 low-rent units each year. Funds neces-
sary for this purpose have been included in this budget.
Liquidation of the emergency World War II public housing
program is accelerating. By June 30, 1956, two-thirds of the
195,000 units owned by the Government at the end of 1954 ^^
have been sold, transferred, or demolished. Meanwhile expendi-
tures for the defense housing program started during the Korean
emergency will be almost completed.
Gross expenditures for public housing programs, chiefly tempo-
rary construction loans to local authorities and annual contribu-
tions for completed projects, are estimated at 604 million dollars
in 1956. Receipts, mostly from private refinancing of these
Federal loans and rental and sale of emergency housing, will total
an estimated 570 million dollars, leaving net expenditures of 34
million dollars.
Other housing and community facilities, — ^By the end of 1956,
the Housing and Home Finance Agency will have approved 297
loans to finance construction of dormitory rooms for about 63,800
students and homes for 1,500 faculty and student families at col-
leges and universities throughout the Nation. In the past 2 years
174
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 17
the Agency has helped to develop a private market for long-term
dormitory revenue bonds, formerly rarely bought by private
investors. The increasing success in attracting private funds is a
major reason for the decline in net expenditures from 41 million
dollars to 28 million dollars.
Civil defense and disaster relief. — Expenditures for civil de-
fense are classified with expenditures for dealing with peacetime
disasters in the commerce and manpower section, but the program
is discussed in the major national security section of this message
in view of its close relation to continental defense.
Promotion of defense production. — Gross expenditures for pro-
motion of defense production are expected to decline from 1,061
million dollars in 1955 ^^ 638 million dollars in 1956. Most of
this reduction is in the synthetic rubber and tin programs. In
accordance with the terms of the Rubber Producing Facilities
Disposal Act, the estimates assume that these plants will be sold
or leased before June 30, 1955. Most of these facilities have al-
ready been sold, subject to congressional approval. Moreover,
since purchases of tin for the national stockpile have now been
completed and world supplies are ample to meet current needs,
no provision is made for continued operation of the Government
tin smelter.
Gross expenditures under the Defense Production Act will con-
tinue at relatively high levels, primarily to meet previous commit-
ments made to provide guaranteed markets, loans, or grants to
producers of critical defense materials. Net expenditures will
amount to only a fraction of gross disbursements, since most of
the materials purchased are being sold to the stockpile of strategic
and critical materials to meet its objectives, and to industry. The
stockpile program is discussed in the major national security
section of this message.
Under present law, the Defense Production Act expires on
June 30, 1955. Since important gaps in our mobilization pre-
paredness require continued Govemment encouragement, I rec-
ommend extension of the act with modifications for 2 years. No
175
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
increase in the present borrowing authority of 2.1 biUion dollars
is anticipated at this time.
Business loans and guaranties. — Liquidation of business loans
made by the Reconstruction Finance Corporation is well ad-
vanced. During the 3-year period from June 30, 1953, to June
3<^5 19565 business loans and commitments will have been reduced
from 458 million dollars to about 53 million dollars through re-
payments, refinancing, and sales to private financial institutions.
Loans to small businesses by the Small Business Administra-
tion have been expanding substantially during the last year.
Loans are made only if private credit on reasonable terms is not
available, and more than two-thirds of the loans so far extended
have been made jointly with private banks. The present author-
ity expires on June 30, 1955, and I recommend its extension.
Assuming continuance of the 1955 level of operations, about
1,200 new loans would be authorized in the fiscal year 1956, and
additional appropriations of 67 million dollars would be required.
Labor placement and unemployment compensation adminis-
tration.— ^Budget expenditures under existing law for administer-
ing the joint Federal-State program of employment services and
unemployment insurance are estimated at 253 million dollars for
the fiscal year 1956, 50 million dollars higher than in the current
year. About 29 million dollars of this increase is nonrecurring
and results from a change in the timing of funds advanced to the
States; this does not affect the level of operations. The rest is
largely for State-approved increases in salaries paid to the State
employees who administer the program, and for improvements
in the placement service.
Legislation enacted last year provides for transferring annually
to the imemployment trust fund the excess of receipts from the
Federal unemployment tax over operating costs of the program.
The excess received during 1955, to be transferred in the fiscal
year 1956, is estimated at 87 million dollars, an increase of 23
million dollars over the amount transferred this year. These
funds are to be used to set up a reserve of 200 miUion dollars
176
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ^955 ^ ^7
from which loans can be made to those States which deplete their
own reserves for benefit payments.
The present law authorizing the recruiting of qualified work-
ers from Mexico for seasonal farm employment in the United
States expires December 31, 1955. However, the need for this
service will continue and I shall recommend its extension. Ac-
cordingly, my budget reconmiendations, including proposed legis-
lation, provide funds for the entire fiscal year 1956.
Other labor and manpower programs. — Industrial injuries
have been significantly reduced through the efforts of both labor
and management, but these injuries still cost us 40 million man-
days every year. This is a heavy tax on our economic progress,
as well as on the individual employees and employers. Work-
men's compensation programs — an important facet of the indus-
trial safety problem — ^have lagged behind other social insurance
programs in recent years. Although workmen's compensation is
predominantly a State program, the Federal Government can
and should stimulate improvement — especially through studies
and clearing house activities. The budget for the fiscal year
1956 provides for studies which will enable the Department of
Labor to promote more effective safety programs and assist States
in improving their workmen's compensation standards. In addi-
tion, I shall recommend legislation which, over the next few
years, should aid the States in further developing induistrial
safety programs. Two million dollars are included for this pur-
pose in 1956.
At present all workmen's compensation payments to Federal
employees are provided from a single appropriation. To
encourage better safety practices, I shall recommend legislation
to shift the financing of some of these benefit payments to the
employing Federal agency. Legislation will also be recom-
mended to liberalize workmen's compensation benefits paid to
longshoremen and harbor workers under laws administered by
the Federal Government.
The apprentice training program of the Department of Labor
177
tj 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
has contributed to improvement of the skill and versatility of
thousands of workers. As our economy continues to expand,
many more skilled workers are needed. Accordingly, the budget
proposals provide for redirecting and improving Federal partici-
pation in these training activities.
As part of a governmentwide program to improve our economic
statistics, this budget includes 1.5 million dollars for additional
work during the fiscal year 1956 in the labor and manpower
field, covering primarily statistics on employment and unemploy-
ment, and for basic data for mobilization and civil defense.
Unemployment trust fund. — ^The following table shows
receipts and expenditures of the unemployment trust fund.
Unemployment Trust Fund
[Fiscal years. In millionsl
1954 1955 1956
Item actual estimated estimated
Balance in fund at start of year $9, 246 $8, 993 $8, 785
Receipts:
Deposits by States and railroad unemployment
taxes 1,268 1,219 1,421
Interest 224 220 204
Transfer from general fund 64 87
Payments : State and railroad withdrawals for benefits . — i , 745 — 1,712 — i , 594
Net accumulation (+) or withdrawal (— ) —253 —209 -j- 1 18
Balance in fund at close of the year 8, 993 8, 785 8, 903
GENERAL GOVERNMENT
Net expenditures for general government activities are esti-
mated at 1.6 billion dollars for the fiscal year 1956, an increase of
344 million dollars from the fiscal year 1955. The higher level of
expenditures in 1956 reflects primarily [a) the proposed resump-
tion of payments to the Civil Service Retirement Fund for the
Government's share of the cost of current benefits for retired
Federal civilian personnel and (&) substantially higher payments
arising from claims against the Government. Other expenditures
178
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1Q55 ^ 17
for general government cover in the main the costs of such basic
Government services as making and enforcing laws, collecting
taxes and customs, managing the public debt, and safeguarding
and maintaining public buildings and records.
Special allowances are made in the reserves for proposed legis-
lation of this budget for adjustments in the pay and benefits of
civilian employees of the Government which I recommended
recently in a special message to the Congress. The proposed bene-
fits include a new system of contributory hospitalization and
health insurance.
Legislative functions. — Expenditures for legislative activities
are estimated to increase from 51 million dollars in 1955 to 63
million dollars in 1956, primarily because of construction of the
new Senate Office Building.
Federal financial management. — To enable the Internal Rev-
enue Service to make still more progress in equitable and effective
enforcement of the revenue laws, I am recommending increased
appropriations of 12 million dollars to extend the audit of tax re-
turns. The improved enforcement should result in increased tax
receipts from those who have not been paying their fair share.
In addition, I am reconmiending legislation to reduce the fre-
quency of information returns submitted by employers withhold-
ing income and social security taxes and to strengthen enforce-
ment of these taxes. These amendments will not only cut down
the reporting burden on private business, but will also increase
budget receipts, especially in later years. Total expenditures for
collection of taxes and customs, for administration of the public
debt and for other Federal financial management are estimated
at 450 million dollars for the fiscal year 1956.
Central property and records management. — ^The General
Services Administration is making substantial and continuing
economies in the govemmentwide management of property and
records. Central motor pools are planned for 15 cities, with
important savings anticipated. Substantial reductions in office
and warehouse space are continuing. As a result of examination
179
§ 17
Public Papers of the Presidents
General Government
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Program or agency
Legislative functions
Judicial functions
Executive direction
Federal financial management:
Tax collection
Customs collection, debt management and
other
Other central services:
Central property and records management ....
Civil Service Commission
Other
Retirement for Federal civilian employees:
Present programs
Proposed legislation
Unemployment compensation for Federal civilian
employees
Protective services and alien control:
Federal Bureau of Investigation
Immigration and Naturalization Service
Otiier
Territories, possessions, and District of Columbia:
District of Columbia
Territories, possessions, and other
Other general government:
Payment of claims and relief acts
Weather Bureau
Other
Total
Deduct applicable receipts
Expenditures
Recom-
mended
new obliga-
1954
actual
1955 1956
estimated estimated
thority
for 1956
$45
29
II
$51
33
13
$63
34
II
$50
33
II
277
273
285
286
171
164
165
164
1 52
16
16
156
15
21
162
17
21
164
17
24
34
32
2
216
2
216
33
40
40
75
40
31
79
44
23
91
45
25
88
45
24
13
43
25
49
34
48
32
45
213
26
20
163
25
23
250
29
32
33
30
1,212 1,225 1,569
4 3 3
* 1*305
Net budget expenditures i, 209 i, 222 i, 566
J Compares with new obligational authority of 1,041 million dollars in 1954 and 1,056
million dollars in 1955.
of Government real property holdings, the sales program of sur-
plus real property will be accelerated, with the desirable result
of returning this property to local tax rolls and increasing budget
receipts.
In this budget, I recommend added funds for more adequate
180
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 17
repair and improvement of public buildings to protect the Gov-
ernment's investment. Estimated expenditures for central prop-
erty and records management will therefore rise from 156 million
dollars in 1 955 to 1 62 million dollars in 1 956.
To help meet the most critical needs for office space, construc-
tion of several general-purpose buildings has already been ap-
proved imder the long-term lease-purchase contract authority
provided by the Eighty-third Congress, and additional buildings
will be considered as quickly as determinations of need and cost
can be made. These buildings will be purchased through annual
appropriations for rental payments.
Civil Service Commission. — Under the recent revisions of the
Federal civil service rules, a substantially higher proportion of
civilian employees will be on a competitive basis. The transition
to this system will require additional funds for the Civil Service
Commission for administering the necessary examining program,
both in the continental United States and overseas.
Retirement for Federal civilian employees. — The civil service
retirement and disability system should be financed on a more
satisfactory basis. Employees now contribute 6 percent of pay,
covering about one-half the currently accruing cost, and the Gov-
ernment is responsible for the rest of the cost. In the past the
Government's share of payments to this fund has not been pro-
vided on a consistent basis and in the last 2 years appropriations
have been deferred pending the report of the Committee on Re-
tirement Policy for Federal Personnel. The Committee's report
to the Eighty-third Congress establishes the necessity for a sound
and lasting financial basis for the civil service retirement system.
Financing of the civil service system is a problem requiring
careful consideration because of its importance to the Federal
career service. For 1956 I am recommending a Government
contribution of 216 million dollars which is estimated to be the
difference in that year between the Government's share of cur-
rent benefit disbursements and the interest earned on its part of
the fund. This will serve to maintain at its present level the
181
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
equity the Government already has built up in the fund through
its past contributions.
Other budget expenditures for retired Federal civilian em-
ployees are estimated to decline from 32 million dollars in the
fiscal year 1955 to 2 million dollars in 1956 because payments for
cost-of-living increases under the act of July 16, 1952, will be
made from the trust fund.
Unemployment compensation for Federal civilian em-
ployees.— Legislation enacted by the last Congress provides for
the payment of unemployment compensation benefits to Federal
civilian workers. These payments are similar to those available
to most workers in private industry and are being paid through
existing State unemployment compensation agencies. Pay-
ments reimbursing the States for the cost of this program for
the fiscal year 1955 are estimated at 33 million dollars, requiring
a supplemental appropriation of 20 million dollars. Expendi-
tures are estimated to rise in 1956 to 40 million dollars because
for the first time the plan will be in operation for a full fiscal
year.
Protective services and alien control. — Increased expendi-
tures for protective services and alien control are recommended
to strengthen the border patrol operations of the Immigration
and Naturalization Service and to maintain the Federal Bureau
of Investigation at its present effectiveness in the fiscal year 1956.
The Bureau's work has been increased by added responsibilities
for internal security. At the same time, its costs have risen be-
cause of recently enacted legislation providing premium pay for
FBI agents for overtime and holiday work.
District of Columbia. — ^Under the new public works program
authorized by the Congress last spring, Federal expenditures for
the District of Columbia will increase to 34 million dollars in
the fiscal year 1956. Of this amount, 22 million dollars repre-
sents the Federal Government's share in the costs of District
government and public services; loans of 12 million dollars will
182
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 17
be made to the District for construction of highways, sewers,
and waterworks.
Weather Bureau. — ^To increase the effectiveness of the weather
service, I am recommending replacement of certain obsolete
facilities with modem observational equipment. This budget
provides for the Weather Bureau to take over operation of 25
upper-air stations and perform certain other activities basic to
civilian weather service which are now carried on by the Depart-
ment of Defense. These proposals will carry out recommenda-
tions made by an advisory committee of eminent meteorologists.
With the improved program, the expenditures of the Weather
Bureau for the fiscal year 1956 are estimated at 29 million dol-
lars, an increase of 4 million dollars over 1955.
Claims and relief acts. — Payments for claims and relief acts
are estimated at 250 million dollars for the fiscal year 1956, an
increase of 87 million dollars over the 1955 estimate. The in-
crease consists entirely of higher payments for certified claims,
which represent, in the main, bills presented for payment after
the appropriation involved has lapsed. In the fiscal year 1955
certified claims are expected to be lower than in 1956 because
claims which would otherwise have been paid from this account
are being paid from certain Department of Defense appropria-
tions which were extended by the Congress for i year.
INTEREST
The large interest payments by the Federal Govemment arise
primarily from the tremendous increase in the public debt during
World War II. In the fiscal year 1956 they accoimt for about
10 percent of total budget expenditures. The size of the public
debt and interest rates on the debt determine the general level
of interest expenditures; variations may also occur from year
to year from changes in interest payment provisions of specific
securities.
Interest on the public debt. — Interest payments on the public
debt in the fiscal year 1956 are estimated at 6.3 billion dollars.
183
^ 17 Public Papers of the Presidents
Interest
[Fiscal years. In millions]
Recom-
mended
Budget expenditures {net) new obli-
gational
1954 1955 1956 authority
Item actual estimated estimated for 1956
Interest on public debt $6, 382 $6, 475 $6, 300 $6, 300
Interest on refunds of receipts 83 78 73 73
Interest on uninvested trust deposits 5 5 5 5
Total 6,470 6,558 6,378 16,378
1 Compares with new obligational authority of 6,470 million dollars in 1 954 and 6,558
million dollars in 1955.
Although the debt has increased, interest payments are estimated
to be 175 million dollars less than in the current year. This
decrease reflects primarily the reduction in the calendar year
1954 in interest rates on the outstanding debt. Another reason
for the decrease is the unusual concentration in 1955 of interest
payments on part of the public debt refunded this year. As an
example of both reasons, in the fall of 1954, 7.5 billion dollars
oi 2% percent certificates were refunded into a i]/i^ percent cer-
tificate and a 2}/8 percent bond. A full year's interest was paid
in the fiscal year 1955 on the maturing 2 5^ percent certificates;
in addition, the first interest payment on the new 2J/8 percent
bond will be due in 1955. For these reasons interest payments
in 1955 on this 7.5 billion dollar segment of the debt will be
about 130 million dollars more than in 1956.
We have made progress in improving the structure of the pub-
lic debt by lengthening the average maturity. Nevertheless, the
average interest rate on the debt has declined from 2.41 percent
to 2.29 percent during the last 12 months.
In this message, we have stated our objectives and our pro-
posals for the coming year.
In preparing this budget we have weighed the requirements
of each element of our strength in order that we may allocate our
184
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 18
resources according to the requirements of the whole. To each
is apportioned the full measure required by relative need and
permitted by available means. At the same time our awareness
of the necessity for efficient, economical, and moral Government
and the development of partnerships with State and local gov-
ernments and with private enterprise permit reductions in total
expenditures. A growing prosperity will result in increasing
revenues and should make possible both a balanced budget and
lower tax rates in the near future.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
NOTE : As printed, the following have by function and agency, and budget
been deleted: (i) three summary receipts; (2) references to special
tables setting forth new obligational analyses appearing in the budget
authority and budget expenditures, proper.
1 8 ^ The President's News Conference of
January 19, i955,
[ This is a complete transcript of the news conference of this date. Those
portions of the President's replies which were not released for broadcasting
or direct quotation at that time are enclosed in brackets.
[Television, newsreel, and newspaper camera equipment were present for
the first time throughout a Presidential news conference. Candid photo-
graphs of the President were released. Portions of the film and sound track
were released for broadcast that night over television and radio and were
available for newsreels. The release of portions of news conferences for
radio, television, and newsreel use continued until May 18, when the practice
of releasing the entire conference began.
[The broadcasting and newsreel release of excerpts of the news conferences
led to a major change in their treatment in the press. Heretofore it had
been customary to state the President's replies in indirect discourse only.
Beginning with the January 19 conference, direct quotation was authorized
for those portions of the transcript corresponding to the released tape and
film. With the conference of May 18 direct quotation of the entire transcript
began. ]
THE PRESIDENT. Pleasc be seated.
Well, I see we are trying a new experiment this morning. I
hope it doesn't prove to be a disturbing influence.
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I have no announcements. We will go directly to questions.
Q. Robert E. Clark, International News Service: Mr. Presi-
dent, could you discuss the seriousness of the latest Communist
attacks on Nationalist islands in the China Sea, in the light of
our commitments to defend Formosa?
THE PRESIDENT. No military authority that I know of has tried
to rate these small islands that are now under attack, or indeed
the Tachens themselves, as an essential part of the defenses of
Formosa and of the Pescadores, to the defense of which we are
committed by the treaty that is now before the Senate for
approval.
The two islands, I believe, that have been under attack are
not occupied by Chinese National regulars. They have been
occupied by irregulars or guerrillas.
Now, the Tachens themselves are a different proposition.
They are occupied by a division of troops. They are of value,
there is no denying that, they are of value as an outpost, an addi-
tional point for observation. They are not a vital element, as we
see it, in the defense of the islands.
Exactly what is going to be the development there, I cannot
foresee, so I won't try to speculate on exactly what we should do
in that area. We don't even know, I think, at this moment — at
least I wasn't informed this morning — ^what the Generalissimo's
personal intentions are with respect to that particular region.
Q, Chalmers M. Roberts, Washington Post and Times Herald :
Mr. President, in the light of this latest fight, would you consider
that it would be useful to have a cease-fire between Communist
China and Nationalist China if that could be arranged through
the U.N. or by some other means?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I should like to see the U.N. attempt to
exercise its good offices, I believe, because wherever there is any
kind of fighting and open violence in the world, it is always sort
of a powder keg.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^s ^ i8
Whether the United Nations could do anything in this partic-
ular place, I don't know, because probably each side would insist
that it was an internal affair; although from our viewpoint it
might be a good thing to have them take a look at the problem.
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press: Mr. President, would it
be possible for you, sir, to define or give us your impressions of
Secretary Dulles' use of the word "forever" yesterday when he
said that we would not wait forever for the release of our airmen
by the Chinese Communists?
THE PRESIDENT. Well uow, Mr. Smith, I didn't read the exact
terms of his statement. I did not and, therefore, I don't know the
context in which he was speaking.
I do know this : Mr. Dulles and I meet together more often,
I think, than any other two individuals of this Government, at
least in the Cabinet level, and we are in perfect accord as to
our solution to these problems as they arise; so whatever he said,
I am sure it was in keeping with the general policies and convic-
tions he and I hold about this problem.
Q. Nat S. Finney, Buffalo News: Mr. President, in your state
of the Union message, I believe you used the phrase "never to be
forgotten men."
THE PRESIDENT. That is right.
Q. Mr. Finney: I wonder if you could give us a little better,
a more complete insight as to what you had in mind in using that
phrase?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, as loug as there is an American unjustly
imprisoned, I am going to continue to do my best to exert the
influence that I think is available to us to secure his release, and
to see that he gets justice.
Now, let us never forget, ladies and gentlemen, that the lives
of these individuals are at stake as well as some academic concept
of the exact right in this thing. And let us not forget this either:
our own knowledge of our purity of motive in the world is not
always shared sometimes even by those we know to be our friends ;
and it is idle to say that there cannot be misunderstandings on the
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other side as to our motives and intentions and ideas.
You will recall there were 25,000 prisoners escaped — ^North
Koreans. They escaped into South Korea, and this created a
very great difKculty at the time of the armistice negotiations.
Now, we thought we were right, but what did the other side
think?
So you have these problems where we are certain that justice,
decency, and right is on our side, but we also have the problem of
convincing others that we are right and just and decent, and
sometimes these things can create a lot of misapprehension and
misunderstanding.
Q. Roscoe Drummond, New York Herald Tribune : Mr. Presi-
dent, do you think it is fair to conclude or do you conclude that
the negotiations by Mr. Hammarskjold are a failure?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I would ncvcr admit failure to anything
as long as it is going on. I have understood from his report
that this was one step in negotiations that he expects to carry
forward. He is meeting with the Secretary of State at 1 1 : 00
this morning, and I assume that we will have a little bit clearer
understanding of exactly what he means.
Now, the negotiations can never be a success until the Ameri-
cans and allies unjustly held in China are returned to their
homelands.
On the other hand, they are certainly not a failure as long as
they are going on. That would be just as incomprehensible as
to admit defeat in a battle as long as you have got one man
on the firing line. I never would admit that, so I don't think
we are defeated there.
Q. Laurence H. Burd, Chicago Tribune : Mr. President, can
you give us any idea what you would consider a reasonable time
for the U.N. to negotiate for the return of these prisoners?
THE PRESIDENT. No, I dou't think I could guess. I think that
the time factor would always have to be related to any progress
that you can see or feel or believe in. So, as long as a man of
the character and standing of Hammarskjold believes that he is
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Dwight D. Eisenhower^ igss ^ i8
making progress, I think that you would have to wait; because,
I repeat, there is here involved a question of lives of people as
well as our rights, the common understanding of the facts in the
case — there are numerous things that are involved, and I think
he ought to have a full chance to do what he can.
Q. May Craig, Maine Papers: Mr. President, in view of the
Commimist violation of the Korean truce, what compliance could
we expect from a U.N. truce in the Formosa Straits?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, maybc the best answer to that might be
my saying that is a good question. [Laughter]
But I think that is a problem forever in dealing with someone
who shows a proclivity for acting like solemn agreements were
scraps of paper, and it is what I think that we — Mr. Dulles and
I — always mean when we say we want some confirmation in
deeds, not just words. You will recall that in dealing with these
questions in the past, when we have talked about the deeds that
were necessary in the Far East, we have talked about withdrawal
of troops in Korea that would remove the stigma placed upon
Communist China by the United Nations in calling them an
aggressor nation; in returning our prisoners; in abstaining from
aggressive acts in Southeast Asia; in conducting itself as a civilized
nation in the councils of the world.
Now, you begin to understand what we mean by deeds that
give some belief that we may have confidence in the agreements
we draw up with them. What you are doing is voicing a doubt,
and I must say that all of us share it.
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Mr. President, the Con-
gressmen on Capitol Hill say that if they can find a copy of the
budget to read that they can't understand it. [Laughter] Par-
ticularly, they say, the military budget is couched in such general
terms that they can't find where the money is to be spent.
Now, the justifications for these individual projects will go to
two committees, appropriations committees, and not to the Mem-
bers of Congress in general.
40308—59 15
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Is there anything you can do to tell these people who have to
vote on this where the money is to be spent?
THE PREsroENT. [It is my understanding that is what the com-
mittees of Congress are for, and that is what the people that ap-
pear before those committees are for.
[The national defense officials, from the Secretary on down to
any level that the military committees and the appropriation com-
mittees want to call, will appear before them; and they will ex-
plain every single item in it. I can't be expected to take the details
of a volume like that — I forget the number of pages— and explain
that in detail to individuals anywhere.]
Q. Joseph A. Loftus, New York Times: Mr. President, will
you comment on the proposal that Formosa and Red China be
considered separate independent nations, and that there be an
exchange of mutual security, and setde the problem that way?
THE PRESIDENT. [No, I dou't think I will comment on it for
the simple reason that that commenting would make it appear
that my convictions were finally formed in this area.
[It is, of course, one of the possibilities that is constantly studied,
but you can see that both sides to it might be very reluctant to
have that proposal seriously considered.]
Q. John C. O'Brien, Philadelphia Inquirer: In your budget
message you said you would not recommend an appropriation
for the dredging of the upper channel of the Delaware River
unless a cost-sharing plan was worked out. Now, some of the
Congressmen from that area are pointing out that private indus-
try has never before been assessed for a navigation project.
Now, my question is: is this a new Government policy or are
there special reasons for cost-sharing in the Delaware River
project?
THE PRESIDENT. [Well, there are two things, I think: one is
that I do believe that when the Federal Govemment spends
money that is mainly to the interests of the locaUty, we should
find some way to make that locaUty participate.
[I did not, by any manner of means, specify the method by
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Dwight D. Eisenhower y igs^ ^ i8
which this partnership could be worked out. I suppose that the
range of things that could be studied would be all the way from
tolls, that is, from vessels actually using such a channel, to some
direct participation in the original case. I do believe that we
should, in these great projects, try to find a way that you get
the local concern for economy or local benefits reflected in the
appropriations the Federal Government makes.
[Admittedly, let us say, this is to the general welfare of the
whole Nation; and if it is a new policy, I think it should have
been considered long ago myself.]
Q. Mr. O'Brien: Mr. President, the only new feature, I think,
is the assessment on industry, local contributions, which are some-
what different.
THE PRESIDENT. [That is what I say: I do believe there ought
to be some way of participation, and I wouldn't say that it couldn't
be by tolls. I do say that I feel that there should be some local
participation by those who are going to profit directly and in a
major way in these things.]
Q. Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Mr. President,
as tomorrow is the second anniversary of your inauguration, I
wonder if you would care to give us an appraisal of your first 2
years, and tell us something of your hopes for the next 2 or maybe
even the next 6. [Laughter]
THE PRESIDENT. It looks like a loaded question. [Laughter]
Well, of course, I know of no way of evaluating the 2 years of
this except to remind ourselves of certain things that have hap-
pened. I think I can say this without attempting to take either
too much partisan credit or personal credit, because all of us
realize that if these things have gone on, some of them have been
participated in almost unanimously by both parties.
But, let us without any further explanation just take a look:
We were then fighting in Korea, and that war has been ended.
Iran was in such situation that we weekly thought we had pos-
sibly lost it or we would see it going under Communist influence
unreservedly and finally.
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There was a struggle going on between two of our friends,
Britain and Egypt.
The Trieste situation was upsetting all our relations in the Med-
iterranean, and bade fair to create really serious trouble in those
countries, particularly in Italy.
There was a growing difficulty in Central America, which
finally flared up into the Guatemalan incident.
And at that moment it looked like we were probably approach-
ing close to defeat in our efforts to get any kind of agreement in
Western Europe.
Now, those things have been largely eliminated.
In addition, I believe that we have been successful in convincing
all of the countries of the Mid-East that we are desperately trying
to be friends with everybody, trying to make friends between our-
selves and each of the nations concerned.
So I think that on the whole, in spite of a weakened situation
in Indonesia [Indochina] and of the partial loss of Viet-Nam, that
the foreign situation is more stable, generally speaking, looks
better, and that is not by any means to say that it looks rosy.
At home, we started out, you will recall, with a definite
economic program.
I am going to read one thing someone called to my attention
this morning, because they said that I had been here 2 years.
They pointed out that I said I was going to balance the budget
quickly, and I want to read from the speech I made in Peoria,
Illinois, October 2, 1952:
"A first and vital step is to eliminate the deficit from our
national budget.
"Second, restore the incentive to expand production. A major
step toward this end is to reduce Government spending and there-
by permit lower taxation. Federal spending can be cut from
the present rate of $81 billion a year.
"My goal, assuming that the cold war gets no worse, is to cut
Federal spending to something like $60 billion within 4 years.
Such a cut would eliminate the deficit in the budget."
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^s ^ i8
Now, of course, you have seen the recent budget, and its esti-
mate that there will still be a $2,400,000,000 deficit; but the
budget itself, by coincidence, is $62,400,000,000, so I almost can
claim credit for being a prophet.
If there could be found some way of eliminating that $2,400,-
000,000, why, it would look like it would be in balance.
Now, in addition to that, controls have been removed from
our economy.
There has been a new farm program set up which we have
every reason to believe will bring about a better balance between
production and markets.
We have brought about the transition from a war economy to
a peace economy with, I think, almost an unprecedented easing
of the situation and its impact upon our people and their several
occupations and businesses.
There has been a reduction in taxes that is unprecedented for
any single year in our history.
Now, along with that, we come to the moment, and we look
ahead. We have an expanding economy. We have an economy
and an industry, financial situation, that reflects the confidence
and hope of our people, the belief of our people.
Now, I am not saying that the stock market itself, its rises and
falls, is necessarily an index of what is going to happen in this
country; but it does reflect that kind of confidence that we have
tried in the past so hard to instill.
There is a greater production of houses in our country today
than ever before in our history. We are even higher today than
we were in 1953.
All the way along, consumer spending is going up, consumer
savings are going up.
There is, of course, not a wholly satisfactory picture. There are
industries in particular areas where there are still difiiculties. We
are working on them.
But the outlook, certainly from the standpoint of our internal
economy, is good. I know of no better measure, if I may conclude
193
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here, Mr. Arrowsmith, than to say: how do people feel today as
to the way they felt then?
Q. Clark R. MoUenhoff, Des Moines Register and Tribune:
Mr. President, last week you told us that Secretary Benson had
given you a one-sided version of this Ladejinsky case, and at that
time you indicated that you personally could not look into all of
these cases.
I wondered if, in light of that, you could tell us if you have any
mechanism set up in the White House to protect yourself against
misinformation or half information from Cabinet officers or other
individuals, the types of thing that led Mr. Truman and Mr.
Harding in so much trouble.
THE PRESIDENT. I think you are a little bit unfair in your in-
terpretation of exactly what I said. I didn't say he deliberately
gave me a one-sided picture. I said he gave me a memorandum
of the facts, as he saw them; and the facts as he saw them, I
said, would have disturbed me very badly.
Now, I also said that I trust the judgment of the people that
I put in these important administrative positions. In spite of
the fact that in this case two of these people have reached differ-
ent conclusions, I believe that each has exercised his own
judgment honestly; and I am not going to take unto myself
making an investigation in this area, I assure you.
Q. Mr. Mollenhoff: Mr. President, I understood that you
backed them in their right to make different judgments
THE PREsroENT. That is right.
Q. Mr. Mollenhoff: on these things.
I wondered, though, if you would feel there was something
you should step in on where there was a difference on fact, as
in a serious situation where one department would say a man
was a member of two Commimist front organizations, and the
other department would make a flat statement that he was not?
THE PRESIDENT. [Well, what wc had here, of course, was a
simple thing. This was a case where the heads of two principal
194
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ i8
departments were involved, and they reached different
conclusions.
[Normally, and under the orders that have been issued, it is
expected that each individual, each head of department, will
in his own field exercise his judgment; and that created rather
a paradox.
[Now, arrangements have been made that when two depart-
ments reach different conclusions on these things, there will be
coordination.]
Q. Robert J. Donovan, New York Herald Tribune : Mr. Presi-
dent, is that something new that you are telling us here now?
THE PRESIDENT. [No, I think it is not really new. I think it
is a precautionary admonition, you might say, a piece of advice
because it should be normal procedure in a well-run organization,
and possibly it was overlooked here,]
Q. Mr. Donovan: May I rephrase this question just once
more?
THE PRESIDENT. YcS.
Q. Mr. Donovan: Are there any specific new changes or
studies in prospect in this matter?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, Mr. Douovau, I told you people several
times I know of nothing that is engaging more attention all the
time.
I have told you of the special department set up in the Attorney
General's Office to which all the troublesome, particularly trou-
blesome, matters can be referred for advice and counsel and,
particularly, to which can be referred any case where there are
differing views.
There has also been initiated by other groups — I believe by a
university group in one case, I believe by the New York Bar Asso-
ciation— certain inquiries into these things. I assure you they will
be assisted in the making of their inquiries into policy or into
programs; they are not attempting to be judges in particular cases.
Q. Edward T. FoUiard, Washington Post and Times Herald:
Mr. President, to go back to the fighting in the Far East for a
195
^ 1 8 Public Papers of the Presidents
moment, the dispatches from Formosa say that the Chinese Reds
may now storm the other islands off the coast, including the
Tachens.
A United Press story from Formosa says there is an American
detachment on one of the Tachen Islands.
If we may assume that that story is correct, would we leave
that American detachment on any of those islands, in view of
the fact that they may be attacked by the Chinese Reds?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I would havc to ask the commander on
the spot what orders these individuals are under; whether they are
still there or not, I don't know. Most of these units — [confers
with Mr. Hagerty] — ^well, I think that is a technicality.
The fact is that I assume the commander has given his instruc-
tions under different circumstances as to what will occur, and it
hasn't been brought to my attention; but Mr. Hagerty does say
there are four or five men on one of the islands, I think.
Q. John Herling, Editors Syndicate: Mr. President, Secretary
of Labor Mitchell has recommended to you that a career servant,
Ewan Clague, be renominated as Commissioner of Labor Statis-
tics, and that recommendation has been in the White House for
several months. I wonder whether you have any knowledge of
the situation?
THE pREsroENT. [I wiU havc to look it up. I don't recall the
name.]
Q. Mr. Herling: Ewan Clague is the incumbent
Commissioner.
THE PRESIDENT. [I dou't recall the name; I will have to look it
up.]
Q. Mr. Herling: Thank you, sir,
Q. William Theis, International News Service: Yesterday
Secretary Wilson said he would favor nonstrategic trade with the
Communist bloc countries. Does that bear your considered
approval, or can you comment further on it?
THE PREsroENT. Well, it certainly could not be said to carry my
considered approval, although the subject, of course, has been
196
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 18
discussed in this Government, in Congress, since — ^well, for 2
years.
There are two points, I think, that it is well to remember about
trade: one, that trade is a process that takes place between two
nations or two groups and, presumably, for the economic benefit
of both.
If you trade something to me, you think that you are getting
the benefit of the trade, and I think I am getting it.
But there is also this: trade is one of the greatest influences
in the hands of the diplomat; and how he uses it, negatively or
positively or in roundabout methods even, it is an influence to
bring about and carry out the policies under which that country
is operating.
Now, our policy is simple — to promote peaceful relationships
in the world; and I would say we would never with anyone carry
on trade unless we thought that that cause were gaining. Cer-
tainly under present conditions we do have complete embargoes
with respect to certain countries, and so just some casual state-
ment of that kind would not change our policy.
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press : Mr. President, when you
referred, you said arrangements had been made that when two
departments reached different conclusions on security cases, that
there will be coordination. Could you tell us who does the
coordinating? Are you referring to the imit in the Justice
Department
THE PRESIDENT. That is corrcct.
Q. Mr. Smith : or does the White House
THE PRESIDENT. That is corrcct. I have asked them in each
case, before that case would have to be referred to me, that they
first meet with this individual and try to accomplish that
coordination.
Of course, I think if a similar case to the one to which you
referred occurred in the future, and it couldn't be settled, well,
they would bring it to me; but then there would be a complete
report of investigation on both sides.
40308—59 16 1 97
^ 1 8 Public Papers of the Presidents
Q. Alice A. Dunnigan, Associated Negro Press: Mr. President,
will the Government continue to permit naval vessels to visit
ports where the crews must submit to segregation, racial segrega-
tion, as happened when the carrier Midway visited Capetown,
South Africa, recently?
THE PRESIDENT. [You wiU havc to go and ask the Secretary of
Defense or the Secretary of the Navy, one of the two.
[What I know about that case has been brought to me by show-
ing me a clipping out of the newspaper, and I don't know any-
thing about it.]
Q. Martin S. Hayden, Detroit News: Mr. President, in your
state of the Union message you promised or indicated there would
be a positive Federal program to aid the construction of schools,
but in the budget message we couldn't find any money for it.
Will there be some actual expenditures?
THE PRESIDENT. Remember this, there has to be a new author-
ization in that regard. Now, there is a plan from Mrs. Hobby's
office going to the Congress on 15 February. Remember this:
there is a White House Conference called for November. It is
a very broad educational conference, and nobody in this admin-
istration is going to get in the way of the findings of that to the
extent of, let's say, vitiating the recommendations or trying to
anticipate them. But what we are trying to do now, recognizing
the acute shortage of schoolrooms, is to find a method of helping
and assisting States and localities and districts to get this thing
on the rails, knowing that we can't possibly in this way damage
anything that will be done by this conference.
Q. John D. Morris, New York Times : A moment ago you read
from a speech in which you outlined a 4-year program for bal-
ancing the budget.
THE PRESIDENT. YcS.
Q. Mr. Morris: I believe about 3 of those are up now. Could
you say that is a promise to balance that next year?
THE PRESIDENT. [I thought someouc had reminded me I had
been here 2 years.]
198
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ i8
Q. Mr, Morris: Well, this is the third budget, I believe, sir.
THE PRESIDENT. [Oh, HO. The first budget had been pre-
pared.
[We have been here 2 years, let's don't try to push me too
hard.] [Laughter]
Q. Edward Milne, Providence Evening Bulletin: Mr. Presi-
dent, I would like to know, sir, your reaction to former Senator
Harry Cain's strong criticism over the weekend of these employee
security programs.
THE PRESIDENT. [Well, Mr. Cain, like everybody else, has his
right to criticize.
[Again I say the system that he criticizes, I believe, is fairly
well conceived. Certainly it is the best that we have been able
to devise in view of the conflicting considerations that apply.
And they are also sensitive considerations, sensitive on the side of
the Government and sensitive on the side of the individual. In
their application always there is human failure; I admit that, and
I don't claim any kind of perfection.
[Now, so far as I know, Mr. Cain has not submitted to any
responsible official in the executive department a summary of his
objections or on what he bases his criticism. I did read part of
his speech, and that is all I know about it.]
Q. Andrew F. Tully, Jr., Scripps-Howard: Mr. President,
after 2 years in office, how do you like your job? [Laughter]
THE PRESIDENT. I dou't think I will try to answer that one.
Like everything else, there are not wholly unmixed blessings in
such duties and responsibilities.
Merriman Smith, United Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
note: President Eisenhower's fifty- 10:33 to 11:05 o'clock on Wednes-
eighth news conference was held in day morning, January 19, 1955. In
the Executive Office Building from attendance: 218.
199
^ 1 9 Public Papers of the Presidents
1 9 ^ Annual Message Presenting the Economic
Report to the Congress. January 20, 1955
To the Congress of the United States:
I am herewith presenting my Economic Report, as required by
Section 3 (a) of the Employment Act of 1946.
In preparing this Report, I have had the assistance and advice
of the Council of Economic Advisers. I have also had the advice
of the heads of executive departments and independent agencies.
I present below, largely in the words of the Report itself, what
I regard as its highlights.
SOURCES OF ECONOMIC PROGRESS
With production and employment now increasing on a broad
front, the events of the past year have borne out the major
conclusions of the Economic Report of January 1954 concern-
ing the state of our economy and the policies needed to promote
soimd economic growth.
Economic well-being sustains our whole national life. A high
and rising standard of living brings to more of our people the
opportunity for continued intellectual and spiritual growth.
The main sources of our Nation's economic strength are its
free institutions and the qualities of its people — their ambition,
skill, enterprise, and willingness to make great efforts in their own
behalf and in behalf of their families and communities.
The need of our times is for economic policies that, in the first
place, recognize the proven sources of sustained economic growth
and betterment, and in the second place, respect the need of
people for a sense of security as well as opportunity in our com-
plex, industrialized society.
A free economy has great capacity to generate jobs and in-
comes if a feeling of confidence in the economic future is widely
shared by investors, workers, businessmen, farmers, and
consumers.
200
Dwight D. Eisenhower, igss ^ 19
Many factors favor a continuation of our vigorous economic
growth. The population is increasing rapidly, educational levels
are rising, work skills are improving, incomes are widely dis-
tributed, consumers are eager to better their living standards,
businessmen are starting new enterprises and expanding old ones,
the tools of industry are multiplying and improving, research and
technology are opening up new opportunities, and our public
policies generally encourage enterprise and innovation.
With wise management of the national household, our country
can within a decade increase its production from the current
annual level of about 360 billion dollars to 500 billion, or more,
expressed in dollars of the same buying power.
In the future as in the past, increases in productivity and in
useful employment opportunities will be the core of economic
expansion.
The role of the Federal Government in the achievement of
these goals is to create an atmosphere favorable to economic
activity by encouraging private initiative, curbing monopolistic
tendencies, avoiding encroachment on the private sector of the
economy, and carrying out as much of its own work as is practica-
ble through private enterprise. It should take its full part at the
side of State and local governments in providing appropriate
public facilities. It should restrain tendencies toward recession
or inflation. It should widen opportunities for less fortunate
citizens, and help individuals to cope with the hazards of unem-
ployment, illness, old age, and blighted neighborhoods.
Last year the Government took many steps, both legislative
and administrative, to encourage economic expansion. Fiscal
and monetary measures fostered an expectation of improving
economic conditions and encouraged people to maintain a high
rate of expenditure. The opportunities of competitive enter-
prise were enlarged; economic ties with other countries were
improved; the floor of personal and family security was
strengthened; and additions were made to our public assets.
201
^ 19 Public Papers of the Presidents
THE ECONOMY TODAY
The year 1954 was one of transition from contraction to re-
covery. The contraction reflected the efforts of businessmen to
reduce inventories, and was aggravated by a large reduction in
military expenditures.
The contraction was relatively mild and brief, because of a
variety of timely public and private actions.
The Government cut taxes, the Federal Reserve System eased
credit conditions, and the Treasury arranged its financing so
as not to compete with mortgages and other long-term issues. A
comprehensive program for encouraging private enterprise was
submitted to the Congress. Apart from this, the decline in pri-
vate incomes was automatically cushioned by increased pay-
ments of unemployment insurance and other benefits and by
sharp cuts in taxes due the Government on the reduced incomes.
Consumers maintained a high rate of spending, businessmen
kept capital expenditures at a high rate, builders stepped up
their activities, trade unions conducted their affairs with a sense
of responsibility, farmers recognized the dangers of piling up
ever larger surpluses, private lenders made ample supplies of
credit available on liberal terms, States and locaUties carried
out large construction programs, and export demand remained
strong.
Although manufacturing production fluctuated, total output
was fairly stable, and disposable personal income reached record
levels. But some industries and localities suffered from serious
unemployment. The fortunes of most of them turned for the
better when recovery got under way in the early autumn, and
they will benefit from further general economic expansion.
Instead of expanding Federal enterprises or initiating new
spending programs, the basic policy of the Government in dealing
with the contraction was to take actions that created confidence
in the future and stimulated business firms, consumers, and States
and localities to increase their expenditures.
202
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ 1Q55 ^ 19
The vigor of the recent recovery, which has already made up
half of the preceding decline in industrial production, suggests
that economic expansion will probably continue during coming
months. It holds out the promise that we shall achieve a high
and satisfactory level of employment and production within the
current year.
A further expansion of consumer spending may reasonably be
expected; we are soon likely to experience some rebuilding of
inventories; the decline of Federal spending next year will be less
rapid than during the last two years; State and local expenditure
will probably continue to expand; the outlook for housing and
commercial construction continues to be good; there is a prospect
that plant and equipment expenditures may turn upward, as
the general economic advance proceeds; the outlook for export
demand is brightened by the economic resurgence of an ever-
widening area of the Free World.
It is essential to keep a close watch on financial developments;
continued economic recovery must not be jeopardized by over-
emphasis of speculative activity.
TOWARD SUSTAINED ECONOMIC GROWTH
The wise course for Government in 1955 is to direct its program
principally toward fostering long-term economic growth rather
than toward imparting an immediate upward thrust to economic
activity.
Further efforts to reduce Federal expenditures, together with
increasing revenues from a tax base growing as the economy ex-
pands, should make possible some additional general tax reduc-
tions next year. Progress could then also be made in further
lowering tax barriers to the free flow of funds into risk-taking and
job-creating investments.
Government should persist in its efforts to maintain easy entry
into trade and industry, to check monopoly, and to preserve a
competitive environment. Continued encouragement should be
given to small and new businesses.
203
^ 19 Public Papers of the Presidents
Scientific research and development activities in all their phases
should continue to have the earnest support of the Federal
Government.
Measures by ourselves and other nations to reduce existing bar-
riers to international trade, payments, and investment will make
the Free World stronger and aid our own economic growth.
Measures should be considered to extend personal security
against the hazard of unemployment, to strengthen minimum
wage legislation, to protect savings in credit unions, and to in-
crease the President's discretionary authority to vary the terms
of insured mortgage loans in the interest of economic stabiUty.
A great ten-year program to modernize the interstate highway
system should be authorized.
Our partnership policies of water resource development should
be further implemented by appropriate Congressional and local
action.
Action should be taken this year to help meet our Nation-wide
needs for school construction. I shall shortly send to the Congress
a special message that will deal with methods by which the Fed-
eral Government can appropriately assist in this vital field.
Support should be provided for an Office of Coordinator of
Public Works Planning in the Executive Office of the President,
and for a revolving fund for advances to the States and munici-
palities for public works planning.
CONCLUSION
Our Nation's recent history teaches that a foresighted Govern-
ment can do much to help keep the economy stable, but experi-
ence affords no good basis for a belief that the Government can
entirely prevent fluctuations.
We should harness the idealism as well as the intelligence of
our generation to the practical end of facilitating the growth of
private enterprise and of increasing the stability of our economy.
204
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1Q55 ^ 20
The Government will shoulder its full responsibility to help
realize that goal.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
note: The message and the complete "Economic Report of the President,
report (203 pages) are published in 1955" (Government Printing Office,
1955)-
20 ^ Letter to Representative Auchincloss on the
Second Anniversary of the President's
Inauguration. January 20, 1955
[ Read at ceremonies held at the Capitol Hill Club by the Club's President,
Representative Auchincloss ]
Dear Jim:
Because it would be a great pleasure for both of us, Mrs. Eisen-
hower and I are disappointed that we cannot be at the Capitol
Hill Club on January twentieth for the inaugural anniversary.
For me, personally, the occasion would be an opportunity to dis-
cuss with my fellow members some thoughts that I feel are of
interest to us all. But — at the risk of mixing a message of regret
with a dissertation — I venture, in this note, to suggest a few of
them.
This Administration is committed to a program of progressive
moderation, liberal in its human concerns, conservative in its eco-
nomic proposals, constructively dynamic and optimistic in its ap-
praisal of the future. This program, I firmly believe, merits the
endorsement and support of thinking, confident, forward-looking
Americans.
For our country and the world, we seek establishment of inter-
national relationships characterized by order and justice, in which
reason and truth are respected, under which men can live as
neighbors at peace. Within the United Nations and in all our
205
^ 20 Public Papers of the Presidents
pacts for mutual security, our treaties of alliance, our proposals
for trade, that purpose inspires our foreign policy.
For our national economy, we seek a dependable stability in
our present assets, a vigorous expansion in our future growth.
These can be best achieved, we believe, by giving the private
citizen the greatest possible opportunity — consistent with the
rights of others — to contribute to the development of the economy
and to share in its abundance.
For individual Americans, we seek increase in their opportunity
to enjoy good health, good schools, good homes; we seek a lessen-
ing in their fear of personal disaster and in the impact of hardships
beyond their control. In this endeavor, we reject Federal
domination over state and commimity, for we seek to strengthen —
not to weaken — the historic self-reliance of our people.
The principles and purposes, sketchily outlined here, must be
in my judgment the standard of the Republican Party through
the coming months. Committed to them, we can and must
work together to advance the legislative program now before
the 84th Congress, for this program is their legislative expression.
Thereby we shall serve our Party and the Republic. We shall
draw to our ranks men and women of action and wisdom who,
in prayerful thought and dedicated effort, strive for an America
worthy of their forebears' dream and fit for their children's
living. Together — all of us — wt shall achieve it.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
206
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig55 ^ 21
2 1 ^ Special Message to the Congress Regarding
United States Policy for the Defense of Formosa,
January 24, 1955
To the Congress of the United States:
The most important objective of our nation's foreign policy is
to safeguard the security of the United States by establishing and
preserving a just and honorable peace. In the Westem Pacific,
a situation is developing in the Formosa Straits, that seriously
imperils the peace and our security.
Since the end of Japanese hostilities in 1945, Formosa and the
Pescadores have been in the friendly hands of our loyal ally,
the RepubUc of China. We have recognized that it was im-
portant that these islands should remain in friendly hands. In
unfriendly hands, Formosa and the Pescadores would seriously
dislocate the existing, even if imstable, balance of moral, eco-
nomic and military forces upon which the peace of the Pacific
depends. It would create a breach in the island chain of the
Westem Pacific that constitutes, for the United States and other
free nations, the geographical backbone of their security struc-
ture in that Ocean. In addition, this breach would interrupt
North-South commimications between other important elements
of that barrier, and damage the economic life of countries friendly
tons.
The United States and the friendly Government of the Repub-
lic of China, and indeed all the free nations, have a common
interest that Formosa and the Pescadores should not fall into the
control of aggressive Communist forces.
Influenced by such considerations, our government was
prompt, when the Communists committed armed aggression in
Korea in June 1950, to direct our Seventh Fleet to defend For-
mosa from possible invasion from the Communist mainland.
These considerations are still valid. The Seventh Fleet con-
207
^ 21 Public Papers of the Presidents
tinues under Presidential directive to carry out that defensive
mission. We also provide military and economic support to the
Chinese Nationalist Government and we cooperate in every
proper and feasible way with that Government in order to pro-
mote its security and stability. All of these military and related
activities will be continued.
In addition, there was signed last December a Mutual Defense
Treaty between this Government and the Republic of China
covering Formosa and the neighboring Pescadores. It is a treaty
of purely defensive character. That Treaty is now before the
Senate of the United States.
Meanwhile Communist China has pursued a series of provoca-
tive political and military actions, establishing a pattern of ag-
gressive purpose. That purpose, they proclaim, is the conquest
of Formosa.
In September 1954 the Chinese Communists opened up heavy
artillery fire upon Quemoy island, one of the natural approaches
to Formosa, which had for several years been under the uncon-
tested control of the Republic of China. Then came air attacks
of mounting intensity against other free China islands, notably
those in the vicinity of the Tachen group to the north of Formosa.
One small island (Ichiang) was seized last week by air and am-
phibious operations after a gallant few fought bravely for days
against overwhelming odds. There have been recent heavy air
attacks and artillery fire against the main Tachen Islands them-
selves.
The Chinese Communists themselves assert that these attacks
are a prelude to the conquest of Formosa. For example, after
the fall of Ichiang, the Peiping Radio said that it showed a "de-
termined will to fight for the liberation of Taiwan (Formosa).
Our people will use all their strength to fulfill that task."
Clearly, this existing and developing situation poses a serious
danger to the security of our country and of the entire Pacific area
and indeed to the peace of the world. We believe that the situ-
ation is one for appropriate action of the United Nations imder
208
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 21
its charter, for the purpose of ending the present hostilities in that
area. We would welcome assumption of such jurisdiction by that
body.
Meanwhile, the situation has become sufficiently critical to
impel me, without awaiting action by the United Nations, to ask
the Congress to participate now, by specific resolution, in measures
designed to improve the prospects for peace. These measures
would contemplate the use of the armed forces of the United
States if necessary to assure the security of Formosa and the
Pescadores.
The actions that the United States must be ready to undertake
are of various kinds. For example, we must be ready to assist the
Republic of China to redeploy and consolidate its forces if it should
so desire. Some of these forces are scattered throughout the
smaller off-shore islands as a result of historical rather than mili-
tary reasons directly related to defending Formosa. Because of
the air situation in the area, withdrawals for the purpose of re-
deployment of Chinese Nationalist forces would be impractical
without assistance of the armed forces of the United States.
Moreover, we must be alert to any concentration or employ-
ment of Chinese Communist forces obviously undertaken to
facilitate attack upon Formosa, and be prepared to take appro-
priate military action.
I do not suggest that the United States enlarge its defensive
obligations beyond Formosa and the Pescadores as provided by the
Treaty now awaiting ratification. But unhappily, the danger of
armed attack directed against that area compels us to take into
account closely related localities and actions which, under current
conditions, might determine the failure or the success of such an
attack. The authority that may be accorded by the Congress
would be used only in situations which are recognizable as parts
of, or definite preliminaries to, an attack against the main
positions of Formosa and the Pescadores.
Authority for some of the actions which might be required
would be inherent in the authority of the Commander-in-Chief.
209
^ 21 Public Papers of the Presidents
Until Congress can act I would not hesitate, so far as my Consti-
tutional powers extend, to take whatever emergency action might
be forced upon us in order to protect the rights and security of
the United States.
However, a suitable Congressional resolution would clearly and
publicly establish the authority of the President as Commander-
in-Chief to employ the armed forces of this nation promptly and
effectively for the purposes indicated if in his judgment it became
necessary. It would make clear the unified and serious intentions
of our Government, our Congress and our people. Thus it will
reduce the possibility that the Chinese Communists, misjudging
our firm purpose and national unity, might be disposed to chal-
lenge the position of the United States, and precipitate a major
crisis which even they would neither anticipate nor desire.
In the interest of peace, therefore, the United States must re-
move any doubt regarding our readiness to fight, if necessary, to
preserve the vital stake of the free world in a free Formosa, and to
engage in whatever operations may be required to carry out that
purpose.
To make this plain requires not only Presidential action but
also Congressional action. In a situation such as now confronts
us, and under modern conditions of warfare, it would not be
prudent to await the emergency before coming to the Congress.
Then it might be too late. Already the warning signals are flying.
I believe that the threatening aspects of the present situation,
if resolutely faced, may be temporary in character. Consequently,
I recommend that the Resolution expire as soon as the President
is able to report to the Congress that the peace and security of the
area are reasonably assured by international conditions, resulting
from United Nations action or otherwise.
Again I say that we would welcome action by the United Na-
tions which might, in fact, bring an end to the active hostilities
in the area. This critical situation has been created by the choice
of the Chinese Communists, not by us. Their offensive military
intent has been flaunted to the whole world by words and by
210
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 21
deeds. Just as they created the situation, so they can end it if
they so choose.
What we are now seeking is primarily to clarify present policy
and to unite in its application. We are not establishing a new
policy. Consequently, my recommendations do not call for an
increase in the armed forces of the United States or any accelera-
tion in military procurement or levels of defense production. If
any unforeseen emergency arises requiring any change, I will
communicate with the Congress. I hope, however, that the effect
of an appropriate Congressional Resolution will be to calm the
situation rather than to create further conflict.
One final poiat. The action I request is, of course, no substi-
tute for the Treaty with the Republic of China which we have
signed and which I have transmitted to the Senate. Indeed,
present circumstances make it more than ever important that
this basic agreement should be promptly brought into force, as
a solemn evidence of our determination to stand fast in the agreed
Treaty area and to thwart all attacks directed against it. If
delay should make us appear indecisive in this basic respect, the
pressures and dangers would surely mount.
Our purpose is peace. That cause will be served if, with your
help, we demonstrate our unity and our determination. In all
that we do we shall remain faithful to our obligations as a mem-
ber of the United Nations to be ready to settle our international
disputes by peaceful means in such a manner that international
peace and security, and justice, are not endangered.
For the reasons outlined in this message, I respectfully re-
quest that the Congress take appropriate action to carry out the
recommendations contained herein.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
211
^ 22 Public Papers of the Presidents
22 ^ Remarks on Receiving Statue Presented by
Ambassador Krekeler on Behalf of the German
People. January 25, 1955
Mr. Ambassador^ Mr. Carmichael, Ladies and Gentlemen:
It is indeed a great privilege to speak for the American people
in accepting from the German people this product of a German
artist and a gift of that entire nation.
We know that twice in our generation our two countries have
been at war. What this gift symbolizes in a revolution of
thinking — in the erasing of old enmities and a desire to cooperate
among ourselves for the peaceful advancement of all nations — ^is
going to be meaningful as long as this statue, this work of art,
endures.
I think, for myself, I have a particular additional item of satis-
faction in that I was, after all, the commander of the great forces
from the West that swept over Germany in the most recent war.
The fact that I am now privileged as the representative of our
country to accept this, with feelings and mutual expressions of
peaceful intent and purpose, is something that is very dear to
me at this moment.
I hope, Mr. Ambassador, that you will express to President
Heuss, and through him to all the people of Germany, the very
great satisfaction we shall take in this, not only for its own sake
as a great work of art, but because of what it symbolizes in the
efforts that both nations and both peoples are now making to do
our best to make this a peaceful world.
Thank you very much.
note: The President spoke at the ing Youth." The President's open-
Natural History Building of the ing words "Mr. Ambassador, Mr.
Smithsonian Institution, following Garmichael" referred to Dr. Heinz L.
the presentation by the German Am- Krekeler, Ambassador from Ger-
bassador of a bronze statue, "Labor- many, and Leonard Carmichael,
212
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^
f 22
Secretary of the Smithsonian Institu-
tion.
The following letter from President
Heuss, dated December lo, 1954, was
read during the ceremonies by
Ambassador Krekeler:
Mr, President:
During the years of Germany's
deepest despair countless men and
women in countries both near and
far sent us gifts expressing their
warmth of heart. These acts of
humanity saved the lives of many
Germans. Men and women, broken
and exhausted, drew from them re-
newed courage to face life.
Among the nations who have
helped in great-hearted fashion to
mitigate the suffering in Germany,
the United States of America oc-
cupies the foremost position. Nu-
merous societies and organizations in
your country have placed themselves
in the service of brotherly love in a
truly imposing effort that stands
forth unrivalled in our time. Over
and above this, innumerable Ameri-
can citizens have untiringly lent their
aid by privately sending charitable
gifts of every kind. Even today this
flow of gifts from the United States
has not spent itself and helps count-
less suffering human beings in Ger-
many, especially refugees and expel-
lees who are still obliged to live in
camps, to preserve their faith in a
better future.
The German people cannot repay
the debt of gratitude which accumu-
lated during their years of anguish,
but they can acknowledge it and at-
tempt to make it manifest. This is
to be done by means of art works
created by our people and in many
cases by men and women who them-
selves live in hard-pressed circum-
stances. All of my countrymen have
gladly contributed to making these
art works available in order that they
may serve as symbols of their grati-
tude. Through these monuments we
hope to find our way to the unknown
benefactors in your country, so that
each and every one of them will
know that we have not forgotten his
great-hearted act.
I ask your Excellency to accept
this sculpture of a kneeling man by
the sculptor Hermann Blumenthal as
a modest token of the heartfelt grati-
tude which we bear to the people of
the United States of America.
It is with pleasure, Mr. President,
that I avail myself of this opportu-
nity to assure you of my highest
esteem.
Theodor Heuss
213
^ 23 Public Papers of the Presidents
23 ^ Toasts of the President and President
Magloire of Haiti. January 26, 1955
My Friends:
It is a privilege to welcome to this country and to this house
the President of Haiti and Mrs. Magloire. He comes from a
Republic with which ours has a long record of friendship. We
know that his visit can serve only to strengthen and to give fresh
vigor and vitality to those ties.
We do trust that while they and their party are here in our
coimtry, they will find themselves in the midst of people that
they feel are welcoming them to our shores, and extending to
them the warm hand of hospitality.
When they go back home, we trust that they will have even a
deeper affection than ever for this country and for our people — as
we shall have for them.
So, as a token of our welcome to them, will you rise to drink,
with me, a Toast to President and Mrs. Magloire.
note: The President proposed this thank you, Mr. President, for the
toast at a state dinner at the White spontaneity with which you have
House, at 9:50 p.m. President come to our help at the time of the
Magloire responded as follows : recent hurricane, which has caused
so much damage in Haiti, and to beg
Mr, President: ^^^ ^^ accept our wishes for the con-
To the honor of being this evening tinning prosperity of the United
the guest of one of the greatest mili- States, and the arrival of this era of
tary leaders that the United States peace to the triumph to which you
has had, is added my profound satis- devote all your efforts,
faction of being the spokesman of the To Mrs. Eisenhower, who rep-
whole Haitian nation, to express to resents with such dignity the Ameri-
the most qualified representative of can women, who beside their hus-
this friendly country our profound bands work to make more beautiful
gratitude for the generous assistance and much stronger this land of
which comes to us from our powerful liberty, I address in the names of
neighbors for the solution of the vital Mrs. Magloire and myself, with our
problem which we are facing. thanks, the cordial salute of the
I also take this opportunity to Republic of Haiti.
214
Dzmght D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 24
24 ^ Statement by the President Upon Signing
the Joint Resolution on the Defense of Formosa.
Januar); 29, 1955
I AM deeply gratified at the almost unanimous vote in the Con-
gress of the United States on this joint resolution. To the mem-
bers of the Congress and to their leaders with me here today I
wish publicly to thank them for their great patriotic service.
By their vote, the American people through their elected repre-
sentatives have made it clear to the world that we are united here
at home in our determination to help a brave ally and to resist
Communist armed aggression.
By so asserting this belief we are taking a step to preserve the
peace in the Formosa area. We are ready to support a United
Nations effort to end the present hostilities in the area, but we also
are united in our determination to defend an area vital to the
security of the United States and the free world.
note: As adopted^ the Joint Resolu-
tion is Public Law 4, 84th Congress
(69 Stat. 7).
Two days earlier, on January 27,
the White House announced that fol-
lowing a meeting of the National
Security Council the President met
with top Defense Department and
military advisers to discuss the de-
ployment of United States air and
naval forces in the Formosa area. At
that meeting, the release stated, the
President made it clear that these
forces were designed purely for de-
fensive purposes and that any de-
cision to use United States forces
other than in immediate self-defense
or in direct defense of Formosa and
the Pescadores would be a decision
which he would take and the respon-
sibility for which he had not dele-
gated.
215
^ 25 Public Papers of the Presidents
25 ^ Special Message to the Congress
Recommending a Health Program.
January ^i,ig^5
To the Congress of the United States:
Because the strength of our nation is in its people, their good
health is a proper national concern; healthy Americans live more
rewarding, more productive and happier lives. Fortunately, the
nation continues its advance in bettering the health of all its
people.
Deaths from infectious diseases have diminished. During the
past year, important progress has been made in dealing with such
diseases as rheumatic fever, high blood pressure, poliomyelitis and
tuberculosis. Intensified research has produced more knowledge
than ever before about the scourges of heart disease and cancer.
The 83rd Congress, during the last legislative session, sup-
ported dramatic new strides in vocational rehabilitation. By
1959? consequently, we should be restoring to useful lives most
persons who become disabled and who can be rehabilitated and
returned to employment. In human terms, this will be a heart-
warming achievement.
The 1954 amendments to the Hospital Survey and Construc-
tion Act opened another new chapter in the national drive for
better health. Under these amendments, further provision was
made to help build health care facilities for the chronically ill;
to aid in the construction of nursing and convalescent homes; to
provide for more diagnostic and treatment centers for patients
who do not need hospital care; and to help make centers avail-
able for the rehabilitation of the disabled.
These achievements represent a major gain for the immediate
and future welfare of countless Americans^ — in the health of both
mind and body. Recent advances do not, however, represent our
full capacity to wage war on illness and disability throughout the
land.
216
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ^955 ^ 25
THE IMMEDIATE NEEDS
As a nation, we are doing less than now lies within our power
to reduce the impact of disease. Many of our fellow Americans
cannot afford to pay the costs of medical care when it is needed,
and they are not protected by adequate health insurance. Too
frequently the local hospitals, clinics, or nursing homes required
for the prevention, diagnosis and treatment of disease either do
not exist or are badly out of date. Finally, there are critical short-
ages of the trained personnel required to study, prevent, treat and
control disease.
The specific recommendations that follow are designed to meet
this three-fold deficiency.
MEETING THE COSTS OF MEDICAL CARE
For most Americans, insurance — ^private, voluntary insur-
ance— provides a sound and effective method of meeting unex-
pected hazards which may be beyond the capacity of the indi-
vidual to bear. Risk sharing through group action is in the best
tradition of vigorous and imaginative American enterprise.
The Government should cooperate with, and encourage, pri-
vate carriers in the improvement of health insurance. Moreover,
a great many people who are not now covered can be given its
protection, particularly in rural areas where group enrollment is
at present difficult.
Existing health insurance can also be improved by expanding
the scope of the benefits provided. Not all private expenditures
for medical care can or should be covered by insurance; neverthe-
less, many policies offered today are too limited in scope. They
are principally for hospitalized illness and for relatively short
periods of time.
I recommend, consequently, the establishment of a Federal
health reinsurance service to encourage private health insurance
organizations in offering broader benefits to insured individuals
and families and coverage to more people.
217
^ 25 Public Papers of the Presidents
In addition, to improve medical care for the aged, the blind,
dependent children, and the permanently and totally disabled
who are public assistance recipients, I recommend the author-
ization of limited Federal grants to match State and local
expenditures.
Reinsurance. — The purpose of the reinsurance proposal is to
furnish a system for broad sharing among health insurance organ-
izations of the risks of experimentation. A system of this sort will
give an incentive to the improvement of existing health insurance
plans. It will encourage private, voluntary health insurance
organizations to provide better protection — ^particularly against
expensive illness — for those who now are insured against some of
the financial hazards of illness. Reinsurance will also help to
stimulate extension of private voluntary health insurance plans
to millions of additional people who do not now have, but who
could afford to purchase, health insurance.
The Department of Health, Education, and Welfare has been
working with specialists from the insurance industry, with experts
from the health professions, and with many other interested
citizens, in its effort to perfect a sound reinsurance program — a,
program which involves no Government subsidy and no Govern-
ment competition with private insurance carriers. The time has
come to put such a program to work for the American people.
I urge the Congress to launch the reinsurance service this year
by authorizing a reasonable capital fimd and by providing for
its use as necessary to reinsure three broad areas for expansion
in private voluntary health insurance :
1 . health insurance plans providing protection against the high
costs of severe or prolonged illness,
2. health insurance plans providing coverage for individuals
and families in predominantly rural areas,
3. health insurance plans designed primarily for coverage of
individuals and families of average or lower income against medi-
cal care costs in the home and physician's office as well as in the
hospital.
218
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 25
Medical care for public assistance recipients. — ^Nearly 5 mil-
Kon persons in the United States are now receiving public assist-
ance under State programs aided by Federal grants. Present
arrangements for their medical care, however, are far from ade-
quate. Special provision for improving health services for these
needy persons must be made.
I recommend to the Congress, therefore, that it authorize
separate Federal matching of State and local expenditures for
the medical care needed by public assistance recipients. The
separate matching should apply to each of the four Federally-
aided categories — the aged, the permanently and totally disabled,
the blind and children deprived of parental care.
STIMULATING THE CONSTRUCTION OF HEALTH FACILITIES
Many communities in the United States today lack the hos-
pitals, clinics, nursing homes, and other modem technical facil-
ities required for the protection of the people's health. In other
communities, structures are antiquated or otherwise deficient in
construction or equipment.
Present methods of financing are not always satisfactory in
meeting this problem. Many sponsors and operators are unable
to qualify for grants under the recently extended Hospital Survey
and Construction Act. Sponsors of health facilities often find
it difficult to obtain private capital for construction.
In other fields, Government insured loans have consistently
helped produce the new construction required in the urgent na-
tional interests. The tested procedures developed by such suc-
cessful Govemment guaranty programs as these should now be
used to stimulate construction of additional health facilities.
I recommend, therefore, that the Congress authorize the Secre-
tary of Health, Education, and Welfare to insure, for a small
premium, mortgage loans made by private lending institutions
for the construction of health facilities.
The continuing responsibility of the mortgagor and of the lend-
ing institution should be preserved by limiting the insurance to
219
^ 25 Public Papers of the Presidents
less than the face amount of the loan and by requiring that a
mortgage loan, to be eUgible for insurance, must be for less than
the full value of the property. The authorizing legislation should,
of course, include any needed safeguards against the encourage-
ment of substandard or unsound projects.
HEALTH PERSONNEL NEEDS
Whether we look at health problems in terms of services for the
community or for the individual — at problems of research, pre-
vention or treatment of disease — ^we find that supplies of trained
personnel are critically short.
The Administration's legislative program for this year therefore
contains proposals addressed to crucial areas of personnel short-
ages. These particular areas, moreover, hold the key to other
possible advances and improvements in health programs.
Two proposals are aimed at shortages in nurse personnel: First,
I recommend a 5-year program of grants to State vocational edu-
cation agencies for training practical nurses. Second, I recom-
mend an expansion of Public Health Service operations to estab-
lish traineeships for graduate nurses in specialties such as nursing
service administration, teaching and research.
In addition, my recommendations for the revision of the present
public health grant programs include authority for the establish-
ment of traineeships in all public health specialties, including
mental health.
PUBLIC HEALTH PROGRAMS
The Public Health Service, the Children's Bureau of the Social
Security Administration, and the Food and Drug Administration
are skilled and vigilant guardians of our nation's health. All
three of these agencies should be strengthened, and the programs
of the Public Health Service and the Children's Bureau for aiding
State health activities made more responsive to changes in State
and local health needs. To this end, I urge the Congress to take
the following steps:
220
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 25
1. Improve present grant-in-aid programs providing services
for mothers, for crippled children and for children requiring spe-
cial health services. Separate funds should be provided for ex-
tension and improvement of these activities and for special proj-
ects designed to develop improved medical care techniques both
for mothers and for children.
2. Permit greater flexibility in the use by the States of Federal
grant funds for public health services. The States could adapt
their programs more effectively to their own needs if the separate
Public Health Service grants were combined into a single, unified
grant-in-aid structure. In addition, separate funds should be
provided for extension and improvement of existing public health
programs and for special projects looking to the development of
improved techniques.
3. Step up research on air pollution. As a result of industrial
growth and urban development, the atmosphere over some popu-
lation centers may be approaching the limit of its ability to absorb
air pollutants with safety to health. I am recommending an in-
creased appropriation to the Public Health Service for studies
seeking necessary scientific data and more effective methods of
control.
4. Provide greater assistance to the States for water pollution
control programs. As our population grows and demands for
water increase, and as the use of chemicals expands, our water
supply problems become more acute. Intensified research in
water pollution problems is needed as well as continuing authority
for the Public Health Service to deal with these matters. The
present Water Pollution Control Act expires on June 30, 1956.
This termination date should be removed and the Act should be
strengthened.
5. Authorize the Public Health Service to establish trainee-
ships for both graduate and specialized training in public health
in order to increase the numbers of trained personnel.
6. Strengthen the Public Health Service Commissioned Corps
by improving its status and its survivor benefits.
40308—59 17 221
^ 25 Public Papers of the Presidents
MENTAL HEALTH
Care for the mentally ill presents a special set of problems.
Only in the past few decades have we, as a people, begun to
regard mental and emotional disorders as capable of specific
diagnosis, alleviation, cure, and rehabilitation. We now know
that effective preventive and control programs are possible in the
field of mental health.
I recommend, therefore, new and intensified measures in our
attack on mental illness. These are :
1. Strengthening of present aid to State and community pro-
grams for the early detection, control and alleviation of mental
and emotional derangements;
2. Increased budgetary support for training activities which
are now authorized, so as to increase the number of qualified
personnel available for care of mental patients; and
3. Authorization of a new program of mental health project
grants. Such projects would aim at improving the quality of
care in mental institutions and the administration of the institu-
tions themselves. They would also search out ways of reducing
the length of stay and the necessity for institutional care in as
many cases as possible.
JUVENILE DELINQUENCY
As a vital part of our attack on a serious health and social
problem, I also recommend new grants to the States to enable
them to strengthen and improve their programs and services for
the prevention, diagnosis and treatment of delinquency in youth.
There should be assistance for State planning, for coordination
of all State and local agencies concerned with juvenile de-
linquency, for training of personnel, and for special research and
demonstration projects.
INTERNATIONAL ASPECTS OF HEALTH
For half of mankind, disease and disabihty are a normal con-
dition of life. This incalculable burden not only causes poverty
222
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1Q55 ^ 26
and distress, and impedes economic development, but provides a
fertile field for the spread of communism.
The World Health Organization of the United Nations is
exerting forceful leadership in a cooperative world-wide move-
ment toward better health. Its program merits adequate and
growing financial support on the part of the United States. Our
contribution to the World Health Organization should be raised,
so that the effort to release men from the bondage of disease
through international cooperation may be increased.
These recommendations to the Congress represent a broad
and coordinated offensive against many of the problems which
must be solved if we are to have better health for a stronger
America. All the proposals recognize the primacy of local and
State responsibility for the health of the community. They
encourage private effort, with private funds. With the coopera-
tion of the States and the medical profession, they can form the
basis for better health for all.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
26 ^ The President's News Conference of
February 2, 1955.
[ This is a complete transcript of the news conference of this date. Those
portions of the President's replies which were not released for broadcasting
or direct quotation at that time are enclosed in brackets. ]
THE PRESIDENT. Good moming ; please sit down.
I have no announcements. We will go right to questions.
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press: Mr. President, have you
had any indication from Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek that he
wants a public statement or some form of assurance from you or
this Government that we consider Quemoy and Matsu part of the
defense of Formosa?
223
^ 26 Public Papers of the Presidents
THE PRESIDENT. Well, there are constantly, of course, conversa-
tions going on between our representatives and the Chinese Na-
tionalists, and not always do our views exactly coincide; but I
think that in view of the delicacy of this whole situation, one that
in its main parts is before the United Nations, it is better to stand
for the moment just on what we have said, at least publicly, let it
go at that, and say no more for the moment.
Q. David P. Sentner, Hearst Newspapers: Mr. President, if
I might presume to ask a question on the fringe of the situation,
in Moscow a few days ago. Foreign Minister Molotov gave an
interview to W. R. Hearst, Jr., and Kingsbury Smith of Interna-
tional News Service, and he indicated that the Soviet Government
would be willing to take up with the Chinese Communist Gov-
ernment the question of a temporary cease-fire for the evacuation
of the Tachens, if the United States made a request of the Krem-
lin for such a step.
Now, is there any communication on that subject or relating
to it, under consideration?
THE PRESIDENT. First of all, I know nothing about that, but I
do call attention to this : that it's the Chinese Nationalists that
are occupying the Tachens and not the United States, and if
there were any such request, I don't see how the United States
could make it unilaterally.
Q. Alan S. Emory, Watertown Times : Mr. President, Senator
Humphrey of Minnesota has introduced a resolution that would
put Congress on record as backing U.N. efforts to reach a cease-
fire in the Formosa controversy.
Senator George, the Chairman of the Foreign Relations Com-
mittee, says he thinks the administration favors such a plan, and
he knows he does, and he thinks it would meet the approval of
the American people.
Senator Knowland says that such resolution might constitute
a blanket endorsement of appeasement.
I wondered how you felt about that, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. [I havcu't thought about it; and I suppose
224
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 26
that here you have personalities reflecting their own convictions
about such things.
[Any answer I give you now would be so much of a shotgun
opinion I would rather think that one over. I had not noticed
that before.]
Q. Mr. Emory: Well, sir
THE PRESIDENT. [I really have nothing more to say about it.]
Q. Chalmers M. Roberts, Washington Post and Times
Herald : Mr. President, could you enlighten us, sir, as to whether
the 7th Fleet is under orders which include the doctrine of "hot
pursuit" in case our planes or ships are attacked by Communist
planes?
THE PRESIDENT. Frankly, I considered whether I would talk
about such things this morning. And I repeat what I have said,
I don't believe it is best to put out any specific blueprint on orders
or instructions. I believe it is just best to leave it as it stands at
the moment.
The United Nations is working on this, and I don't see how any
statement of mine could do anything more than muddy the water.
Now, this is not any attempt to keep either you people or
the American people in the dark, but this is an international
situation. There is every kind of influence and crosscurrent in-
volved, and I just think it is wise to say nothing.
Q. Richard L. Wilson, Cowles Publications: Mr. President,
in spite of assurances which you have given, and in spite of state-
ments which have been made in Congress, I think there is still
a great deal of uneasiness in the country with respect to whether
your policy will lead to fighting in the Far East. Could you
discuss that subject again?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, Certainly this : the purpose is to make
certain that no conflict occurs through mistaken calculations on
the other side as to our concern about Formosa and our de-
termination to defend it.
We have been as exact as it seems possible to be, and we have
225
^ 26 Public Papers of the Presidents
certainly tried to avoid being truculent. The purpose is honestly
and hopefully to prevent war.
Q. Jack Norman, Fairchild Publications : Mr. President, there
is talk now on Capitol Hill that there might have to be some com-
promises to get the reciprocal trade legislation through Con-
gress; and I wanted to ask you, if it comes to a choice, would
you give up your minimum wage recommendations or something
else to get H.R. i through in its present form?
THE PRESIDENT. [Well, I dou't scc the relationship.]
Q. Mr. Norman: Well, some of the witnesses yesterday before
the Ways and Means Committee were making the point, there
is no point in hiking the minimum wage if we are going to lower
the tariffs.
THE PRESIDENT. [So far as I am concerned, on both these
points, I have expressed my recommendations.
[Now, as usual, I have to wait to see what Congress does; I
couldn't predict in any degree whatsoever what would be my
action thereafter.]
Q. Marvin Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Mr. President, Gen-
eral Ridgway told the House Armed Services Committee 2 days
ago that he is against the projected cut in Army strength, and he
said he believes that the proposed cut jeopardized national secu-
rity to a degree. How do you feel about that, and is there any
possibility of the reduction order being rescinded?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I assumc that you are asking me the
question so far as it affects the executive department. My de-
cision in this matter was not reached lightly; it was reached after
long study of every opinion I could get, in consultation with every
single individual in this Government that I know of that bears any
responsibility whatsoever about it.
General Ridgway was questioned in the Congress as to his per-
sonal convictions ; naturally, he had to express them.
His responsibility for national defense is, you might say, a special
one, or, in a sense, parochial. He does not have the overall re-
sponsibility that is borne by the Commander in Chief, and by him
226
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 26
alone, when it comes down to making the recommendations to
the Congress.
My recommendations, I repeat, were made from my best judg-
ment of what is the adequate defense structure for these United
States, particularly on the long-term basis. That decision has
not been altered, and at this moment I don't see any chance of
its being altered.
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Mr. President, in that
same connection, your letter of January 5th to Mr. Wilson, I
believe, mentioned that recent scientific and technological devel-
opments made it necessary for us not to use as many men as we
might otherwise use.
Well, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, in their testimony before the
House Armed Services Committee, don't agree with this. They
say, no.
Will you have any further conferences with them on this?
THE PRESIDENT. I couf cr with the Joint Chiefs of Staff through
their chairman several times a week, every week. I am never
out of touch with them. I know their opinions, and I know
exactly who agrees with me and who doesn't.
Now, they are entitled to their opinions, but I have to make
the decisions.
Q. Lloyd M. Schwartz, Fair child Publications: I would like to
ask a question about procurement policy.
THE PRESIDENT. Procurement?
Q. Mr. Schwartz : Some manufacturers of silk cartridge cloths,
which are vital to the defense program, say they have protested
to you the award of contracts by the Army to manufacturers using
yarns spun abroad, and they claim this endangers the mobiliza-
tion base. I wondered whether you were considering that and,
perhaps, some change in the regulations?
THE PRESIDENT. [I havc uo doubt, if they say that, that they
have submitted the recommendation. If so, it has unquestionably
been routed, as it would normally be, to the proper people. I
have not personally seen it, so I couldn't comment on it.]
227
^ 26 Public Papers of the Presidents
Q. Raymond P. Brandt, St. Louis Post-Dispatch : Several weeks
ago you said you were going to consult with the Democratic lead-
ers in Congress, and you had not decided on the mechanism.
Have the Cabinet officers consulted the Democratic leaders on
legislation going up? And the reason I ask, there are two points :
one is on your road program; two is on the cut in the Army.
THE PRESIDENT. I havc personally talked to them about the
structure of the Defense Establishment that I would recommend
for this year, and as a long-term program. I personally did that.
Now, unquestionably, the Secretary of Defense and his people
are in touch with them constantly.
As to the road program, I can't answer specifically except that
I know the Secretary of the Treasury has at least talked with
Senator Byrd to some extent about financing it.
Q. Mr. Brandt: The reason I asked is, when these messages
go up or when the announcements were made, we get adverse
comments from the Hill from the Democrats.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I dou't mean to say that everything we
send up is agreed to in advance by the leaders of the other side.
As far as I know, we are certainly trying to avoid springing
something on them that we know about. Again, I suppose,
errors certainly can occur; but the purpose is to keep them in-
formed of what is coming up.
Q. A. E. Salpeter, Haaretz (Tel Aviv) : Going back to For-
mosa, it seems since the cease-fire, by nature, is a temporary
arrangement, do you foresee the possibility of a permanent peace-
ful relationship between Formosa and the Red China regime?
THE PRESIDENT. [I just dou't kuow. I think that only time will
tell. It is something that we must take a step at a time and try
to make advancement toward conditions that will promote
peace.]
Q. Harry W. Frantz, United Press, South American Service:
The Foreign Minister of Venezuela, in connection with the For-
mosan situation, has made a statement of friendship, moral
and economic support toward the United States, which later was
228
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 26
generally republished by the American Chamber of Commerce
in Venezuela. If that has come to your attention, would you care
to comment?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, it hadn't come to my attention. Of
course, our hope is that through the Organization of Pan
American States our general attitude toward this whole business
of promoting peace and friendly relations in the world will have
a solid foundation and agreement among our own American
States. That is, I should say, one of the cornerstones of Ameri-
can policy.
Q. Robert G. Spivack, New York Post: Mr. President, the
charge has been made that the censorship of the record of these
press conferences before they are released to TV and radio means
that only exchanges favorable to the administration and the Re-
publican Party would be issued. Would you care to comment on
that censorship?
THE PRESIDENT. I think that that is an item you can talk over
with my technician, who is Mr. Hagerty. [Laughter]
I believe someone told me that for one of the press conferences
we had, 28 minutes of it was released; I couldn't think there could
be much room for censorship there.
Q. Clark R. MoUenhoff, Des Moines Register: Mr. President,
both your Justice Department and Civil Service Commission have
stated that they have advisory functions in coordinating your
security program. However, they both state that their functions
are purely advisory, and that they can't go beyond that in the
event that some department head would want to disregard their
advice.
In the light of that, I wondered what recourse there is in the
administration for an employee who might have a security risk
tag put on him by one department, and other departments might
hold that he was not a security risk?
THE PRESIDENT. [Of coursc, it is uudcrstood that if two de-
partment heads differ on any subject — ^whether it is security,
whether it is anything else that involves this Government — if that
40308—59 18 229
^ 26 Public Papers of the Presidents
cannot be settled between them eventually, it must come to me;
that is inherent in organization, and it is inherent in this problem.]
Q. Mr. MoUenhoff : Mr. President, I wondered if the indi-
vidual cases, as such — though I was thinking in terms of the
employee in this case who might have this security risk tag tied
on him, and that would be rather serious in his eyes — and would
he have any recourse though, could he come to you personally,
was that what you meant?
THE PRESIDENT. [No, I dou't think that he would come to me
personally. I think the problem would. As quickly as two de-
partments differ on anything, it must come to me if not settled
otherwise.]
Q. Mr. MoUenhoff: All of those cases that are pending, then,
will eventually be brought in?
THE PRESIDENT. [As a matter of fact, I have heard only of
one case where two different departments were involved; I could
be wrong. There may be more.]
Q. Mr. MoUenhoff: I wondered if in that case that would
eventually be decided by that
THE PRESIDENT. [That ouc would havc, except that someone
had taken it over. We agreed that each of them followed their
own best judgment, the man was rehired, and it was a fait
accompli. Of course, I didn't come into it, because it was done.
And I approved it.]
Q. Nat S. Finney, Buffalo Evening News: Mr. President, do
you have any plans to withdraw the Dixon- Yates contract?
THE PRESIDENT. I do UOt.
Q. Ethel Payne, Defender PubUcations: Sir, I wonder if you
would care to comment on the coming Asian-African conference,
and if you could
THE PRESIDENT. Would I commcut ou what? I couldn't hear
you.
Q. Miss Payne: The coming Asian-African conference; and
could you tell us if we are going to send observers to that
conference?
230
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 26
THE PREsroENT. [As a matter of fact, I am not certain as to
detail. Of course, any conference of that kind we follow with
the greatest of interest,^ but I don't even know whether we have
been invited to send observers. It is a question you would have
to ask the State Department; I am really not up on it.]
Q. Donald Irwin, New York Herald Tribune : Mr. President,
it is nearly 3 months since you sent Judge Harlan's nomination
to the Senate, and the Judiciary Committee has put off hearings
until the 23d of February; and I wondered if you had any
comment.
THE PRESIDENT. Nouc, cxccpt that I coutinuc to believe that
Judge Harlan's qualifications for that post are of the highest;
certainly they were the highest of any that I could find.
Q. Benjamin R. Cole, Indianapolis Star: Mr. President, could
you tell us, sir, your feelings about the FHA cleanup? Is that
nearly completed, sir, or do you feel that there is still more to
be done there?
THE PREsroENT. [I havcu't had a report on it in the last couple
of weeks. There was a report then that they hoped they were
getting down to the final action in the case. I would hope so,
because I personally think that FHA, and confidence in FHA,
is of the utmost importance to the United States. So I would
hope we get this cleaned up and really back to where it belongs
in the respect of our people.]
Q. Frank van der Linden, Nashville Banner: Mr. President,
in your budget message regarding TVA, you raised the possibility
of some new method of financing the TVA steam plants. Would
that include the issuance of bonds by TVA itself?
^ On April 1 7, the White House released a statement by the Secretary of State follow-
ing a meeting with the President in Augusta, Ga., at which time they discussed the
Asian-African conference then opening in Bandung. Secretary Dulles noted that the
President "expressed the hope that it will heed the universal longing of the peoples of
the world for peace and that it will seek a renunciation of force to achieve national
ambitions. The President hailed the Bandung Conference as providing an opportu-
nity, at a critical hour, to voice the peaceful aspirations of the peoples of the world and
thus exert a practical influence for peace where peace is now in grave jeopardy.'*
231
^ 26 Public Papers of the Presidents
THE PRESIDENT. [I think there are a number of methods, but
I would have to wait on the TVA recommendations. That is
one reason for the appointment as the head of TVA of a man in
whom I have the utmost confidence, his disinterest in this, study-
ing what is the pubHc, the national good, in the premises; so I
would have to wait on their recommendations.]
Q. Mr. van der Linden: Sir, do you plan to submit a recom-
mendation to Congress later, then?
THE PRESIDENT. [I dou't, uulcss I cau get Something from
him.]
Q. Roscoe Drummond, New York Herald Tribune : Mr. Presi-
dent, may I ask a further question about Judge Harlan? Do you
think there is an inordinate delay in holding the hearings on Judge
Harlan, and do you think that this delay could conceivably harm
the functioning of the Court itself?
THE PRESIDENT. Rcport was made to me that the members of
the Court naturally wanted to have a full Court as early as they
could. So I moved as rapidly as I could to find a proper indi-
vidual and recommended him to the Congress after the vacancy
occurred as fast as I could.
Now, I think it is too bad that the delay seems to be necessary
in the eyes of the committee; but on the other hand, I, as usual,
don't intend to stand up and publicly criticize Congress for what
it does. I personally think it is unfortunate that this delay has
to occur,
Q. Mrs. May Craig, Maine Papers: Mr. President, have you
reached any conclusion on revision of the United Nations Charter,
which can be done soon, and would that include admitting any
nation which applies?
THE PRESIDENT. [The Only thing I know about it at this mo-
ment is that for some months it has been a matter of casual dis-
cussion between the Secretary of State and me. I know they are
studying it and have a group set up to study, but I am sure there
is no readiness to report whatsoever — ^no conclusion reached.]
Q. L. G. Laycook, Nashville Tennessean: Mr. President,
232
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 26
would you comment on the resolution adopted by the Joint Atomic
Energy Committee last week urging cancellation of the Dixon-
Yates contract?
THE PRESIDENT. No, I wou't commcut ou it except it seemed
to be drawn upon strictly party lines; that is the only thing I noted
about it particularly.
Q. Lloyd M. Schwartz, Fairchild Publications: Mr. President,
I wonder if you could give us your views on standby authority to
freeze prices and wages. There have been reports of a decision
that you would ask Congress for such authority.
THE PRESIDENT. I could givc you a long speech now. One of
the first subjects given to me in the War Department somewhere
back along 1 928 or '29 to study was this one.
I think I have conferred with literally hundreds of people in
the United States, pro and con, on this subject. I really can't say
that I think solution is vital, and I don't know whether there is
any use of starting to talk on the subject unless you are going to
talk for a half hour; I don't think you want me to do that.
I would say this : if Congress sees fit to do it, I not only can
live with it, but I think in certain respects it would be
advantageous.
On the other hand, the mere existence of that kind of authority
has a certain psychological reaction on certain sections of our
population who believe that it implies an intent to extend that
kind of control to our economy in time of peace, and it also
implies an intent to go your own way in time of war without
consultation with the Congress.
Now, there are psychological values here against immedi-
ate— let's say — economic values in a crisis. I think that Con-
gress can act probably fast enough so that no great damage will
be done if the two branches of Government work together well.
It is not one of the factors in the legislation that we need to
which I attach terrific importance.
Q. William V. Shannon, New York Post: Mr. President, in
line with this earlier question about filming the news conferences,
233
^ 26 Public Papers of the Presidents
the principal point of the criticism is not how much is cut out,
but that the television networks, imlike newspaper editors, don't
have the power to decide what to use, and that is decided at
the White House first, and they get the censored transcript. And
some people feel it is more than a technical question, more a
question of freedom of the press.
THE PREsroENT. Well, let me say this: that no head of any
broadcasting company has yet protested to me, and I can't very
well make any answer until I get their protests and their reasons
for it.
Q. Chalmers M. Roberts, Washington Post and Times
Herald: Mr. President, in answering Mr. Wilson's question a
while back, you said the purpose of your program in Formosa,
in regard to the Formosa situation, was honestly and hopefully
to prevent war.
Could you tell us whether, as of now, you feel as hopeful or
more hopeful or otherwise than when you launched this program?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think at least we have made this
stride, that we certainly have removed any doubt from anybody's
mind, friend or potential foe, as to the determination of America
to see that this great island barrier is maintained intact in the
Pacific, that we are not going to let international communism
get that spearhead extending into the Pacific and, therefore,
extend its influence in that region.
Now, that has been made crystal clear in the resolution and
to that extent ought to be helpful; because so many things happen
in the international world through probing, through false con-
clusions that might be drawn from a successful probe, the thought
that the victim will never react.
Here it is an attempt that has been made, at least in the field
of intention, to make our purposes clear.
Q. Richard L. Wilson, Cowles Publications: Permit me to fol-
low that up a bit. I think in one of your messages to Con-
gress— I think it was the state of the Union message — ^you re-
ferred to a world stalemate, the possibility of it continuing. Do
234
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^s ^ 26
you think the element of stalemate is implied in the Far Eastern
situation as it stands today?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, of that I Can't be too sure. I used the
word "stalemate" deliberately, Mr. Wilson, because it seems to
me, we get so much in the habit of using terms or phrases, and
then each of us attaches to the term or phrase his own meaning;
for instance, this thing of coexistence : someone defines it with an
adjective, and suddenly it is appeasement. To my mind, co-
existence is, in fact, a state of our being as long as we are not
attempting to destroy the other side.
I make it a very simple thing in my mind, but I find that
others give additional interpretations that I don't mean at all.
Now, when I said "stalemate," I was trying to describe where
neither side is getting what it desires in this whole world struggle,
but they at least have sense enough to agree that they must not
pursue it deliberately and through force of arms; that is all.
Q. Mr. Wilson: Do you think, sir, that that would be a good
result from this present situation?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, you mean, in that one point?
Q. Mr. Wilson: Yes, yes, sir.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, again I say I don't beUeve I will com-
ment on the one point at all.
Q. Paul Scott Rankine, Reuters: Mr. President, you referred
to this great iron barrier being kept intact in the Far East. Could
you be more specific about what the great iron barrier is?
THE PRESIDENT. [I didn't Say "iron barrier," I said "island bar-
rier." Well, of course, it's largely islands. There are, of course,
a few bits of the mainland involved along the eastern coast, but
you know where they are.
[What I mean is that we are making that the principal feature
of our whole protective system in the region; that is all I mean.]
Q. Edward T. Folliard, Washington Post and Times Herald:
Mr. President, you have used the term "miscalculation." You
do not want Red China to miscalculate in this situation. Do you
feel that wars have started as a result of a miscalculation or, to put
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^ 26 Public Papers of the Presidents
it another way, do you feel that recent wars might have been
avoided had something been said in advance to head off a miscal-
culation?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, of coursc, wc dou't want to get into a
discussion of military history here, I think. But I do believe this:
I believe World War I did start largely through miscalculation.
A prince was murdered; there began to be an exchange of notes
back and forth; and I believe that there was a miscalculation of
what Russia, France, and Britain would do, and that created that
war. The Second World War, I would rather doubt that. I
think that you had a personality there that was so bent upon
achieving certainly pan-European power, at least, that probably
nothing would stop it. I feel that the Korean conflict started
because of our failing to make clear that we would defend this
small nation, which had just started, in a pinch.
Now, I don't mean to say — I am not trying to attach any blame
to anybody here; but we were weak in forces, we were hopeful for
peace — and I think it's logical to hope for peace — ^we took our
forces out of there; and it became possibly the conviction of the
Reds that they could take the country over without resistance.
Q. Douglass Cater, The Reporter Magazine: Mr. President,
some of the Senators have criticized the recent resolution in that
it leaves the islands that are in greatest peril in the greatest
obscurity, namely, Matsu and Quemoy.
Do you feel there is a danger of miscalculation because there
is not exact knowledge as to what our position towards them is
to be?
THE pREsroENT. [Well, I repeat, to be as exact as you can ; but
when it comes down to the tactical details of these things,
you just simply cannot afford to be too specific. So again I say
on that particular point, I shall comment no more.]
Q. Robert E. Clark, International News Service: Mr. Presi-
dent, one of General Ridgway's reasons for opposing a reduction
in the strength of the Army is reportedly his belief that it would
236
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^27
require ground troops, the use of our ground troops, to help defend
Quemoy and the Matsus.
Is it your opinion that we could defend Formosa only with air
and naval units without committing any ground forces?
THE PRESIDENT. Grouud forccs other than on Formosa, is that
what you are talking about? We have small detachments on
Formosa, training troops ; we have had small detachments in some
of the other places, training troops, and that sort of thing. But
when it comes to committing land forces of the United States
in this particular situation, there has been no recommendation
of that kind made to me at all.
Merriman Smith, United Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
note: President Eisenhower's fifty- 10:33 to 11:01 o'clock on Wednes-
ninth news conference was held in day morning, February 2, 1955. In
the Executive Office Building from attendance: 194.
27 ^ Message Recorded for the New York USO
Defense Fund Dinner. February 3, 1955
My fellow Americans:
I welcome this opportunity to express my thanks and apprecia-
tion to all those of you, who, despite busy lives, never relax your
efforts in backing up and helping the men and women in our
Armed Services.
Today, we have the largest military establishment in our peace-
time history. Men and women of that establishment are standing
guard for us in many outposts of the world. In every kind of
circumstance and condition they are performing onerous duties
that the rest of us may enjoy security. But — and we thank God
when we say it — ^young Americans are not exposed to gunfire
today.
So, to some it may seem that special civilian attention to the
morale of our Armed Services is no longer important. In fact,
237
^ 27 Public Papers of the Presidents
however, among troops in foreign stations it is often more difficult
to maintain morale during peace than during war. Loneliness, all
the penalties of separation from home, are far sharper then.
I know what the USO means to our Service personnel. More
than just a Camp Show or a chance for an hour's diversion, more
than just relaxation or warm hospitality, it means to the men and
women in the Armed Services that they have a host of friends in
the homes of America. No matter what part of the country a
serviceman comes from, no matter what his race or religion, he
wants to feel confident that what he is doing is important to other
human beings, and that they are grateful for it.
Such assurance fortifies spirit and morale, strengthens the ties
in heart and mind which unite the individual serviceman with his
fellow citizens, which make him feel that he is part of America !
He must have such assurance, if he is willingly and ably to perform
the vitally important duties which our times and our nation's good
demand of him.
I hope that people throughout America will be reminded of this
fact through the work of the USO and the other United Defense
Fund groups. This work must go forward, for the happiness of
the individual man and woman in our Armed Services, for the
furtherance of our country's security.
I congratulate all of you on your willingness to take an active
part in this endeavor, and I wish you the fullest possible success.
NOTE : The dinner was held at the Sheraton- Astor Hotel, New York City.
28 ^ Message to the Boy Scouts of America.
February 6, 1955
[ Released February 6, 1955. Dated January 3, 1955 ]
To the Boy Scouts of America:
Boy Scout Week gives all of us an opportunity to honor the two
million, seven hundred and sixty-five thousand boys and their
238
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 29
nearly one million leaders who make up this great organization.
Self-development and service to others, independence and good
citizenship, a sense of brotherhood and responsiveness to spiritual
values — these qualities which Scouting fosters mean much to
America. To all Boy Scouts I extend congratulations on what
they are achieving and on what they promise for our nation's
future.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
note: This message marked the of the organization. The President
opening of Boy Scout Week and serves as Honorary President of the
cx)mmemorated the 45th anniversary Boy Scouts of America.
29 ^ Letter to the Governors Concerning
Uniform State Legislation on Absentee Voting
Rights of Members of the Armed Services.
February 7, 1955
[ Released February j, 1955. Dated February 2, 1955 ]
Dear Governor :
I am writing to you and to the other Governors on a matter of
common concern to all Americans: the provision to our men
and women in the Armed Services, on duty away from home, of
effective opportunities voluntarily to vote by State absentee ballot
in elections of Federal, State, and local officers.
It is basic to our American freedom and to the paramount
importance which Americans attach to the rights of individual
citizens that every eligible person who wishes to exercise the right
to vote should have a fair, uninfluenced opportunity to do so. In
the case of individuals serving their country in the armed forces,
the assurance of this opportunity to exercise the free right of
suffrage should be a special obligation of the State and Federal
Governments.
239
^ 29 Public Papers of the Presidents
Under plans approved last December, it is probable that
approximately three million men and women may be in the Ac-
tive Forces of the United States at the time of the 1956 Elections.
Of this number, assuming a continuation of circumstances
hitherto existing, it is reasonable to estimate that between a half-
million and a million who are of voting age and otherwise eligible
to vote, will then be overseas, scattered in various parts of the
world and at sea.
The Armed Services stand ready to give every assistance, as
they did in World War II, in providing a chance for each service-
man and servicewoman voluntarily to vote, if he or she wishes.
The experience of World War II, when some 2,700,000 service-
men voted in the 1944 Election, shows that effective oppor-
tunities for service people to vote overseas by State absentee ballot
depends on close working cooperation between the Armed
Services and the several States and, especially, on there being
generally uniform provisions in State laws as to voting qualifi-
cations, regulations, and administrative provisions.
In order for a serviceman overseas to vote by State absentee
ballot, he must appropriately apply in writing by air mail for
such ballot to his domiciliary voting place, receive the ballot
overseas by air mail pursuant to such application, execute the
ballot overseas under usual safeguards to insure secrecy, and re-
turn the ballot by air mail to his domiciliary voting place in time
to be counted. The mobility of troops, the volume of air mail,
the problems involved in providing overseas to service personnel
accurate voting information relative to 48 States, the hazards
of armed service, and other causes contribute toward burdening
the ability of the Armed Services to assist. One thing, however,
experience in World War II has made certain: the greater the
uniformity in State voting laws, the more effective is the oppor-
tunity of overseas service people to cast ballots which will arrive
home in time to be counted.
I am informed that various uniform provisions which were
adopted by many States in their voting laws during World War
240
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 29
II, have lapsed or have been modified in ways departing from the
uniform criteria which made servicemen voting then a practical
possibility. It was stated last winter that the voting laws of
three-quarters of the States fell short of the criteria established
in World War II as substantially necessary to assure effective
overseas voting by service people.
There was introduced in the Congress on January 26, 1955,
H.R. 31 2 1, a Bill "to permit and assist Federal personnel, in-
cluding members of the Armed Forces, and their families, to
exercise their voting franchise, and for other purposes," (a copy
of which is attached). This Bill has my support, and I shall
ask the leaders of both parties to join on a non-partisan basis in
speeding its passage through the Congress.
Part of this Bill concerns only Federal activities and seeks to
codify and improve existing Federal law. The rest of the Bill,
however, concerns the States, and contains recommendations to
them to enact uniform legislative provisions, which are expressed
in careful detail in Title II. These uniform provisions have
been tested against the experience of World War II voting in
order to meet the criteria which were then found necessary to
provide effective opportunities to vote.
I hope that you will wish to have introduced and enacted in
the 1955 Legislative Session of your State the uniform voting
provisions above referred to. If this action is not taken in 1955
by your State Legislature, there may be neither the time nor the
occasion for your State Legislature to act effectively in 1956,
without a Special Session.
Therefore, I urge you to deal promptly with this matter, which
concerns the individual rights, as citizens, of the men and women
who are defending our country all over the world.
I am asking the Secretary of Defense to coordinate all activi-
ties of the Federal Government in the field of servicemen voting,
and in due course he or his designee will directly offer to your
State such cooperation and assistance as his office may be able
to afford.
241
^ 29 Public Papers of the Presidents
Please accept my personal regard and do not hesitate to ask
for any help that I can give in furthering this basic American
cause.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
30 ^ Letter to Chan Gumey, Acting Chairman,
Civil Aeronautics Board, on the West Coast-Hawaii
Case. February 7, 1955
Dear Mr. Gurney:
I desire to amend my letter of February first with reference to
the West Coast-Hawaii Case.
As you know, I believe in the strength of competitive enterprise
if based upon sound economic considerations but it must not be
wasteful duplication at the expense of the Federal Government.
Both carriers operating on this Seattle/Portland-Hawaii route
have built up substantial business. Moreover, since my original
action in this case I have received from you information to the
effect that within two years all air line subsidies in the Pacific area
will probably have been eliminated or will at least approach that
point. Renewing the certificates of both carriers for a limited
period would afford them an equal opportunity to demonstrate
their capacity to develop adequate traffic to operate without sub-
sidy or to prove definitely that the route cannot economically sup-
port two carriers. Accordingly, I request the Board present for
my approval a revised order in this case which would certify both
Northwest Airlines and Pan American World Airways for opera-
tion between Seattle/Portland and Hawaii for a temporary period
of three years from now.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
242
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 31
NOTE : In his letter of February i, the Northwest Airlines' service to Hawaii
President returned without approval but would authorize the continuation
the Civil Aeronautics Board order in of Pan American World Airways'
the West Coast-Hawaii c2Lse and re- existing Seattle/Portland-Hawaii
quested a revision of the order. On route for a period of 5 years. The
February 2, the Board announced President's letter of February i and
that the revised order prepared in the announcement as to the revised
accordance with the President's in- order were released by the Board on
structions in his February i letter February 2, 1955.
would not provide for renewal of
3 1 ^ Special Message to the Congress Concerning
Federal Assistance in School Construction.
February 8, 1955
To the Congress of the United States:
For the consideration of the Congress, I herewith propose a
plan of Federal cooperation with the States, designed to give our
school children as quickly as possible the classrooms they must
have.
Because of the magnitude of the job, but more fundamentally
because of the undeniable importance of free education to a free
way of life, the means we take to provide our children with proper
classrooms must be weighed most carefully. The phrase "free
education" is a deliberate choice. For unless education con-
tinues to be free — free in its response to local community needs,
free from any suggestion of political domination, and free
from impediments to the pursuit of knowledge by teachers and
students — ^it will cease to serve the purposes of free men.
STATE AND LOCAL RESPONSIBILITY FOR EDUCATION
A distinguishing characteristic of our Nation- — and a great
strength — is the development of our institutions within the con-
cept of individual worth and dignity. Our schools are among the
243
^ 3^ Public Papers of the Presidents
guardians of that principle. Consequently — and deliberately —
their control and support throughout our history have been — and
are — a State and local responsibility.
The American idea of universal public education was con-
ceived as necessary in a society dedicated to the principles of
individual freedom, equality, and self-government. A necessary
corollary is that public schools must always reflect the character
and aspirations of the people of the community.
Thus was established a fundamental element of the American
public school system — local direction by boards of education re-
sponsible immediately to the parents of children and the other
citizens of the community. Diffusion of authority among tens of
thousands of school districts is a safeguard against centralized
control and abuse of the educational system that must be main-
tained. We believe that to take away the responsibility of com-
munities and States in educating our children is to undermine
not only a basic element of our freedom but a basic right of our
citizens.
The legislative proposals submitted to the last Congress were
offered by the Administration in the earnest conviction that edu-
cation must always be close to the people; in the belief that a
careful reassessment by the people themselves of the problems
of education is necessary; and with a realization of the growing
financial difficulties that school districts face. To encourage a
nation-wide examination of our schools, the 83rd Congress
authorized fimds for Conferences on Education in the 48 States
and the Territories and for a White House Conference to be
held in November this year.
THE CURRENT PROBLEM
These are the facts of the classroom shortage :
The latest information submitted by the States to the Office of
Education indicates that there is a deficit of more than 300
thousand classrooms, a legacy — in part — of the years of war
244
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 31
and defense mobilization when construction had to be curtailed.
In addition, to keep up with mounting enrollments, the Nation
must build at least 50 thousand new elementary and high school
classrooms yearly. It must also replace the thousands of class-
rooms which become unsafe or otherwise unusable each year.
During the current school year, about 60 thousand new class-
rooms are being built. Capital outlays for public school con-
struction will reach an all-time high of 2 billion dollars this year.
During the last 5 years, new construction costing over 7 billion
dollars has provided new classrooms for 6,750,000 pupils in our
public schools. During that time more than 5^^ million addi-
tional children enrolled in school. Thus the rate of construc-
tion has more than kept pace with mounting enrollment. But
it has only slightly reduced the total classroom deficit.
As a consequence, millions of children still attend schools which
are unsafe or which permit learning only part-time or under con-
ditions of serious over-crowding. To build satisfactory class-
rooms for all our children, the current rate of school building
must be multiplied sharply and this increase must be sustained.
Fundamentally, the remedy lies with the States and their com-
munities. But the present shortage requires immediate and
effective action that will produce more rapid results. Unless the
Federal Govemment steps forward to join with the States and
communities, this emergency situation will continue.
Therefore — for the purpose of meeting the emergency only and
pending the results of the nation-wide conferences — I propose a
broad effort to widen the accepted channels of financing school
construction and to increase materially the flow of private lending
through them — ^without interference with the responsibility of
State and local school systems. Over the next three years, this
proposed effort envisages a total of 7 billion dollars put to work
building badly needed new schools — in addition to construction
expenditures outside these proposals.
245
^ 31 Public Papers of the Presidents
THE RECOMMENDATIONS
1 . Bond Purchases by the Federal Government
The first recommendation is directed at action — effective as
rapidly as school districts can offer bonds to the public for sale.
I recommend that legislation be enacted authorizing the Fed-
eral Government, cooperating with the several States, to purchase
school bonds issued by local communities which are handicapped
in selling bonds at a reasonable interest rate. This proposal is
sound educationally and economically. It will help build schools.
To carry out this proposal, I recommend that the Congress
authorize the appropriation of 750 miUion dollars for use over
the next three years.
2. State School Building Agencies
Many school districts cannot borrow to build schools because
of restrictive debt limits. They need some other form of financing.
Therefore, the second proposal is designed to facilitate immedi-
ate construction of schools without local borrowing by the school
district.
To expand school construction, several States have already cre-
ated special State-wide school building agencies. These can
borrow advantageously, since they represent the combined credit
of many communities. After building schools, the agency rents
them to school districts. The local community under its lease
gets a new school without borrowing.
I now propose the wider adoption of this tested method of
accelerating school construction. Under this proposal, the Fed-
eral Government would share with the States in establishing and
maintaining for State school building agencies an initial reserve
fund equal to one year's payment on principal and interest.
The State school building agency — working in cooperation with
the State educational officials — would issue its bonds through the
customary investment channels, then build schools for lease to
local school districts. Rentals would be sufficient to cover the
246
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 31
payments on principal and interest of the bonds outstanding; a
payment to a supplemental reserve fund; and a proportionate
share of the administrative expenses of the State school building
agency. In time, the payments to the reserve fund would permit
repayment of the initial Federal and State advances. When all
its financial obligations to the agency are met, the local school
district takes title to its building.
I recommend that the Congress authorize the necessary Fed-
eral participation to put this plan into effect so that State building
agencies may be in a position to issue bonds in the next three years
which will build six billion dollars worth of new schools.
3. Grants for School Districts with Proved Need and Lack of
Local Income
My first Message to the Congress on the State of the Union
stated the view that "the firm conditions of Federal aid must be
proved need and proved lack of local income." In my judgment,
any sound program of grants must adhere to this principle.
Some school districts meet the conditions. In them the amount
of taxable property and local income is so low as to make it
impossible for the district either to repay borrowed money or
rent a satisfactory school building.
I now propose a program of grants-in-aid directed clearly and
specifically at the urgent situations in which the Federal Govern-
ment can justifiably share direct construction costs without under-
mining State and local responsibility. Under this proposal the
Federal Government would share with the States part of the
cost of building schools in districts where one of the following
conditions is met:
(a) The school district, if it has not reached its legal bonding
limit, cannot sell its bonds to the Federal Government imder Pro-
posal I because it cannot pay interest and principal charges on
the total construction costs.
(b) The school district, if it has reached its legal bonding
limit, is unable to pay the rent needed to obtain a school from a
247
^ 31 Public Papers of the Presidents
State agency on a lease-purchase basis, as described in Proposal 2.
The State would certify the school district's inability to finance
the total construction cost through borrowing or a rental arrange-
ment. It would also certify that the new school is needed to
relieve extreme overcrowding, double shifts, or hazardous or
unhealthful conditions.
The Federal and State aid would be in an amount sufficient
for a school district to qualify under either Proposal i or Pro-
posal 2 for financing the remainder of the building costs. The
requirement that Federal funds be matched with State-appropri-
ated funds is an essential safeguard to preservation of the proper
spheres of local, State, and Federal responsibility in the field of
public education.
By authorizing this program of joint Federal-State aid to
supplement the financing plans set forth in Proposals i and 2, a
workable way will be provided for every community in the Nation
to construct classrooms for its children. I recommend that the
Congress authorize the appropriation of 200 million dollars for a
three-year program.
4. Grants for Administrative Costs of State Programs
In addition to immediate school construction, the nation needs
to plan sound long-term financing of the public schools free from
obsolete restrictions. Our State Conferences on Education will
help accomplish this. Out of these meetings of parents, teachers,
and public-spirited citizens, can come lasting solutions to such
tmderlying problems as more efficient school districting and the
modification of unduly restrictive local debt limits.
The Federal Government, having helped sponsor the State
Conferences on Education, should now move to help the States
in carrying out such recommendations as may be made. I pro-
pose, therefore, that the Federal Government furnish one-half
of the Administrative costs of State programs which are designed
to overcome obstacles to local financing or to provide additional
State aid to local school districts.
248
Dwight D. Eisenhower y ig^^ ^ 31
For this purpose I recommend a total authorization of 20 mil-
lion dollars with an appropriation of 5 million dollars for the first
year of a three-year period.
This program is sound and equitable. It accelerates construc-
tion of classrooms within the traditional framework of local re-
sponsibility for our schools. It does not preclude other proposals
for long-range solutions which undoubtedly will grow out of the
State conferences and the White House Conference on Education.
CONCLUSION
The best possible education for all our young people is a fixed
objective of the American nation. The four-point program,
herein outlined, would help provide proper physical housing for
the achievement of this objective. But the finest buildings, of
themselves, are no assurance that the pupils who use them are each
day better fitted to shoulder the responsibilities, to meet the oppor-
tunities, to enjoy the rewards that one day will be their lot as
American citizens.
Good teaching and good teachers made even the one-room
crossroads schools of the nineteenth century a rich source of the
knowledge and enthusiasm and patriotism, joined with spiritual
wisdom, that mark a vigorously dynamic people. Today, the
professional quality of American teaching is better than ever. But
too many teachers are underpaid and overworked and, in conse-
quence, too few young men and women join their ranks. Here
is a shortage, less obvious but ultimately more dangerous, than
the classroom shortage.
The Conferences now underway and the massive school build-
ing program here proposed will, I believe, arouse the American
people to a community effort for schools and a community con-
cern for education, unparalleled in our history. Taken together,
they will serve to advance the teaching profession to the position
it should enjoy.
249
^ 31 Public Papers of the Presidents
Federal aid in a form that tends to lead to Federal control of
our schools could cripple education for freedom. In no form can
it ever approach the mighty effectiveness of an aroused people.
But Federal leadership can stir America to national action.
Then the nation's objective of the best possible education for
all our young people will be achieved.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
32 ^ Message to Nationwide Meetings in Support
of the Campaign for Radio Free Europe.
February 8, 1955
[ Delivered over closed circuit television from the White House ]
I AM happy to be with you tonight for I strongly believe that
Radio Free Europe and the Crusade for Freedom are vital to suc-
cess in the battle for men's minds.
Many of us learned during the war that the most potent force
is spiritual; that the appeal to men's minds produces a dedica-
tion which surmounts every trial and test until victory is won.
To toughen, strengthen, fortify such dedication to the cause of
freedom is the mission of Radio Free Europe.
Substantial progress has already been made. The free world
is growing stronger because its peoples are growing in their
determination to stand together and in their faith that freedom
and justice will triumph.
Radio Free Europe, each day of the year, nourishes this growth.
Here at home, we Americans face the future with confidence.
But we must also face up to the dangers that still lurk about us.
We must ever work to strengthen our posture of defense and to
reinforce our alliances and friendships in the free world.
While we maintain our vigilance at home and abroad, we must
help intensify the will for freedom in the satellite countries be-
hind the Iron Curtain. These countries are in the Soviet back-
250
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 33
yard; and only so long as their people are reminded that the out-
side world has not forgotten them — only that long do they remain
as potential deterrents to Soviet aggression.
The great majority of the 70 million captives in these satellite
countries have known liberty in the past. They now need our
constant friendship and help if they are to believe in their future.
Therefore, the mission of Radio Free Europe merits greater
support than before. It serves our national security and the
cause of peace.
I have long given the Crusade for Freedom my strong endorse-
ment. I did that because I am familiar with its purposes, its
operations, the people who run it, and, perhaps, most im-
portant— its hard-hitting effectiveness as an independent Ameri-
can enterprise.
I know that our country and our friends behind the Iron Cur-
tain can count on you for active participation and leadership in
this most critical of all battles — the winning of men's minds.
Without this victory, we can have no other victories. By your
efforts, backed up by America, we can achieve our great
goal — that of enabling us and all the peoples of the world to
enjoy in peace the blessings of freedom.
note: This message was broadcast to of the American Heritage Founda-
35 meetings held under the auspices tion.
33 ^ The President's News Conference of
February g, 1955.
[ This is a complete transcript of the news conference of this date. Those
portions of the President's replies which were not released for broadcasting
or direct quotation at that time are enclosed in brackets.]
THE PRESIDENT. Good moming. Please be seated.
One announcement of little importance to anyone except my-
self: I hope to get a few hours away from this city starting tomor-
251
^ 33 Public Papers of the Presidents
row afternoon. I am going down with the Secretary of the
Treasury to his farm in Georgia.
I have two announcements of some import, or comments, let
us say, first with respect to the foreign situation; the second
announcement respecting the domestic.
In the foreign situation we have seen this change taking place
in the rulership in the Soviets. We know, of course, when any
major change of that kind takes place, that it does express dis-
satisfaction with what has been going on internally.
Now, what this means to the world is not yet apparent. It
won't be apparent for some time. It does not change our basic
policies nor the basic methods we employ in pursuit of those
policies : a just and lasting peace, to remain strong ourselves while
we are doing it, and to help our friends grow strong and confident
so that this burden of fear and eventually other and more
material-type burdens will be lifted from the backs of men.
We are going steadily ahead, and while we watch every change
in the situation, there is no reason for changing our basic attitude.
I want to talk now about something for a moment that affects
everybody in America. That is education. Yesterday morning
I sent to the Congress a plan which I think is necessary in order
that the youth of our Nation will not be robbed of their chance
to get the kind of education to which they are entitled; indeed,
the kind of education that they need if they are properly to dis-
charge their duties as citizens of the United States.
Education is really bread-and-butter citizenship. It is just
necessary to the developing of citizens that can perform their
duties properly.
Education very properly in our country has been the duty and
responsibility of the locality and the State. That is a very wise
provision of our Constitution, reserving as it did all the powers
not specifically given to the Federal Government, reserving them
to the States. They exercise authority in this field, and they
should. However, there are a number of reasons why we are so
short of classrooms today. We had a war mobilization that, in
252
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^s ^ 33
more or less degree, affected our country for a long time. We
have outmoded laws in many States affecting districts or debts or
tax limits, and so on. There have been many obstructions to
going ahead in this work.
Now, in spite of that, last year was a banner year in the
building of schools. There was more than $2 billion spent. We
have to add 50,000 [schoolrooms] a year to keep up with the
population. Last year we constructed 60,000, and at that rate
we are never going to reach the objective of getting rid of the
shortage of 340,000 as of today.
The shortage has not just sprung up overnight. You find a
steady growth in it reaching clear back to 1940. It was already,
in 1940, something over 160,000, and the estimates show a
gradual increase until today, 340,000.
Now, in order to observe the right and responsibility of States
and communities in this field and yet for the Federal Govern-
ment to apply leadership and to give the kind of help it should,
compels us to follow a path that is sometimes not as readily dis-
cernible as we should like.
The system we have followed is to use the Federal Govern-
ment to purchase bonds of districts where they are not readily
marketable at a reasonable price; to assist the States in forming
agencies outside of the State government itself, so that the diffi-
culty of debt and other types of laws can be overcome; and finally
in those districts where a clear case of need can be shown, where
there is no other way of doing it, a certain amount of grant-in-
aid matching with the States.
You will recall that a long time ago — 18 months ago, I think,
or at least a year — there was appointed with the authority of
Congress this White House Conference on Education, which
would follow upon the conferences in several States. The idea
was that they would meet in the effort to solve this problem,
devise a long-range plan. For this reason and in order not to get
in the way of the recommendations that will be filed by those
conferences, this is an emergency plan so far as construction is
40308—59 19 253
*lf 33 Public Papers of the Presidents
concerned, although it does point out certain ways that could be
permanently applied to this problem.
The objective is, though, as far as the Federal Government is
concerned, to keep the responsibiUty where it belongs, to apply
leadership on a strong basis, to get an emergency program of
construction started instantly, and to bring, with Federal help,
this problem under control just as rapidly as possible.
Those were the two things I wanted to talk about. We will
go to questions.
Q. Marvin Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Mr. President, in
the light of Foreign Minister Molotov's tough-talk speech against
the United States yesterday, do you think this shakeup in the
Soviet Government means a calculated tougher poKcy towards
the United States?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think I would not at the moment, Mr.
Arrowsmith, speculate on exactly what it is going to mean. It
doesn't necessarily mean that, because they would say anything
that would suit their purposes at the moment of a great significant
change of this kind in their government.
I would say that we must be watchful and alert and pursue
our policies as we have been pursuing them.
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press: Mr. President, I don't
know whether you are aware of it, because it was announced in
Moscow just before the conference started, but one of your old
friends and associates was just made Defense Minister by the
Russians, General Zhukov. Would you think that, following up
Mr. Arrowsmith's question, that General Zhukov's appointment
as Minister of Defense would indicate a stronger defense policy
on their part, possibly toward this country?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, again, Mr. Smith, I can scarcely inter-
pret that act of theirs in terms of a specific intent on their part.
Now, when I knew Marshal Zhukov, I will say this:
He was a competent soldier. A man could not have conducted
the campaigns he did, could not have explained them so lucidly
and in terms of his own strength and his own weaknesses and so
254
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 33
on, except that he was a well-trained, splendid military leader.
He and I developed personally a practice of getting along and
seeing eye to eye on a number of our local problems in Berlin.
So far as I was concerned — and I believe he was honest about
it — ^we were trying to set up a pattern, if we could, in Berlin,
in our little local place there, to show that even two nations could
get along if they would both recognize the folly of not getting
along.
What this means today, I don't know. The last time I had a
direct letter from him was April 1946, and that was a long time
ago.
Q. Robert E. Clark, International News Service: Mr. Presi-
dent, Soviet Foreign Minister Molotov claimed yesterday that
Russia's atomic strength is now superior to our own. Do we have
any cause to believe this might be true?
THE PRESIDENT. Certainly there is no proof to that effect. I
should say that would be rather a remarkable feat, but I believe
it is not worthwhile speculating on.
Q. Chalmers M. Roberts, Washington Post and Times Herald:
Mr. President, in the Molotov speech yesterday, he said that he
did not think in the case of another war that world civilization
would be destroyed. This was in some contrast to Malenkov's
statement last March in which he said, in a nuclear war both
sides would be destroyed.
Could you tell us, aside from the political implications, on a
scientific basis, from what you know, something of this as to
whether in fact there is a threat in the H-bomb and other nuclear
weapons to the whole world?
THE PRESIDENT. Of coursc, thcrc are, as we know, some threats
in the use of nuclear weapons over and beyond the immediately
destructive area, where it destroys by shock and the thermal
effects, and so on. There are certain radioactive effects that in
the immediate vicinity can be very, very bad, indeed, as we well
know. There are methods of protection.
Now, when you begin to talk in terms of "Would this destroy
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civilization or would it not?" I should say we are talking in
comparative terms. What is the destruction of civilization, and,
in addition, how many of these things do you use? How near do
you approach saturation in any place?
I would say this : the thing is so serious that intelligent people
ought to forego a great many lesser ambitions in the effort to
achieve an understanding, imder a method where the whole
world could be assured that that understanding was going to be
obeyed by all parties concerned — ^which means there must be
some kind of inspection service where all the world could trust
it — that we are not pushing toward that kind of a war. So,
whether or not civilization is destroyed, I say it is so serious that
we just cannot pretend to be intelligent human beings unless we
pursue with all our might, with all our thought, all our soul, you
might say, some way of solving this problem. It's that bad at
least.
Q. Robert L. Riggs, Louisville Courier- Journal : Returning to
your education message, sir. Senator Hill, who is Chairman of
the Senate committee on education, and Senator Clements, who
is the acting majority leader, criticized your program rather
strongly yesterday as being inadequate, and they said it merely
loaded more debts on the States and communities which could
not afford to pay the debt.
Could you comment on that, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. Did they mention the debt of the United
States?
Q. Mr. Riggs: Well, they are — no, sir; they did not.
THE PRESIDENT. Thcrc is pcrhaps some difference in convic-
tion here represented.
I believe that the greatest amount of authority, which means
comparable responsibility, must be retained in the localities in our
country or we are working steadily away from the system of gov-
ernment that has made this country great. That kind of a sys-
tem exploits private initiative, local initiative, local care for the
expenditures. As quickly as you start spending Federal money
256
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ^955 ^ 33
in great amounts, it looks like free money. The shibboleth of
free money from Washington can certainly damage. So maybe
my system is not as extreme as either side would like. I take
something that I believe to be effective and good for the United
States, and I stand by it.
Q. Garnett D. Horner, Washington Star: Mr. President, to
return to the Marshal Zhukov business a moment ago, he was
quoted in an interview yesterday as saying that in 1945 you had
told him that the United States would never attack the Soviet
Union, and he had told you that the Soviet Union would never
attack the United States. Also, he said that you had twice in-
vited him to visit here, and he still dreams of doing so.
I wonder if you could tell us your version of that 1945 con-
versation and your feelings about the prospects of such a visit?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, that is remarkably accurate. Now,
when I asked him to visit our country, I was acting as the agent
of my government, which directed me to do so; and more than
that, arrangements had been made once. My plane had been
put at his disposal, and my son was detailed as his aide. I re-
member he made the remark, "Well, I shall certainly be very
safe," with my plane and my son. [Laughter]
We were good friends, and we could talk in that fashion.
I explained to him how absolutely impossible it was for a
democracy to organize a surprise aggression against anybody.
Our processes are open. Every time you get money or you change
anything in your military affairs, you go to Congress. It is de-
bated. There is no possibility of a country such as ours producing
a completely surprise attack on any other. That is what I was
emphasizing to him. Of course, from their standpoint, he felt
that Russia was a very peace-loving nation.
Q. Paul Wooton, New Orleans Times Picayune: Mr. Presi-
dent, you have on your desk a report on transportation. Will
that be made public soon?
THE PRESIDENT. [Well, it isu't on my desk yet. I don't know
whether it is a report; it is a study as I have seen it. It has been
257
^ 33 Public Papers of the Presidents
going back and forth, and we have been going at it a long time.
It isn't ready at this moment, at least, for publication. And its
eventual destiny, I have forgotten the details.]
Q. Kenneth M. Scheibel, Gannett News Service: Sir, part of
the trouble we are told from Russia is that they are having diffi-
culties with their agriculture and their food supplies. Do you see
in that situation any chance for us to do any trading with them,
or is that a business of building up our enemy?
THE PRESIDENT. [I think that a question like that comes with-
in the context of so many intertwined questions that you would
have to get a whole program laid out in front of you. Now, what
does this mean? Everything comes back here, when you really
get down to the bottom of things and study them — everything
comes back to how much confidence can we develop in the words
of people who have not hesitated to break their word in the past?
Where do we have deeds and actions to prove what they are
trying to do? And I think that every single agreement, engage-
ment, commitment of any kind has always got to have that as its
background; because otherwise you are very likely to weaken
your position, either psychologically, politically, materially, eco-
nomically, in some form. So I wouldn't want to comment just
on this one facet of such a possibility.]
Q. Joseph C. Harsch, Christian Science Monitor: Mr. Presi-
dent, to refer back to Mr. Homer's question, is that invitation
to General Zhukov still open?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, as a matter of fact, this is the first time
it has been mentioned to me since I have been in my present
responsible post. You can well imagine that I wouldn't stand
here and suddenly issue an invitation without consultation with
my advisers. So I would say this would be a remarkable thing
at the present state of affairs, but I certainly wouldn't hesitate to
talk it over with my people if we found it desirable.
Q. Charles S. von Fremd, CBS News: There have been grow-
ing reports and speculation, sir, that possibly the Soviet Union
does not now hold the political strength that it once did control
258
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 33
over Red China. If this is true, it would certainly endanger the
present situation in the Formosa Straits. But I wonder, sir, if
in telling us whether or not, if you can, you have received such
word from your advisers, if you could also let us know whether or
not you feel there is a possibility of other satelUtes breaking away
from the Kremlin.
THE PREsroENT. [I should say this: there is no direct evidence
that there has been any weakening of relationships between
Moscow and the capitals with which it has been dealing. There
is, of course, always hopeful speculation in this line, but no
evidence.]
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Sir, the Federal Power
Commission and the natural gas industry seem to be waiting to
hear this Cabinet committee study on energy supplies and fuel
resources. That has been held up for some time. Can you say
when that will be ready?
THE PREsroENT. [Not held up; it is just not ready. I don't
know of anything quite so complicated as a study on the energy
supplies of the United States in all of its components, because
you have imports, you have competition among the various types
of energy within our own country, you've got everything from
hydroelectric power to power produced by residual oil imported
into this country. It is a complicated study that is being worked
on all the time.^ That is all I can say about it at the moment.]
Q. Laurence H. Burd, Chicago Tribune: Mr. President, you
mentioned hearing from Marshal Zhukov last in April 1946.
THE PRESIDENT. Dircctly, I said.
*On February 26 "The White House Report on Energy Supplies and Resources
Policy," prepared by the Advisory Committee on Energy Supplies and Resources
Policy, was released by the White House in mimeograph form. The recommendations
of the Committee related to (i) natural gas regulation; (2) sales below cost by inter-
state pipeline companies; (3) eminent domain for natural gas storage; (4) crude oil
imports and residual fuel oil imports; (5) petroleum refining capacity; (6) tax
incentives; (7) research and development program for coal; (8) unemployment and
business distress in the coal industry; (9) coal freight rates; (10) coal exports; (11)
mobilization requirements for coke; (12) Government fuel purchasing policy.
259
^ 33 Public Papers of the Presidents
Q. Mr. Burd: Could you say what that involved?
THE PREsroENT. Well, it was — I think I can recall it — ^it was
a letter. You see, I left Berlin in November '45, and he cor-
responded and he sent me a present. I think it was an enormous
bear rug. I still have it, and something else of that kind. That
was all.
Q. Clark R. MoUenhoff, Des Moines Register and Tribune:
Mr. President, on February ist the White House overruled the
CAB on a decision involving a certificate of Northwest Airlines
and Pan American Airlines on flights to Hawaii. That White
House action overruled a 5-to-o decision in the CAB, and last
Monday you revised that order after Senator Thye and Repre-
sentative Judd called on you. I wonder if you could tell us why
you revised your decision, and also if you could discuss the gen-
eral procedure when these independent agency cases, in the CAB,
are called* to the attention of the White House.
THE PRESIDENT. It is vcry simple in this case. Information
came to my attention that convinced me I had made an error.
And so I tried to correct it. The actual facts were these:
I am directed by the Congress to cut down subsidies in this
air business, which means that when you have unprofitable
competition on lines, you had better look at it very, very closely,
because this occasions a greater deficit.
I am also directed to preserve competition so far as this can be
done, but always with this other conflicting consideration of
cutting down the subsidies.
In this case, it looked like we should get rid of one line on the
Hawaiian run; and the line that had the most of the traffic and
which had the smallest subsidy last year on that line, at least as
far as figures showed, that was the one I was going to go with.
I made that decision.
What happened then was that the Chairman of the Board
came over to see me and pointed out that all of their calculations
showed that within 2 years, they believed, the entire subsidy
would be eliminated from the Pacific runs. He showed, there-
260
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig§^ ^ 33
fore, that even if you did happen to have a subsidy, since now
you have your computations for subsidies made on the operations
of the full line, that here we had a case where we could well
afford to go ahead with the competitive system for a while and
still believe that we would come out of the subsidy area.
So I said, in that case we will renew this for a short period,
which I did for 3 years.
Q. Gould Lincoln, Washington Star: Mr. President, there
have been in the newspapers many reports that the Secretary of
the Army, Mr. Stevens, is to be replaced. Could you tell us if
there is any truth in that?
THE PRESIDENT. There is not a word of it that has come to my
ears, Mr. Lincoln, not a word.
Q. Alan S. Emory, Watertown Times : Mr. President, in view
of the fact that the education aid message went to the Hill before
the highway message, and in view of the substance of your educa-
tion message, do you think those two factors will silence the
critics who have been saying the administration is paying more
attention to highways than to schools?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, it is uot goiug to silence critics; of that
I am sure. [Laughter]
Q. George H. Hall, St. Louis Post-Dispatch: Can you tell
us whether the Malenkov resignation was a surprise to this Gov-
ernment or whether we had diplomatic or intelligence reports
indicating that it was coming up?
THE PRESIDENT. [Well, I think that our observers and people
in Moscow for a long time reported that things weren't exactly
as they appeared on the surface, but I never had seen any kind
of prediction as to the exact things that happened yesterday, no.]
Q. Lloyd M. Schwartz, Fairchild Publications: Mr. President,
the Labor and Commerce Departments reported yesterday that
unemployment rose 500,000 in the month to mid- January to a
total of 3.3 million, and the factory work force in January was
500,000 lower than a year earlier. Do you find this any cause for
concern?
4030S— 59 20 261
^ 33 Public Papers of the Presidents
THE PRESIDENT. WcU, here is a type of statistic that is ex-
amined every week or practically every day by the economic ad-
visers of the Labor and Commerce Departments, in consultation,
of course, with myself. Now, there is always a seasonal drop in
employment right after Christmas; this year, looking at the com-
parable curves, it seems that this drop was not as acute as it has
been in the recent past.
I don't mean to say that you can be complacent about such
things. On the contrary, you watch them with the closest possible
concern. However, it is within the bounds, you might say, of
historical precedent.
Q. RoscoeDrummond, New York Herald Tribune: Mr. Presi-
dent, how do you appraise the state of affairs in the Formosa
Straits with reference to the evacuation of the Tachens and the
possibility of a cease-fire?
THE PRESIDENT. I think it would be idle to speculate, Mr.
Drummond, on the possibility of a cease-fire. We asked Red
China, or the United Nations did, to come in and talk it over.
They declined and issued a very bellicose statement. Therefore,
on that I couldn't say what may happen.
Now, with regard to the evacuation, it is proceeding exactly
according to plan. If nothing happens, it should be completed
very soon. There has been no untoward incident. In one case
I believe one of our planes got a little lost, wandered in a bad
area and got hit, but the crew was saved. There has been no real
interference. It looks like it would go ahead for the moment.
Q. Nat S. Finney, Buffalo Evening News: Mr. President, can
you tell us whether your freedom of action to order the use of
nuclear weapons in connection with the defense of Formosa and
the Pescadores is in any way limited by understandings with our
allies?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, if the United States, of course, got into
trouble alone and were attacked, I don't know of any understand-
ing with any allies that applies. I think understandings with
allies applies when you are in any kind of an action in concert
262
Dwight D. Eisenhower, IQ55 ^ 33
with them. I have not thought of that point in exactly the way
you have stated, but I think it would be a United States decision.
Q. Edward T. Folliard, Washington Post and Times Herald:
Mr. President, a bill has been introduced which would make for-
mer Presidents of the United States members of the Senate. They
would receive pay and quarters, but wouldn't be permitted to
vote. They would be Senators at Large. It would now affect
Mr. Hoover and Mr. Truman, and perhaps ultimately yourself.
Do you think the bill has merit?
THE PRESIDENT. [Frankly, I say this, Mr. Folliard: I am not
too sure. Any man who has served in high posts in his govem-
ment — and this doesn't mean merely the Presidency — has ac-
quired a certain amount of experience where, if his faculties have
held together reasonably well, he should be of some value to his
country.
[In my own case, I thought I had left the service of my country
forever in 1948, I believe in February. I soon found I was back
in, in one form or another.
[I believe those people are always available. I believe each
one of them is proud and feels a sense of satisfaction when his
experience and wisdom are called upon. And if it could be better
utilized by giving this rather formal post, I certainly would have
no objection. I would never argue against such a thing. I am
not sure that it would be an exact answer, but it would be all
right.]
Q. Robert J. Donovan, New York Herald Tribune: Mr.
President, in consideration of the trade program in the House,
there has been a move to add import quotas for oil to protect the
coal industry. If this has come to your attention, have you any
comment on it?
THE PREsroENT. [It hasu't come to my attention that specific
way. But we are trying to liberalize trade on a reciprocal basis,
particularly in selected commodities. There has been great prog-
ress made in the last 2 years in eliminating quotas from the nor-
mal practices of governments with respect to this trade business.
263
^ 33 Public Papers of the Presidents
I would very much deplore seeing us going backward and estab-
lishing quotas that were at least fixed by law.]
Merriman Smith, United Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
note: President Eisenhower's six- 10:31 to 11:01 o'clock on Wednes-
tieth news conference was held in day morning, February 9, 1955. In
the Executive Office Building from attendance: 230.
34 ^ Message to Meetings of the Nationwide
Clinical Conference on Heart Ailments.
February 9, 1955
[ Delivered over closed circuit television from the White House ]
IT IS a privilege to greet you tonight, and to express my gratifi-
cation at the purpose of your separate but united meetings from
coast-to-coast. Your program tonight, as it has been described
to me, is another example in our society of the collaboration be-
tween free enterprise and pure learning — an instance in which
business and the medical profession work together for the common
good.
If the annual toll from coronary heart disease were revealed to
the American people as a casualty list from the battlefield, the
effect would be one of national shock, and a demand that some-
thing be done. That something is being done, in such programs
as the one tonight, is significant, and encouraging.
You, the physicians of America, are linked in this enterprise
by a bond far stronger than the cables of a television network.
Your bond of union is a common and selfless aim. Your princi-
pal motives are first, a concern for the welfare of your patients,
and second, that restless curiosity, that hunger for knowledge of
better ways, which is the hallmark of the man of science.
Our way of life provides the climate in which the chronic
questioner is free to rove, to doubt, to explore, in the endless
search for new and fuller answers. Every assistant in a labora-
264
Dwight D. Eisenhower, IQ55 ^ 35
tory, every researcher, every medical student, every specialist,
every family doctor, is a participant in this search — a, search
which has added twenty-five years to the American life span
within the memory of many of you in this audience.
These new years of expectancy have been a bonus beyond price
added to the wealth of our Republic. For them we, your fellow
Americans, owe you our grateful thanks.
A nation's strength is directly affected by its people's health.
In that light, we must strengthen and support those agencies of
Government which are concerned with the problems of national
health.
Yet, the role of Government in these matters must always be
secondary, and supplementary. The first responsibility lies with
the community, determined to foster good health and to provide
well for the ailing and the injured; with the scientist, as he works
in freedom towards goals of his own choosing; and with the
physician, who brings his healing ministry not to the State, or to
the mass of people as such, but always to some man, or woman,
or child — some individual human being worthy of his dedicated
care.
Godspeed you on your mission.
note: This message was broadcast sorship of the American Medical
to 32 meetings held under the spon- Association.
35 ^ Remarks at Luncheon Meeting of the
Republican National Committee and the
Republican National Finance Committee.
February 17, 1955
YOU CAN well imagine what a great privilege I feel in having
this opportunity to visit with you as a friend. Inescapably, as the
titular head of the party, you can understand the jealousy with
265
^ 35 Public Papers of the Presidents
which I regard that party and its success. My most earnest hope
is that, when I leave my present post, the party will be healthier,
stronger, more vital than it was when I started in that post.
Now we here represent possibly every calling, every phase in
Ufe. We have many viewpoints. Yet the first thing I want to
point out is this: if we here had a discussion on the philosophy
of government — that is, what is Government's role in the life of
this Nation, in the life of the individual, what would it do and
what would it not do — ^we would all agree with Lincoln. There
would be no real argument among us on the results we would
achieve. These different viewpoints we have arise out of our
different environments, out of our different backgrounds.
I want to tell you something else that will, I hope, show you
my belief. Often, when I see or hear from one of my friends
in the party worrying about some particular action, there crosses
my mind a sort of useless hope; a hope that that person and I
might change places for a week.
I assure you when you take a decent philosophy of government
and try to apply it to problems in which there are conflicting
pressures and considerations of the utmost moment — ^whether
they be in the foreign field or the economic field or the social
field — ^you will find that this application must reflect a very broad
consideration of every opinion about you. The opinion of the
Secretary of State, or our leaders in Congress, or of the Secretary
of Health, Education, and Welfare — all up and down the line.
You strive to achieve in every single decision a further step along
the broad highway where all Republicans can with honesty and
decency move.
Now I realize that on any particular decision a very great
amount of heat can be generated. But I do say this: life is not
made up of just one decision here, or another one there. It is
the total of the decisions that you make in your daily lives with
respect to politics, to your family, to your environment, to the
people about you. Government has to do that same thing. It
is only in the mass that finally philosophy really emerges.
266
Dwight D. Eisenhower, IQ55 ^ 35
Now right here let me interrupt myself. I am talking, of
course, about the Republican Party, my concept of what it can
do to further America. So I just want to say this, so that our
balance of values does not get out of order: our great enemy is
the Communists. Our great struggle today is a free world against
a dictator world. Our greatest enemy is not the Democrats.
We certainly know that we can't have better allies when we are
fighting anybody from abroad. So let's remember that, and as I
talk, let's not build up a picture that the worst enemy anyone
can have is a Democrat. Far from it. We just don't think they
can do as good a job as we do. As a matter of fact, we know it!
I want to read you something that Lincoln said in 1853. He
was discussing the foimding of our country. He began by affirm-
ing the equal rights of all our citizens, and then he said: "We
proposed to give all a chance; and we expected the weak to grow
stronger, the ignorant wiser; and all better and happier together.
We made the experiment; and the fruit is before us. Look at
it— think of it."
Now what I should like to say, as I go ahead in the thoughts
I am trying to express to you today is: look at it! Look at the
Republican Party's record of the last two years. Think of it!
What have we done? Have we done it in the tradition of Lincoln
who said that the proper business of government is to do for a
commimity or for a person those things which it or he cannot do
at all or so well do for itself or himself; but in all things which
the individual or conununity can do best, government should not
interfere.
That is the guiding policy of this administration.
Now, in the thought and hope that Lincoln expressed so well,
people came to us from overseas. Some saw here, or thought
they saw, streets of gold. Others just saw shoes for their
children, or a roof under which they might live securely. But
most of them saw a symbol — a, symbol of what men believing in
themselves could, under God, accomplish, both for themselveSj
for their children, and for those about them.
267
^ 35 Public Papers of the Presidents
Now some liked so much what they saw that they wanted to
Uve in status quo. They wanted to go nowhere. But again
most resolved that the principles should be everlastingly applied
for the protection of individuals, the strengthening of the Re-
public, and the inspiration of mankind.
The Republican Party was bom in such a resolve. It will re-
main great and go ahead forever, as long as it lives in that re-
solve. To take the basic principles of justice and decency, to
apply them to the problems of today, and never to desert the effort
to push forward in that light.
Think of it ! Look at it !
Now, if we are going to do that, let's have a bit of catechism
in four simple questions. The first one is: what are the pur-
poses of a political party? Well, one answer is winning elec-
tions. But it is certainly not good enough for a thoughtful
Republican to win an election and not do something for this
country.
I really believe that if we are going to give the purpose of a
political party, we would have to say that the first fundamental
is to present to all America a political philosophy which should
interpret and apply our underlying principles to the current prob-
lems of the day.
The second purpose is to convert a multitude of pressures and
pleas and special plans and purposes of our people into a com-
posite whole which we call our platform — or our program.
Again this program must always be true to the principles of the
philosophy under which we live.
Third, the purpose of a political party is to promote individual
participation in decisions, those affecting both administration and
the conduct and course of the policies of government.
Now I believe any political party that is organized around this
thoughtful concept is the greatest asset a country can have. But
I believe also if it is banded together solely to seize power, it is
nothing but a conspiracy. It must be for the promotion of ideals.
The basis of a political party, just like the basis of true free
268
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig55 ^ 35
government, is spiritual. Let us not forget it. We must live by
ideals.
We could talk for a long time about the second question: how
to achieve these purposes I have just outlined. Most of you
know more about this than I do. My political experience is
short, but I think most of you would agree it has also been
quite intense.
I know that underlying every pohtical purpose, every political
aspiration and hope, must be work at the precinct level. Our
Government means people — of, by, and for the people. We
must reach the individual. We must convey to him, and to
America, the ideals by which we live, and then convince him.
When he is convinced these ideals are great, that the method of
application for which we stand is great, we know that he will
support us.
Next, on top of that kind of work, we must have good candi-
dates. Here, I think, I could talk to you for the next hour.
As I see the Republican Party, we have such a wealth of brains,
of ability combined with personality, that it is a tragedy in any
locality for any of us to push into nomination — from alderman
up — someone who doesn't represent the ideals and purposes in
which we all believe. We must have that kind of candidate.
And if we do, it will take an awfully good bunch to beat us.
Now the next question we should answer is: what is the record
of Republican purposes? Here of course, one would be tempted
to go right back to Lincoln and come on down through our his-
tory and talk about anti-trust laws and all the things that our
party has done for the progress of man. But just let us take only
the last two years in the foreign field.
The Korean War has been stopped. There is no shooting —
except in a sporadic way for the moment between Chinese — any
place in the world. The Trieste problem has been solved. The
Suez problem has been solved. Iran, which only two years ago
we thought day by day we were going to see collapse and go to
the enemy, has not only been rescued but is orienting itself more
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^ 35 Public Papers of the Presidents
and more enthusiastically to the West. In South America, in
Central America, great agreements have been made imder which
one foothold of international commimism has been eliminated.
We are moving ever steadily toward European unity. In the
Pacific we have strengthened the free world by adoption of the
Manila Pact and the Defense Treaty with the Republic of China.
So we are strong with our allies. There is less of a critical
character in the international situation to keep us tense, giving
us greater opportunity to push ahead with reasonable programs
to solidify the security of the free world against the commimist
menace.
I think you are well acquainted with the record of the 83rd
Congress. I have tried to find a phrase in which to define what
the Republican Party has done at home. I have said we were
"progressive moderates." Right at the moment I rather favor
the term "dynamic conservatism." I believe we should be con-
servative. I believe we should conserve on everything that is
basic to our system. We should be dynamic in applying it to the
problems of the day so that all 163 million Americans will profit
from it.
So for the moment I would say the record at home has been
dynamic conservatism. You can go into the fields of agriculture,
of the freedoms that have been restored to our economy, to the
tax system — to everything we have done.
Now the next question: how can our party better achieve its
purposes in the future?
First, we must make certain that as we present our philosophy,
we apply it to the problems of the times. We must keep it in step.
We are not antediluvian, nor are we trying to be men from Mars
that will visit us probably in three or four hundred years.
I believe Tennyson said: "Be not the first by which the new
is tried, nor yet the last to lay the old aside."
There are many ideas that are tested and true. We must take
them and advance them step by step, as we go along with the
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, IQ55 ^ 36
constantly changing types and kinds of problems with which
man is confronted.
Next, I think any party must strive to be national. We must
work with all our might to eliminate sectionalism and faction-
alism.
And then my favorite subject: let's go after the youth. You
know, if you get a 21 -year-old to join you, he can probably vote
in about fifteen national elections, and you have an accumulative
strength. If you recruit each year only men, let us say, of 70,
then in three or four years you would have to recruit enough to
win another election. But if you get them when they are young
and keep adding on and adding on, soon you will be getting the
kind of majorities to which the Republican Party is truly entitled.
Now these are some of the thoughts that I wanted to share with
you today. Nothing startling, nothing new, in the sense that they
represent any great departure from what the Republican Party
has been striving to do all the time.
But I think it is worth while to remind ourselves why we are
a party, why we work: because then we work with greater
enthusiasm, and far more than that: with greater effect.
I really believe that with the cause for which we have to work,
with the material we have in this party, with the appeal we can
make to youth, and with the kind of candidates that we can
produce, we can sweep the country.
note: The President spoke in the Congressional Room, Statler Hotel,
Washington, D.G.
36 ^ Exchange of Messages Between the
President and President Chiang Kai-shek of the
Republic of China. February 18, 1955
I HAVE RECEIVED your kind message of appreciation for the
assistance rendered by the armed forces of the United States in
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^ 36 Public Papers of the Presidents
the redeployment of the armed forces of the Republic of China
from the Tachen Islands.
The manner in which this cooperative endeavor was carried
out is a source of real gratification to me and, I am sure, of mu-
tual satisfaction to the officers and men, both Chinese and Ameri-
can, who were responsible for its success. They may justly take
pride in having participated in this demonstration of the close
and effective cooperation of our two countries in the interests of
peace and the defense of freedom.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
NOTE : President Chiang Kai-shek's cooperation which you have directed
message of February 14 follows: the United States forces to render
On the successful completion of to the Chinese Government. I also
the redeployment of the armed wish to express my admiration for
forces from the Tachen Islands, I the efficiency and high spirit dis-
wish to convey to you my deep ap- played by the United States officers
preciation for the assistance and and men in this operation.
Chiang Kai-shek
37 ^ Letter to Emil Sands trom. League of Red
Cross Societies, on Completion of the Flood Relief
Program in Europe. February 1 9, 1 955
[ Released February 19, 1955. Dated February 4, 1955 ]
Dear Justice Sandstrom:
The relief program for the victims of the floods which inun-
dated parts of Central and Eastern Europe last summer is now
practically completed. Over $10 million worth of aid has been
distributed to these unfortunate people, most of it through the
active cooperation of your organization.
The most notable fact about this program has been the strict
adherence by everyone to the humanitarian principles of the Red
Cross. Relief was given to the needy regardless of race, color,
272
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 38
creed or political conviction. For the first time in many years,
it was possible to surmount political boundaries in the adminis-
tration of relief. I know that the success of the program is in a
large measure due to the untiring efforts of the members of your
organization. Reports received here indicate that Red Cross
officials worked long hours, including week ends and holidays, to
assure the success of this program. They can be proud of their
work.
I wish to express to you and through you to every member of
your organization who participated in the successful accomplish-
ment of this undertaking my sincere appreciation, as well as my
congratulations.
Sincerely,
Dwight D. Eisenhower
NOTE : Justice Sandstrom was Chair- Europe. The release further stated
man of the Board of Governors of that the relief program began on
the League of Red Cross Societies, November 10, 1954, after the Iron
with headquarters at Geneva, Swit- Curtain countries agreed to admit
zerland. At the time the letter was United States ships to their harbors
made public the White House an- for this purpose,
nounced that 66,551 tons of food- Justice Sandstrom's reply was re-
stuffs had been sent in 28 shiploads leased with the President's letter,
to areas in Central and Eastern
38 ^ Remarks Recorded for the "Back-to-God''
Program of the American Legion.
February 20, 1955
THE FOUNDING FATHERS expressed in words for all to read
the ideal of Government based upon the dignity of the individual.
That ideal previously had existed only in the hearts and minds
of men. They produced the timeless documents upon which the
Nation is founded and has grown great. They, recognizing God
273
^ 38 Public Papers of the Presidents
as the author of individual rights, declared that the purpose of
Government is to secure those rights.
To you and to me this ideal of Government is a self-evident
truth. But in many lands the State claims to be the author of
human rights. The tragedy of that claim runs through all his-
tory and, indeed, dominates our own times. If the State gives
rights, it can — and inevitably will — take away those rights.
Without God, there could be no American form of Govern-
ment, nor an American way of life. Recognition of the Supreme
Being is the first — the most basic — expression of Americanism.
Thus the Founding Fathers saw it, and thus, with God's help, it
will continue to be.
It is significant, I believe, that the American Legion — an
organization of war veterans — ^has seen fit to conduct a "Back to
God" movement as part of its Americanism program. Veterans
realize, perhaps more clearly than others, the prior place that
Almighty God holds in our national life. And they can appre-
ciate, through personal experience, that the really decisive battle-
ground of American freedom is in the hearts and minds of our
own people.
Now, if I may make a personal observation — ^you, my fellow
citizens, have bestowed upon my associates and myself, ordinary
men, the honor and the duty of serving you in the administration
of your Government. More and more we are conscious of the
magnitude of that task.
The path we travel is narrow and long, beset with many dan-
gers. Each day we must ask that Almighty God will set and
keep His protecting hand over us so that we may pass on to those
who come after us the heritage of a free people, secure in their
God-given rights and in full control of a Government dedicated
to the preservation of those rights. I can ask nothing more
of each of you — of all Americans — than that you join with the
American Legion in its present campaign.
note: The President's remarks were which was broadcast over radio and
part of an American Legion program, television from 8 : 00 to 8 : 30 p.m.
274
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ igss ^ 39
39 ^ Special Message to the Congress Regarding
a National Highway Program. February 22, 1 955
To the Congress of the United States:
Our unity as a nation is sustained by free communication of
thought and by easy transportation of people and goods. The
ceaseless flow of information throughout the Republic is matched
by individual and commercial movement over a vast system of
interconnected highways criss-crossing the Country and joining
at our national borders with friendly neighbors to the north and
south.
Together, the uniting forces of our communication and trans-
portation systems are dynamic elements in the very name we
bear — United States. Without them, we would be a mere alli-
ance of many separate parts.
The Nation's highway system is a gigantic enterprise, one of
our largest items of capital investment. Generations have gone
into its building. Three million, three hundred and sixty-six
thousand miles of road, travelled by 58 million motor vehicles,
comprise it. The replacement cost of its drainage and bridge
and tunnel works is incalculable. One in every seven Americans
gains his livelihood and supports his family out of it. But, in
large part, the network is inadequate for the nation's growing
needs.
In recognition of this, the Governors in July of last year at
my request began a study of both the problem and methods by
which the Federal Government might assist the States in its solu-
tion. I appointed in September the President's Advisory Com-
mittee on a National Highway Program, headed by Lucius D.
Clay, to work with the Governors and to propose a plan of action
for submission to the Congress. At the same time, a committee
representing departments and agencies of the national Govern-
ment was organized to conduct studies coordinated with the other
two groups.
275
^ 39 Public Papers of the Presidents
All three were confronted with inescapable evidence that ac-
tion, comprehensive and quick and forward-looking, is needed.
First: Each year, more than 36 thousand people are killed
and more than a million injured on the highways. To the home
where the tragic aftermath of an accident on an unsafe road is
a gap in the family circle, the monetary worth of preventing that
death cannot be reckoned. But reliable estimates place the
measurable economic cost of the highway accident toll to the
Nation at more than $4.3 billion a year.
Second: The physical condition of the present road net in-
creases the cost of vehicle operation, according to many estimates,
by as much as one cent per mile of vehicle travel. At the present
rate of travel, this totals more than $5 billion a year. The cost is
not borne by the individual vehicle operator alone. It pyramids
into higher expense of doing the nation's business. Increased
highway transportation costs, passed on through each step in the
distribution of goods, are paid ultimately by the individual
consumer.
Third : In case of an atomic attack on our key cities, the road
net must permit quick evacuation of target areas, mobilization
of defense forces and maintenance of every essential economic
function. But the present system in critical areas would be the
breeder of a deadly congestion within hours of an attack.
Fourth: Our Gross National Product, about $357 billion in
1954, is estimated to reach over $500 billion in 1965 when our
population will exceed 180 million and, according to other esti-
mates, will travel in 81 million vehicles 814 billion vehicle miles
that year. Unless the present rate of highway improvement and
development is increased, existing traffic jams only faintly fore-
shadow those of ten years hence.
To correct these deficiencies is an obligation of Government
at every level. The highway system is a public enterprise. As
the owner and operator, the various levels of Government have a
responsibility for management that promotes the economy of the
nation and properly serves the individual user. In the case of the
276
Dwight D. Eisenhower, IQ55 ^ 39
Federal Government, moreover, expenditures on a highway pro-
gram are a return to the highway user of the taxes which he pays
in connection with his use of the highways.
Congress has recognized the national interest in the principal
roads by authorizing two Federal-aid systems, selected coopera-
tively by the States, local imits and the Bureau of Public Roads.
The Federal-aid primary system as of July i, 1954, consisted
of 234,407 miles, connecting all the principal cities, county seats,
ports, manufacturing areas and other traffic generating centers.
In 1944 the Congress approved the Federal-aid secondary sys-
tem, which on July i, 1954, totalled 482,972 miles, referred to as
farm-to-market roads — important feeders linking farms, factories,
distribution outlets and smaller communities with the primary
system.
Because some sections of the primary system, from the view-
point of national interest are more important than others, the
Congress in 1944 authorized the selection of a special network,
not to exceed 40,000 miles in length, which would connect by
routes, as direct as practicable, the principal metropolitan areas,
cities and industrial centers, serve the national defense, and con-
nect with routes of continental importance in the Dominion of
Canada and the Republic of Mexico.
This National System of Interstate Highways, although it em-
braces only 1.2 percent of total road mileage, joins 42 State cap-
ital cities and 90 percent of all cities over 50,000 population. It
carries more than a seventh of all traffic, a fifth of the rural traffic,
serves 65 percent of the urban and 45 percent of the rural pop-
ulation. Approximately 37,600 miles have been designated to
date. This system and its mileage are presently included within
the Federal-aid primary system.
In addition to these systems, the Federal Government has the
principal, and in many cases the sole, responsibility for roads that
cross or provide access to Federally owned land — ^more than
one-fifth the nation's area.
Of all these, the Interstate System must be given top priority
277
^39 Public Papers of the Presidents
in construction planning. But at the current rate of develop-
ment, the Interstate network would not reach even a reasonable
level of extent and efficiency in half a century. State highway
departments cannot effectively meet the need. Adequate right-
of-way to assure control of access; grade separation structures;
relocation and realignment of present highways; all these, done
on the necessary scale within an integrated system, exceed their
collective capacity.
If we have a congested and unsafe and inadequate system, how
then can we improve it so that ten years from now it will be fitted
to the nation's requirements?
A realistic answer must be based on a study of all phases of
highway financing, including a study of the costs of completing
the several systems of highways, made by the Bureau of Public
Roads in cooperation with the State highway departments and
local units of government. This study, made at the direction of
the .83rd Congress in the 1954 Federal-aid Highway Act, is the
most comprehensive of its kind ever undertaken.
Its estimates of need show that a lo-year construction program
to modernize all our roads and streets will require expenditure of
$101 billion by all levels of Government.
The preliminary lo-year totals of needs by road systems are:
Billions
Interstate (urban $ii, rural $12 billion) $23
Federal-aid Primary (urban $10, rural $20 billion) 30
Federal-aid Secondary (entirely rural) 15
Sub-total of Federal-aid Systems (urban $21, rural $47 billion) 68
Other roads and streets (urban $16, rural $17 billion) 33
Total of needs (urban $37, rural $64 billion) $101
The Governors' Conference and the President's Advisory Com-
mittee are agreed that the Federal share of the needed construc-
tion program should be about 30 percent of the total, leaving to
State and local units responsibility to finance the remainder.
The obvious responsibiUty to be accepted by the Federal Gov-
278
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 39
emment, in addition to the existing Federal interest in our 3,3665-
ooo-mile network of highways, is the development of the Inter-
state System with its most essential urban arterial connections.
In its report, the Advisory Committee recommends:
1. That the Federal Government assume principal responsi-
bility for the cost of a modem Interstate Network to be completed
by 1964 to include the most essential urban arterial connections;
at an annual average cost of $2.5 billion for the ten year period.
2. That Federal contributions to primary and secondary road
systems, now at the rate authorized by the 1954 Act of approxi-
mately $525 million annually, be continued.
3. That Federal funds for that portion of the Federal-aid sys-
tems in urban areas not on the Interstate System, now approxi-
mately $75 million annually, be continued.
4. That Federal funds for Forest Highways be continued at
the present $22.5 million per year rate.
Under these proposals, the total Federal expenditures through
the ten year period would be :
Billions
Interstate System $25. 000
Federal-aid Primary and Secondary 5. 250
Federal-aid Urban . 750
Forest Highways . 225
Total $31. 225
The extension of necessary highways in the Territories and
highway maintenance and improvement in National Parks, on
Indian lands and on other public lands of the United States will
continue to be treated in the budget for these particular subjects.
A sound Federal highway program, I believe, can and should
stand on its own feet, with highway users providing the total
dollars necessary for improvement and new construction. Fi-
nancing of interstate and Federal-aid systems should be based on
the planned use of increasing revenues from present gas and diesel
oil taxes, augmented in limited instances with tolls.
I am inclined to the view that it is sounder to finance this pro-
279
^ 39 Public Papers of the Presidents
gram by special bond issues, to be paid off by the above-mentioned
revenues which will be collected during the useful life of the roads
and pledged to this purpose, rather than by an increase in general
revenue obligations.
At this time, I am forwarding for use by the Congress in its
deliberations the Report to the President made by the President's
Advisory Committee on a National Highway Program. This
study of the entire highway traffic problem and presentation of
a detailed solution for its remedy is an analytical review of the
major elements in a most complex situation. In addition, the
Congress will have available the study made by the Bureau of
Public Roads at the direction of the 83rd Congress.
These two documents together constitute a most exhaustive
examination of the National highway system, its problems and
their remedies. Inescapably, the vastness of the highway enter-
prise fosters varieties of proposals which must be resolved into
a national highway pattern. The two reports, however, should
generate recognition of the urgency that presses upon us; approval
of a general program that will give us a modem safe highway
system; realization of the rewards for prompt and comprehensive
action. They provide a solid foundation for a sound program.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
note: The report of the President's mitted to the Congress by the
Advisory Committee on a National Secretary of Conmierce in two re-
Highway Program, transmitted to ports entitled "Needs of the Highway
the Congress with this message, is Systems, 1 955-84" (H. Doc. 120,
entitled "A 10-Year National High- 84th Cong., ist sess.), and "Progress
way Program" (H. Doc. 93, 84th and Feasibility of Toll Roads and
Cong., I St sess.). The study made Their Relation to the Federal- Aid
by the Bureau of Public Roads, re- Program" (H. Doc. 139, 84th Cong.,
f erred to by the President, was sub- ist sess.).
280
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig55 ^ 40
40 ^ Letter Extending Greetings to the
Brotherhood Dinner of the National Conference of
Christians and Jews. February 22, 1955
[ Released February 22, 1955. Dated February 19, 1955 ]
Dear Dr. Clinchy:
My greetings go to those attending the Brotherhood Dinner in
Washington on February twenty-second, and to all who join in
the observance of Brotherhood Week throughout America.
This observance, during the week of Washington's Birthday,
emphasizes once again his words, "to bigotry no sanction, to perse-
cution no assistance."
The ardent belief of our Founding Fathers in human dignity
and freedom — enduringly expressed in the Declaration of Inde-
pendence and the Constitution — ^has sustained and guided our
people toward the greatest possible fulfillment of the American
dream — a people at peace, humble before their Creator, tolerant
of differences, deriving from their very diversity strength to
advance the common good.
Today Americans can be proud of the progress made toward
realization of this ideal of brotherhood, proud of the answer
thereby given to those who would bind people together in slavery.
Through such efforts as yours this progress will continue toward
an America increasingly worthy of those by whose thought and
courage and sacred honor our nation was "conceived in liberty
and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.*'
Sincerely,
Dwight D. Eisenhower
note: This letter was addressed to tians and Jews. The Brotherhood
Dr. Everett R. Clinchy, President of Dinner was held at the Mayflower
the National Conference of Chris- Hotel, Washington, D.C.
281
^ 4 1 Public Papers of the Presidents
41 ^ The President's News Conference of
February 23, 1955.
[ This is a complete transcript of the news conference of this date. All of
the President's replies were released for broadcasting or direct quotation at
that time. ]
THE PREsroENT. Good moming. Please be seated.
I have no general announcements this morning, ladies and
gentlemen. So we will go right to questions.
Q. Robert E. Clark, International News Service: Mr. Presi-
dent, can you tell us how you feel about the Democratic proposal
to cut everybody's taxes by $20?
THE PRESIDENT. The qucstiou aflFects this proposal for cutting
the income taxes of every individual in the United States $20.
You have asked a question, Mr. Clark, that takes some time to
answer, because you asked for my opinion about it.
Now, in the first place, any proposal to reduce taxes is, of
course, popular; and at first glance this is a kind of proposal that
should make an appeal to low income brackets.
Let's take a little closer look at this proposal and start off with
this one observation. Whenever you have inflation, the immedi-
ate effect, of course, is to hurt first the people of fixed incomes —
white-collar workers and others who for the moment at least
are on relatively fixed incomes. But in the long run, the person
that is hurt most is the person who lays aside savings in the forms
of pension, insurance plans, and savings bonds for use in his older
age. For example, anybody who paid up all of his share of a
pension by as early as 1939 was getting in 1953 half of the worth
of the pension plan he had bought.
When we talk about decreasing revenues at a time when the
Government, in spite of every saving we have been able to make,
is still spending somewhat more than it takes in, we are reaching
some kind of heights in fiscal irresponsibility. Because this does
have on the surface a popular or appealing appearance, these
282
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^s ^ 41
people apparently hope it may be passed. They have not had
the courage to put it in as a bill on its own merits. They have
attached it as an amendment to a bill which is for the continua-
tion of the 52 percent as opposed to the 47 percent taxes on cor-
porations and for the continuation of excise taxes on liquor,
tobacco, gasoline, automobiles, transportation, and the like.
From those two continuations of tax programs, we expect and
anticipate getting 2,800 million, roughly that kind of money.
This $20 exemption would in the first full year of its operation
reduce our income by 2,300 million.
We inherited in 1953 a budget that contemplated a 9.9 billion
deficit in Federal financing. By hard work — and I assure you
it is hard work when you realize that every bureau of Govern-
ment feels it should have more money — ^we have reduced that
to an expected deficit in 1956 of less than two and a half billion,
or in that neighborhood, estimated.
Now we are going back to deficit spending, the most insidious
thing that can happen to a free economy, and particularly in its
bad effect upon low income groups. I should like to call your
attention to a statement by economists of the American Feder-
ation of Labor, which said the year 1954 ^^s their finest overall
salary year of their history. In spite of the fact that their salary
increases were only 5 to 9 cents, or something of that order, in
general insignificant or small as compared to salary increases of
the past, their purchasing power, due to the stability of the dol-
lar, their overall position in the salary angle was the best of their
history.
In the last 2 years, the cost of living has varied less than one-
half of I percent. From 1939 to 1953 the dollar went from 100
cents to 52 cents. It is that kind of thing that must be stopped
if we are to preserve the principles on which this country was
established. It is based on a free economy which in turn is
based on a stable dollar, which in turn is more important to all
low income and fixed income groups than it is to rich people.
Rich people can buy equities, can afford to invest in equities,
283
^ 4 1 Public Papers of the Presidents
and as the dollar cheapens, the amount of dollars that they have
invested goes up and up. But the fixed income group, the man
who is buying an insurance policy, I repeat, or looking forward
to living on his pension, is the one that is hurt.
We simply cannot have this kind of thing in responsible
government.
Now, I might remark that obviously these people have put
this $2,300 million reduction in a tax bill that will keep this
2,800 miUion for us in the belief that there cannot, then, anything
be done about it.
I say if this thing is to be tested in the Congress — and I admit,
of course, they have the perfect right to do it — let them do it on its
own merits and not attach it to these other bills.
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press: Mr. President, in the light
of what you have just said, how, then, do you feel about your
goal as you announced in your state of the Union message of
achieving a tax reduction in 1956?
THE PRESIDENT. As you kuow, through the efforts of reducing
governmental expenditures, I talked to you awhile ago, we re-
turned last year to the people the greatest tax reduction in history,
7,600 million. With the increased confidence brought about to
business, to investors, to purchasers, to everybody else, we have
a very healthy upturn in our economy. We hope that will con-
tinue. We hope to continue to reduce expenditures. We hope
that gross national product will continue to go up, and with no
higher taxes we will probably, and believe we can, get to the point
that we can return some more in 1956. But it must be done on a
thoroughly worked out, analytical basis, so as to achieve the kind
of stability in living costs and the proper distribution of taxes that
was achieved in the plan of last year which was worked out by
so many different groups.
Q. Mrs. May Craig, Maine Papers: Mr. President, would you
veto a tax bill with such a rider on it, and require a two-thirds
vote?
THE PRESIDENT. Mrs. Craig, I have told this group many
284
Dwight D. Eisenhower, IQ55 ^ 41
times, I have never yet been able to predict for myself exactly
what I am going to do in such cases until it comes up to me. If
the bill comes up to me in exact form, I might predict, now, what
I could do. But the fact is, it could come up in so many different
forms, with so many different angles, that I think it is best to
wait to see what happens before I make my own predictions to
myself.
Q, Marvin Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Mr. President, is
this Government studying whether to offer surplus wheat to
Russia?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, as you know, this suggestion has been
brought up, and I have directed certain people who have to deal
with this in our Government to look it over.
For myself, I look at it askance. I would not go overboard
on such an idea until everybody who is trained in the whole
business of psychological conflict and all the rest of these things
look at it very coldly and carefully, because I am afraid that
what the United States might mean as a fine gesture of good
will could be twisted and turned to our disadvantage. But in
any event, it will be studied carefully. There will be a recom-
mendation made to me on it.
Q. Laurence H. Burd, Chicago Tribune: Mr. President, can
you say what recent steps have been taken with regard to the
flyers being held by Red China and whether you think the
chances are better or worse for their release than a few weeks
ago?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, there has been no recent development
of note or of great significance. I could not give you an evalua-
tion of chances, whether or not they are now better than they
were. I just believe this: in all of these directions in which we
believe the Chinese Communists have been acting wrongfully
toward us, including these flyers of which you speak, we have
got to insist upon a just and decent settlement and never cease
doing so, never to accept anything as a completion of the problem
until justice has been done.
40308—59 21 2 85
^E4:^ Public Papers of the Presidents
Q. Mr. Burd: Are we leaving it with the United Nations for
quite a lot longer time?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, you Say, "leaving it with the United
Nations." We use every avenue open to us — through third
parties, through the United Nations, everywhere that we can
exercise any of our influence, we try to do it, as I say, to get a
just solution to these problems.
Q. Chahners M. Roberts, Washington Post and Times Herald:
Mr. President, after the Atomic Energy Commission's report last
week on the hydrogen bomb fallout, you commented through Mr.
Hagerty that it demonstrated your belief that there should be
some agreement on arms, international agreement on armaments.
With the U.N. arms meeting about to open in London this week,
could you tell us, sir, whether you have anticipated any possi-
bility of agreement, or does the matter appear to still be in
deadlock?
THE PREsroENT. Past history would not give us any great rea-
son for tremendous optimism in this line. However, it is some-
thing that I have worked on for years. I know that the war in
Europe was scarcely over before I was pleading for some kind
of arrangements among the great powers of the earth so that
these fears and burdens could be lifted from the backs of men,
and particularly once we had found out that the atomic bomb
was in existence.
Now, as of today: my views, I must say, have changed very
little, if at all, since that time. We must have ways and means of
determining that each principal nation party to any kind of
agreement is acting in good faith. There must be ways and means
of determining that; and once we can determine and make cer-
tain, have confidence in the ways and means that this is to be
done, then as far as we are concerned we would like to put
everything in the pot and go just as far as anybody else would.
Q, Mr. Roberts : Mr. President, may I ask further in that con-
nection, there have been suggestions studied here and elsewhere
that there might be a sort of an interim set of agreements to ban
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, IQ55 ^ 41
further tests of thermonuclear weapons. Has that been brought
to your attention, and could you comment on it?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, ycs, it has been brought to my attention.
We have discussed pro and con. We see nothing of an ad interim
nature about this. If this would come about, naturally, if we
could get a decent and proper disarmament proposal, I see noth-
ing to be gained by pretending to take little bits of items of that
kind and deal with them separately.
Q. Alan S. Emory, Watertown Times: Sir, could you tell us
the difference between cutting $1.4 billion in taxes for fiscal '55
and not cutting the taxes for fiscal '56? I believe that the deficit
of the current fiscal year minus the tax cut gives approximately
$3.2 billion, and the estimated deficit for fiscal '56 plus the tax
cut for half of that year under the Democratic plan would also
come to $3.2 billion.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I dou't kuow about '56. I know this,
that the actual effect for a full fiscal year under this proposal is
something on the order of $2.3 billion. Now, after all, these tax
programs and things that are needed to bring confidence to Amer-
ican business and the American consumers are long-term prob-
lems, not things that look attractive at the moment because, you
say, "we will only go in debt a little bit more next year."
I am talking about a long-term, sound fiscal program for the
United States. And remember this: when we talk about these
things, as far as I am concerned, I am not talking about any
partisan advantage of any kind. I am not talking about a per-
sonal attitude. It is not I that may be defeated. What we are
talking about here is 163 million people and what is good for
them, how they are going to prosper, how they are going to grow
constantly stronger and have a better life. That is what we are
talking about. The Government owes it to every citizen to live
as economically as it can, to cut down expenditures, to keep
working on it, and intelligent people ought never to give up on
this.
But when we get down to that point, let us by no means live
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^ 41 Public Papers of the Presidents
beyond our income, because if we do, we will damage ourselves
irrevocably.
Q. Raymond P. Brandt, St. Louis Post-Dispatch: Mr. Presi-
dent, can we interpret that to mean that there will be no tax
reduction until the budget is balanced?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I dou't kuow that you could make such
an interpretation. For example, last year we gave a tax reduction
in the belief that that particular tax reduction, worked out care-
fully, would help in the long run to balance the budget. I believe
you can anticipate savings; I believe you can anticipate certain
good results from things that you do, administratively and other-
wise. Certainly you want to return taxes, because I assure you,
every political party likes to cut taxes; there is no question about
that. So we will do it as soon as we can, and I would not say
by any manner of means that the budget has to be in perfect bal-
ance before you can contemplate sincerely another tax cut.
Q. Mr. Brandt : One other question, Mr. President.
THE PRESIDENT. YcS.
Q. Mr. Brandt: Does that mean that a balanced budget is not
in sight at this time?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, a balanced budget — I believe I quoted
to you from one of my favorite authors, myself, not long ago.
[Laughter] I read to you a statement I made in '52, I think,
that I beUeved that within 4 years, with careful administrative
procedures, with businesslike methods, with examining every ex-
penditure and arranging our tax program, reforming it, we could
achieve a balanced budget within 4 years and at a rate of taxation
bearable by the American people.
I still believe that, if we do it logically and sensibly.
Q. William Theis, International News Service: Mr. President,
do you share the hope expressed by Sir Anthony Eden that there
might be at least discussion and possibly settlement of the For-
mosa problem at the Bangkok Conference?
THE PRESIDENT. I didn't scc his statement, but the United
States is, and this Government is, on record as seeking every pos-
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Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 41
sible means for a cease-fire with justice to everybody in that
region.
Q. Mr. Theis: Could you say, sir, whether the Secretary of
State went with any special instructions on that matter to
Bangkok?
THE PRESIDENT. As you may know, the Secretary of State and
I, just before he left, had half a dozen conferences. This subject,
of course, was talked at great length, and his plan for having
conversations with Mr. Eden and others concerned was very clear
and definite. But exactly what could be done, we had no prog-
nostications, you might say, as to outcome.
Q. Charles E. Shutt, Telenews: Would you comment, sir — I
know Congress has not been in session too long — as to the har-
mony in relationship with the Democratic-controlled Congress
and your office?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, ou a pcrsoual basis and meeting with
these individuals, it is completely satisfactory. Every time I have
asked any individual, any leader of the opposing party to confer
with me, or he wanted on his own initiative to institute such a
conference, it has been on the most friendly and, as far as I know,
profitable basis possible.
Q. Clark R. MoUenhoff, Des Moines Register: Mr. President,
in the past you have made it clear that you deplored the fact that
certain members of Congress have attacked individuals unjustly
on the floor, but you at the same time said that that was a matter
for Congress to decide upon for itself.
Now, I wondered what steps you would take if it should come
to your attention that someone in the executive agency would
call an individual a member of a subversive organization when
they had no evidence to sustain that and it was absolutely clear
that there was no evidence to sustain it.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, uow, I am not a member of the Su-
preme Court, but I understand they don't answer these very long
hypothetical questions. [Laughter] When you bring to me
facts such as you just now allege, and bring them so that I can
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^ 41 Public Papers of the Presidents
study them and not answer them in a press conference where
I have nothing of any other side except a statement of accusation,
then I will give you my opinion; but not now.
Q. Mr. MoUenhoff: Mr. President, is that an invitation to
permit this
THE PRESIDENT. If you havc any information that you believe
of wrongdoing in this administration, you are not only at liberty
to submit any facts you have, I strongly urge that you do. I
assure you they will get the finest kind of consideration.
Q. Frederick Kuh, Chicago Sun-Times: Mr. President, I
would like to ask a question in view of our experience with EDC.
What alternative have you in mind in the event of an inordinate
delay or blockage in ratification and putting into operation of
the Paris agreements?
THE PREsroENT. Well, I must answer the question in this way.
As you know, these efforts have been going on now literally for
years. At every stage, almost every day, anyone who had official
position with respect to these plans — and as you know, I did in
Europe before I came back here — ^had to have alternatives in
mind, in part, or sometimes on a whole plan. Always, though,
you keep these as a sort of insurance against any catastrophe such
as you now again bring up as a possibility.
I strongly hope we won't have to consider any further alter-
natives. I do not regard this one to be as effective as was the
concept of EDC. EDC had the great virtue of bringing about
almost involuntarily and, you might say, as one of its corollaries,
a greater unification of Western Europe. I must tell you, ladies
and gentlemen, today I just cannot overemphasize the impor-
tance to the security of the free world of a great economic, in-
dustrial, and social connection and indeed finally some greater
and better political connection between the nations of Free
Europe.
They are a great power if united, 250 million highly educated
people, a great productive capacity, great resources; but split up
into contesting smaller governments and smaller economies, it is
290
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ igss ^ 41
indeed failing to achieve the strength of which it is capable.
So at this moment, this particular plan seems to be the best
that can be accomplished, and I am going to put my full strength
behind getting this one done. I will take up alternatives
afterwards.
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Mr. President, for some
reason there seems to be no channel of communications between
your office and the office of Speaker Sam Raybum of the House
of Representatives. He says that every time there is a message
from the President coming to the Congress that the press get it
in advance but he doesn't hear it until it is on the floor; no copy
is sent to him and he can't get a copy unless Charlie Halleck or
Joe Martin bring him one.
Then recently he has given out three statements publicly aimed
at your office, and apparently your office has never received these
statements and doesn't know. One was on Dixon- Yates and two
were on the Flemming report on oil and gas.
Is there some means — do you know this, and if you didn't know
it, will you do something about establishing this channel of
communications? [Laughter]
THE PRESIDENT. I doubt that the Speaker has to bring to me
any complaints about my office through a roundabout course of
communication. He and I have been personal friends for years.
He is the representative of the district where I was born, indeed,
and based on that there has been a sentimental attachment. He
has been invited, as has every other Democratic leader, to bring
to me anything by reaching for a telephone and calling me up,
just exactly as any leader of the Republican Party has. So I
cannot believe that he is disappointed or feels any sense of frustra-
tion about any lack of communication.
Q. Mrs. McClendon: Well, sir
THE PRESIDENT. That wiU be all I have to comment on that.
Q. Robert G. Spivack, New York Post: Mr. President, Senator
Knowland said yesterday in a speech that he thought the U.N.
could no longer be considered an effective instrument of coUec-
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^ 4 1 Public Papers of the Presidents
tive security. I wonder if you could give us your evaluation of
the work of the U.N. in recent years.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, of coursc, ladics and gentlemen, it
would take a long time to go back through the entire history of
the United Nations. I think I can best sum up my opinion about
the need for the United Nations and about its work, about the
reasons we should support it, in a very short simple analogy.
We do not cease our efforts in research in cancer, nor do we
abolish the laboratories in which this research goes on merely
because of lack of success; and we have had a tremendous lack
of success.
Here is a laboratory where nations come together and they
explore and they talk, and I am not even going to bother this
morning to recite to you some of the good things they have done
in the Mid-East and elsewhere. They have. But I must say,
as long as we have got a forum, regardless of the fact that our
opponents do deliberately use it as a propaganda platform, it
is a good thing to keep it going. Here is something for which
mankind has had a yearning ever since the dawn of history, and
I am not going to give up in my time on it.
Q. Edward P. Morgan, American Broadcasting Company:
Sir, there seems to have been some confusion in the past about
what the administration thought was necessary in terms of aid
to Asia, particularly Southeast Asia — ^military, economic, and in
technical assistance. Could you give us now, sir, at this point
what you think should be done in that regard?
THE PREsroENT. You are asking a question that has no final
and definite answer. The situation in Asia changes daily, as it
does everywhere else in the world. It is human. We have, as
far as I know, never had real disagreement in any moment, at
least what I call disagreement as to principle, in the whole ad-
ministration. But there are changing situations. We had a war
in Indochina. That war is not going on actively now. We have
danger situations developing in a number of these weaker coun-
tries. We are constantly working and trying to deal with them
292
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 41
on a case by case method, on the merits of each problem, in such
a way as to advance the security and progress of the United
States of America and her real friends in the free world.
Now, that is what we are trying to do, and there is just no
final answer at any one time.
Q. Charles S. von Fremd, CBS News: Mr. President, there
has been a considerable amount of talk in the past 2 days over
this tax matter, sir, among Republicans on Capitol Hill who
accuse the Democrats of making this step as a political gesture
rather than one where they are truly trying to help a good many
people, and yesterday, after coming out of a conference with
you in the White House, Congressman Arends said that it
smacked of politics 100 percent. I wonder if that also represents
your views or at least to a certain extent.
THE PRESIDENT. I think my record is perfectly clear on one
point. I have often criticized here, in front of you people, ideas,
plans, and programs. I think I have never challenged anybody's
motives. If you are going to talk about motives, you will have
to do it on your own responsibility or get someone else to talk.
Q. Louis C. Hiner, Indianapolis News: Mr. President, the
Hoover Commission task force this week sent certain recom-
mendations to Congress to cut the volume of Government paper-
work. They recommended that you issue an Executive order to
support a Government-wide paperwork management program.
What are your feelings about their suggestion?
THE PRESIDENT. If they havc found a practical way to accom-
plish something along this line, I am going to design some new
type of medal for them — [laughter] — ^because I have been work-
ing on it a good many years, particularly in the Defense Depart-
ment, but even in some other places where I have collaborated
on a confidential basis.
It is the hardest thing in the world, and particularly when there
are so many growing reasons for every department of Govern-
ment to get into some new function, to study some new idea, to
prepare some new report. With all kinds of needs arising, it
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^ 41 Public Papers of the Presidents
seems difficult to cut it down. But if they have found a practical
way, they are going to find a very great ally in me. That I assure
you.
Q. Garnett D. Horner, Washington Evening Star: Mr. Presi-
dent, could you tell us what you think the effect might be on the
work of the Federal Communications Commission of its recent
experience of having two witnesses change their testimony in the
Edward Lamb case and charge that FCC personnel had coached
them into giving false testimony?
THE PRESIDENT. As a matter of fact, that has not come to me
officially. I know about it; it has been brought up in conversa-
tion in my office. I will have to take a much closer look before
I can express any kind of opinion whatsoever.
Q. Roscoe Drummond, New York Herald Tribune : Mr. Pres-
ident, would you give us your reaction to the size of the Republi-
can vote against your trade bill in the House last week?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, Mr. Drummoud, I should say this: I
was, of course, highly gratified that in the final vote a majority
of both parties went for the affirmative side of this bill. This is
because I so deeply believe that the welfare of the free world,
which so inescapably involves the welfare of the United States,
is bound up in a growing volume of trade and trade traffic.
Now, as to the other votes that were not final, there were, of
course, times when there was a majority of the Republican
Party on the other side. Exactly why these maneuvers were car-
ried out I think puzzled even some of their own leaders. In
conversations with them, they did announce themselves as
puzzled.
Merriman Smith, United Press: Thank you
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I just waut to Say this one thing.
[Laughter] I have only this one thing left, Mr. Smith, which is
not news.
I am grateful to the entire body of the Congress, as I said
before, finally for looking at this thing in a statesmanlike way
and trying to decide on the basis of what's good for all America.
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Dwight D, Eisenhower, IQ55 ^ 42
Thank you very much.
note: President Eisenhower's sixty- 10:33 to 11:04 o'clock on Wednes-
first news conference was held in day morning, February 23, 1955. In
the Executive Office Building from attendance: 227.
42 ^ Exchange of Messages Between the
President and His Imperial Majesty the Shah of
Iran. February 2% 1955
ON BEHALF of the American people I wish to express my deep
appreciation to you for your thoughtful message sent at the con-
clusion of your recent visit to the United States. It was indeed
a pleasure for Mrs. Eisenhower and me to have had Your Majesty
and Empress Soraya as our guests.
I am also happy that your visit gave so many Americans an
opportunity to become better acquainted with you both. Your
sincerity and strength of purpose have increased the bonds of
friendship between our countries.
I feel certain that under your able leadership your country will
progress and will continue to contribute to the enduring peace
which we both so earnestly desire.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
note: The President's message was all over the United States. We are
delivered to the Shah through the deeply touched by the unobtrusive
United States Embassy in London, manner in which everyone has
The Shah's message of February 1 1, spared no effort to make our stay in
sent from the SS Queen Mary, fol- America comfortable and enjoyable,
lows: I avail myself of this opportunity to
On leaving the shores of your send through you, Mr. President,
great country the Empress and I our heartfelt greetings and saluta-
wish to express our heartfelt grati- tions to the American people. May
tude and best thanks to you, Mr. the torch of freedom so nobly carried
President, and to Mrs. Eisenhower by you and your countrymen never
for the generous hospitality and be dimmed.
genuine kindness which we have re- Mohammad Reza Pahlavi
ceived from you and from officials
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^ 43 Public Papers of the Presidents
43 ^ Remarks at the Annual Breakfast of
Masonic Leaders. February 24^ 1955
Mr. Chairman, My Friends:
I use that form of address, I hope, with no intimation of egotism
in claiming all of you in such capacity.
In the first place, I am unaccustomed to the usages of fraternal
orders, and I wouldn't know how to address you properly should
I try to follow protocol. And in the second place, although I
notice among this audience certain individuals who to my aston-
ishment— sometimes to my utter amazement — have differed with
me on a specific political question, I note also among the audience
many that I have classed as my warm personal friends for years.
I sincerely trust that all of you feel that we can have differences
without breaking a friendship.
But I do feel a very great sense of friendship for individuals of
the Americas, because I conceive it to be the first duty of anybody
in public office in a free country to sustain freedom wherever it
may be alive, or struggling to come alive. In such a body as
this, I feel not only at home, I feel a warm sense of fellowship
that I am certain can scarcely be closer were I a member myself
of this great organization.
It is for a number of reasons that I feel a distinct sense of pride
in coming over here this morning. First, as you know, I spent
a great deal of my life in uniformed service, and I look forward
to seeing some uniforms. To each individual who out in front
of the hotel this morning formed part of that colorful guard of
honor : my thanks. I enjoyed it thoroughly.
Then when I came in and the choir greeted us with the Battle
Hymn of the Republic, I almost went out to look for a recruiting
office. A little later, when this great band favored us with the
"Caissons Go Rolling Along," I started to get up and march
around the room.
These things are things that touch the sentiment, the spirit of
296
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig55 ^ 43
a man. And it is that, if I may, that I would like to talk to you
about for just a little bit this morning: the spirit of the individ-
ual— his feeling toward his country, toward the society in which
he lives.
And when I mention country, may I say to our South American,
our Canadian, and our friends of other nationalities here, I would
hope that my words can be felt by you to apply to your country
as well.
We hear a lot in our Fourth of July speeches about the great
privileges of American citizenship. We are wont to parade
them — our rights, our priceless heritage, and our privileges —
throughout the world and to ourselves. And they are indeed
priceless.
I should like to talk for just a few moments about the responsi-
bilities devolving upon the individual that make possible the
maintenance of those rights.
There are great new problems to perform in any society. The
care of the sick and the imfortunate, the security of a group in
terms of national security and local security, and all the rest.
Free government is based on the theory that there will be a certain
element of spontaneous cooperation among free people in order
to get these jobs done; that they will not all have to be done from
a centrally directed authority. The more we allow a centrally
directed authority to take these responsibilities and to exercise
the necessary authority that goes with responsibility, the more
we are deserting the great responsibilities on which rest these
great rights and individual liberties.
So one of the prides I feel was the knowledge that I was com-
ing to a group who through its association takes on its own
shoulders one of the great civic responsibilities : to help care for
the unfortunate, to make certain that they are doing something
to discharge that old feeling that we do have a selfish interest,
indeed, in the welfare of our brothers. In such a society as ours,
unless the whole prospers, the individual cannot prosper; unless
the individuals in themselves are prospering, then the whole
297
^ 43 Public Papers of the Presidents
cannot prosper. We will be serving our own ends of the preser-
vation of our rights and discharging our responsibilities when we
do these things.
Government has a function in all of these civic responsibilities,
in all these problems. But the genius of our Government has
been, of course, its federated principle : a central government of
limited powers and authorities, giving to each State, to each
community, and above all to each individual, certain things he
must do, if this great experiment in government, this great
revolutionary movement that is still going on, is to succeed.
The Communists claim it cannot. Those of you who have
studied carefully any Communist book will find in it a great
dwelling upon inherent contradictions within a free society.
They prove to their apparent satisfaction that it cannot succeed.
I believe that you gentlemen, each of you who is participating
in the great fraternal work of your organization to help the xm-
f ortunate, are setting an example to all of us that we must do our
duty, if we are to prove the Communists to be in error.
I could not more express my pride than to say I feel that I am
in a group which by its actions recognizes its brotherhood at the
feet of the Almighty, and discharges the obligations of brother-
hood by doing for others those things that other people deserve
merely because they are humans and, like yourselves, children
of a common God.
And so in these halting words I hope you can find the real rea-
son for my pride in being invited here this morning before such
a body, to express to you a few of the words that lie in my heart.
Thank you very much.
note: The President spoke at the ferred to Frank S. Land, founder of
Statler Hotel, Washington, D.G. His the Order of DeMolay and Imperial
opening words "Mr. Chairman" re- Potentate of A.A.O.N.M.S.
298
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig55 ^ 44
44 ^ Message to the Inter-American Investment
Conference Held in New Orleans.
February 285 1955
[ Recorded on film ]
MAY I first express a warm welcome to all of you at the Inter-
American Investment Conference in New Orleans. Your con-
ference is the kind of concrete "let's-see-what-we-can-do-to-
gether" demonstration that can make a valuable contribution to
our hemispheric concept of "the good partner."
I am particularly pleased that this conference has been or-
ganized by private businessmen of the Americas for the growth
of private business between the Americas.
I do not mean that the Government of the United States can
or should be uninterested or refuse to participate in inter- Ameri-
can economic development. Quite the contrary.
There are and will be many opportunities for both direct and
indirect Government participation — ^sometimes in partnership
with private initiative; sometimes through the kind of stimulus
which may be furnished by the operation of special tax induce-
ments such as Secretary of the Treasury George Humphrey re-
ferred to at the Rio Conference; sometimes through a device
such as the International Finance Corporation designed to make
increased development funds available and also provide for the
eventual transfer of the project to private ownership.
But behind all private plans and projects, behind Government
help, behind a New Orleans Conference or a Rio Conference,
behind the words, the dollars, and the blueprints, there must exist
the essential ingredient of faith — ^North American faith in Latin
America, and Latin American faith in North America.
And if today I had to choose only one thought to leave with
you, it is the thought of our North American faith in the future
of Latin America — economically, culturally, politically, and
spiritually.
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^ 44 Public Papers of the Presidents
Each of us in this Western Hemisphere is possessed of many
blessings — compared to many other areas of the world. Com-
pared to hundreds of millions of the world's people, our blessings
are superabundant.
Should we not, therefore, clasp hands in fraternal friendship,
and so conduct ourselves that these blessings shall be multiplied
for the good of all?
And so to you conferees of the first Inter- American Investment
Conference, I say with all my heart, may good fortune attend
your gathering.
45 ^ Remarks Recorded for the Opening of the
Red Gross Campaign. February 28, 1955
My Fellow Americans:
Today I should Uke to talk to you about the campaign for the
Red Cross, which we now open.
While I do this, I have asked some of my young girl and boy
friends to come in here with me. And this is an important phase
of my little talk, because these youngsters are our future leaders.
They are our hope for a brighter tomorrow.
Now, many of these lessons of leadership they learn at home,
in their churches, in their schools, and in the other organizations
to which they belong — like this young Boy Scout. But they learn
a lot from the Red Cross in which they are all junior members.
They learn that the Red Cross is in fact our big brother. It
typifies the spirit of the good neighbor. Now these sentiments —
these qualities — are important to a democracy. They mean that
we are ready to help one another. These youngsters will learn
this as they see the Red Cross rush into disaster areas, to help out
the unfortunate, to take care of every kind of disaster that befalls
man in peace and in war.
300
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 46
Now for myself I am of course far better acquainted with the
Red Cross in war than I am in peace, because I spent so many
years of my life in the Army. There they brought to the fighting
man in all the Services a touch of home. They made him feel
that his sacrifices were worthwhile and appreciated by all of us
at home.
The Red Cross is now asking for 30 million members and 85
million dollars.
Personally I think those sights are far too low. Mrs. Eisen-
hower and I have just renewed our membership in the Red Cross.
It is my ambition that by the end of March I can call every
single American my fellow member of the American Red Cross.
Thank you, youngsters, for being with me.
note: The President's remarks were recorded at the White House on
February 15.
46 ^ Message to the Pope on the Occasion of His
79th Birthday. March 2, 1955
His Holiness J Pius XH
Vatican City
Your championship of the brotherhood of man, your dedica-
tion to peace and good will among men, have won this nation's
respect and admiration. On your seventy-ninth birthday, I am
sure I speak for my fellow Americans in extending to you our
country's best wishes for happiness and health.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
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^ 47 Public Papers of the Presidents
4.y ^ The President's News Conference of
March 2, 1955.
[ This is a complete transcript of the news conference of this date. Those
portions of the President's replies which were not released for broadcasting or
direct quotation at that time are enclosed in brackets. ]
THE PRESIDENT. Good moming.
There are two individuals I would like to mention this mom-
ing. The first, as to His Holiness, the Pope — ^his 79th birth-
day— a man that I have had the honor of visiting personally,
admiring him greatly, and particularly because of his unbroken
record of opposition to all forms of fascism and communism, I
am quite certain that all America would wish this great spiritual
leader a very happy day today, and many more of them.
The other man is Ambassador Caffery, just now retiring from
the diplomatic service, who holds the American record for length
of time as head of a mission. For 29 years he has been head of
an American mission in some foreign country, has been responsible
for solutions to many serious problems, or at least helpful, and
leaves with a brilliant record and the best wishes of the entire
Department.
The interesting life he has led, as described by him to me this
morning in a short interview, would seem to me to provide some
inspiration for able, young Americans to go into that same service,
a service that is constantly devoting itself, dedicating itself, to
the welfare of the United States all over the world.
Those are the only announcements I have; we will go to
questions.
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press: Mr. President, Mr.
Churchill said yesterday that Western superiority in the hydrogen
bomb will prevent Russia from starting a big war within the next
3 or 4 years. Now, from this, or from your own sources of in-
formation, do you get the idea that Russia will pull even with
the West in 3 or 4 years?
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, IQ55 ^ 47
THE PRESIDENT. Anything dealing with such a subject, any
conclusion, is really nothing more than a speculative estimate.
However, we do know that the Western World has had and
enjoyed a great lead in this whole field, both in atomic fission and
atomic fusion.
Now, exactly how long that lead can be sustained is prob-
lematical. And again another factor enters this question: there
comes a time, possibly, when a lead is not significant in the de-
fensive arrangements of a country. If you get enough of a
particular type of weapon, I doubt that it is particularly impor-
tant to have a lot more of it. So I think that it would be unwise
to attempt any fixed conclusions based on the information
available to any of us.
Q. James B. Reston, New York Times: Sir, I wonder if you
could straighten us out on your economic foreign policy for Asia.
About 3 months ago, Mr. Stassen and Mr. Dulles sought out
the press to develop the thesis that our policy was out of balance,
that we had to have a large new economic policy for Asia; then
Mr. Humphrey seemed to knock that down; and now yesterday
Mr. Stassen seems to have announced in New Delhi that you are
sending a new program to the Hill next month.
THE PRESIDENT. WcU, Mr. Rcstou, I think the things that you
talk about as being indicative of a struggle within the administra-
tion are merely evidences of the long-term intensive study that
has been taking place here. This is not an easy subject.
We had a tremendous change in the Far Eastern situation over
the past year — the cease-fire in Indochina, where we had been
devoting a very great deal of money, as you know.
Now, to take a new look at the situation of what is needed has
involved a very long and earnest study, and in the meantime,
SEATO has come into existence, so that, as far as I know, there
has been no great differences in final conclusions.
There have been different viewpoints presented, and there is
evolving a plan soon to be crystallized that will be brought out
to the Congress for its approval and for implementation; but that
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is as far as you can say anything definitely on the thing at this
time. It will be one we hope will be helpful to all our friends in
that area.
Q. Roland H. Shackford, Scripps-Howard : During the last
week there has been published a suggestion, now supported by a
resolution in the Senate, that the United States try to get all na-
tions, including Russia, to agree to devote more of their resources
to raising living standards, more butter and fewer guns.
Could you give us your thoughts on the general idea by devot-
ing, by giving higher priorities, to living standards, to have a form
of economic disarmament?
THE PRESIDENT. I find here recently more and more occasions
to refer to my favorite author. I think you might find the same
idea in a speech I delivered, I believe, on April i6, 1953 : that the
United States could not be more devoted to the idea of the prod-
ucts of humans being devoted to human welfare and less to human
destruction, than we now are. We believe in it thoroughly.
Now, every one of these plans that is brought forward always
has to make this one assumption : that there are ways and means
available to us for making certain that everybody is acting in good
faith. Good faith is the ingredient that must be implicit in any
plan that is finally adopted, and which could gain the confidence
of people who don't want to fight.
We know we will never start an aggressive war. We just want
to devote ourselves to the prosperity and the security, happiness
and safety, greater liberty and development of our own people
and of our friends in the world.
I believe there can be a dozen different variations of a plan for
disarmament if it is approached in good faith; and now that is
the thing that we must seek, we must try to build. When you
come down to it, possibly the best way to define American policy
abroad in this whole field is how do we develop good faith among
the nations so that all peoples can be confident in the words of
others.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 47
Q. Joseph G. Harsch, Christian Science Monitor: Mr. Presi-
dent, 2 weeks ago you discussed your early postwar invitation to
Marshal Zhukov to visit you, and you said at that time that you
would be willing to consider renewing the invitation.
Has there been any consideration of that, and if so, any result?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I havc thought it over personally and,
as of this moment, I am not goiag to issue one. I think there are
a lot of things going on in the world. I am going to certainly
wait until I discuss again with the Secretary of State conditions
that have been developing over the past couple of weeks.
But I repeat that in those days I liked him, I thought he was
a very able man. From the personal standpoint, of course, it
would be very interesting to see him again. It is something I
have not forgotten, Mr. Harsch; I am just not ready to give the
final answer on it.
Q. Fletcher Knebel, Cowles Publications: Mr. President, what
do you think of the suggestion advanced out in Iowa, and now
seconded very heartily by an official Soviet publication called
"Soviet Agriculture" that a group of Russians come out to Iowa
and see how we grow the tall corn and the hogs? [Laughter]
THE PREsroENT. I think — and I believe I have told this before
in front of this body — I think the Russian people, as such, don't
want war any more than we do. They want opportunities to
advance themselves economically, culturally, and, of course, tra-
ditionally Russians are very devoted to all the arts — their aesthetic
sense seems to have been highly developed.
Now, I couldn't imagine, if we could relieve this question of
all of the inhibitions and the limitations that occur to you because
of the situation today in the world, I couldn't imagine anything
better than to have some of their agricultural people visit our
agricultural people.
I visited once both state farms and collective farms in Russia,
and there was no place where I was queried so insistently and in
such detail as I was on those farms.
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You know, they have a technical expert they call an agronomist
for each one of these installations. The agronomist in one case
was a woman; came up to me with a shining face, and just as
eager to take the opportunity to ask questions, "How do you raise
this?" Fortunately, I was raised in a farming area so I could
answer some of the questions. [Laughter]
"But how much does a person get in the United States for
doing this kind of work?" "How do you do these things?" "I
am so anxious to go see."
I really believe this would be an area in which some good could
come if we didn't have a dozen different difficulties of which we
all know, one of which, I believe, is legal.
We would have some difficulty in clearing things under our
present laws. There are a number of things to be studied and
looked at; but just as a personal opinion as to what good might
come out of it, these two peoples, these two representatives of
agriculture getting together, I would say it would be good and
good only.
Q. Chalmers M. Roberts, Washington Post and Times
Herald: Mr. President, I would like to ask a question about
Formosa, since it has been about a month since the resolution that
you requested was passed by Congress.
Since that time, the Chinese Nationalists have evacuated some
islands. Diplomatic negotiations appear publicly, at least, not
to have brought any cease-fire.
I wonder if it is a fair conclusion to draw from that, as the
situation now is, the question of peace or war in Asia lies entirely
with the Chinese Communists, or is anything or can anything
more be done from our side?
THE PRESIDENT. I think the first answer to that is you never
give up in the pursuit of a legitimate and desirable objective
merely because you are defeated the first time and discouraged,
and the conditions don't look particularly bright; you don't
give up.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, IQ55 ^ 47
Now, as to Formosa and the immediate estimate of the situation
there, our Secretary of State is there today. He is visiting with
the Generalissimo and, by the time he comes back, certainly
will have at least some new ideas or variations of ideas to put
into our calculations.
I should say, though, in general, that at least the Western
World wants peace in that area; therefore, the only way that we
can be embroiled is through some action on the part of the oppos-
ing side.
Q. Alan S. Emory, Watertown Times: Mr. President, this
spring ground will be broken on a project that was the first new
legislative accomplishment of your administration, the Saint
Lawrence Seaway. Are there any chances that you will be up
there for that ceremony, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. [I havc bccu iuvitcd, and I have put it high
on what I call my priority list of desirable things to do. But
whether I will make it or not, I couldn't say at this time.]
Q. William H. Lawrence, New York Times : There have been
reports, especially in South American countries, sir, that the real
mission of the Atka in the Antarctic is to seek out some new prov-
ing grounds, either for atomic or hydrogen weapons. Can you
comment on whether there is any truth in that or not?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, Mr. Lawrcucc, the report is absolutely
without foundation. There is absolutely no intent on the part
of the United States to go down into that area to explore for any
such reason.
The ship that went down there, this icebreaker, went down
to do the preliminary logistic work for a scientific expedition,
which will go down to do our part of what is called the world
commitment in the development of the geophysical year of
1957-58.
They are going down merely as a preparatory logistic explora-
tion of how we will do our work. It will be done under scientists
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^ 47 Public Papers of the Presidents
and for the development and benefit of the world, nothing else.^
Q. Robert E. Clark, International News Service: Mr. Presi-
dent, the head of the Senate GOP Campaign Committee said
the other day he doesn't think the Republican Party can win in
1956 without you as their candidate. I wonder how you feel
about this view that you are indispensable to a party victory, and
how it may affect your own plans in 1956?
THE PRESIDENT. Did you cvcr think of what a fate civilization
would suffer if there were such a thing as an indispensable man?
When he went the way of all flesh, what would happen? It
would be a calamity, wouldn't it?
I don't think we need to fear that.
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Sir, in the Northern
District of Texas Court, where many tax cases arise, the Eisen-
hower Republicans and the Eisenhower Democrats are having
quite a squabble over who is going to be the Federal judge.
I wonder if you would support the man, who is Ralph Curry,
who is supported by Jack Porter and the Eisenhower Republi-
cans, or Bob Hall, who is supported by Senator Daniel and the
Eisenhower Democrats?
THE PRESIDENT. [I am quitc certain the Attorney General will
bring to me the man he considers best qualified, the man who is,
above all, supported by the American Bar Association and given
a very high rating; and it wouldn't be anyone who is not qualified.
Aside from that, I can't tell you.]
Q. Charles S. von Fremd, CBS News: There has been a bill
introduced on Capitol Hill, sir, on the House side, suggesting or
^ On March 28, a White House release stated that an expedition would be sent to
the Antarctic in November to begin work on three observation sites in connection with
U.S. participation in the program for the International Geophysical Year, July 1957-
December 1958. The release further stated that plans for the IGY would lead to
the establishment of more than 20 scientific stations on or near the antarctic continent.
It also noted that the USS Atka, a Navy icebreaker, had just completed preliminary
observations required for the later expedition.
On July 29 the White House announced on behalf of the President that he had
approved plans for launching a small unmanned earth-circling satellite as part of the
United States participation in the International Geophysical Year.
308
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig55 Q 47
asking that the electoral college be abolished in determining presi-
dential elections, and in its place the popular vote be substituted.
Such bills have been introduced in the past, but they always have
been defeated.
However, the people who are for the popular vote point out
that the electoral college in their mind is now outdated, and think
in some cases a man with the minority of the popular vote could
actually be elected President under the electoral college.
Could you give us your views on this matter, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. [I am uot SO Certain that a man couldn't argue
both sides of this question; but this has been brought forward in
various forms over a great many years, this same proposition.
[I do want to point out one thing about our system: it tends to
preserve a two-party system. If you took and made representa-
tions in Congress and, I suppose, it would be Congress as well as
the President, based upon popular vote, you might begin to get
proportionate or splinter parties as you do in other countries — if
you made it just a single national thing. That I would deplore.
[But I would say this: while I think our system seems a little
awkward and we can smile a little bit at it, it has worked. And
while I believe it was at one time claimed that a presidential
election was stolen due to the Louisiana vote being thrown out by
party manipulation, on the whole it has operated very well. I
see no great reason, no great urgency, in changing it.]
Q. Raymond P. Brandt, St. Louis Post-Dispatch: Mr. Pres-
ident, will you comment on the action of the Senate committee
yesterday in voting down the $20 tax reduction?
THE PRESIDENT. I was highly gratified. I explained my posi-
tion on this whole tax proposition last week. I explained what I
thought emphatically, even if rather sketchily — and I haven't
changed my mind.
Naturally, I am delighted that the Senate has brought out
on the floor a bill that does keep on the books the excise and the
extra 5 percent corporation taxes and, at the same time, doesn't
go in for this reduction.
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Q. Mr. Brandt : Did you read Mr. Keyserling's reply to your
charges that the bill would bring on inflation?
THE PRESIDENT. [I read only three things someone brought in
to my desk that said Mr. Keyserling has a plan for spending
a good many more billion dollars, for reducing taxes, and balanc-
ing the budget at the same time. That I would doubt was a good
economic plan.]
Q. Gamett D. Homer, Washington Star: Mr. President, I
understood you to say, in discussing the question about Sir
Winston Churchill's speech yesterday on the hydrogen bomb, that
the Western World has had the lead in this whole field. Did you
mean to put that in the past tense?
THE PRESIDENT. I didn't mean that it doesn't have it now. I
mean that it has had, all this time, the lead.
I did merely intimate that in such a thing as this, you couldn't
say, looking on into the decades of the future, that this is always
to prevail ; that is all I meant.
Q. Elie Abel, New York Times: Mr. President, in an interview
with Senator Margaret Chase Smith, Generalissimo Chiang Kai-
shek has said rather recently that he expects United States moral
and logistical support for a reinvasion of the Chinese mainland.
Can you tell us, sir, whether this Government has given the
Nationalists any reason to expect such support?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I thought that this whole thing had
been discussed so thoroughly there could be no question of
America's attitude in this matter.
The United States is not going to be a party to an aggressive
war; that is the best answer I can make.
Q. Benjamin R. Cole, Indianapolis Star: Information has
come from the Commission on Intergovernmental Relations that
the States are all able to finance their own educational needs; and
I was wondering, sir, if that had been brought to your attention,
and if it is true, if it would change your views on the needs of
the — the requirements of the States for Federal aid?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I doubt that that is true in detail. I
310
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^s ^ 47
hadn't heard that before, but I doubt it is true in detail, at least
in view of information that comes to me from so many different
sources. In any event, I believe the problem to be so serious that
the United States Government must take a very positive and
definite leadership in this direction.
As you know, I am trying to make that leadership effective in
a way that retains to the States and to the localities their tradi-
tional responsibility ; but I do want to get going.
Q. Edward T. FoUiard, Washington Post and Times Herald:
This is another political question, Mr. President. We have some
information on this, but it came to us secondhand from Chairman
Leonard Hall.
Would you, sir, as leader of the Republican Party, tell us how
you feel about San Francisco as a convention city, about a late
convention, and about a short and merry presidential campaign?
THE PRESIDENT. When they asked me about this selection of
cities, I didn't know all of the technical details of television,
switching it from one convention to another, or all of the other
things that so engaged the attention of the committees.
I said I knew the climate of the areas, and I liked that of San
Francisco better than I did Chicago; that was my remark.
Now, I don't know that the timing and the place has any great
effect on the succeeding campaign. I doubt that it has.
I rather think it is a good thing to shift around from one city
to another. Really that is what I thought: instead of always
going back to the same place, switch around in this country. It is
a big country, and if the place can accommodate the members
of the convention, why, let's go there once in a while.
Q. Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Mr. President,
would you like to send any message to Vice President Nixon re-
garding his statement yesterday that he hopes you will seek re-
election? [Laughter]
THE PRESIDENT. Did he Say that? [Laughter]
Q. Mr. Arrowsmith : He did.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I'll tcU you: as you people know, I have
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^ 47 Public Papers of the Presidents
always expressed great admiration for Mr. Nixon. I think he is
a splendid type of younger man that we want in government.
On the comment he made, I will send him no special message.
I probably will have something to say to him when I see him.
[Laughter]
Q. John Herling, Editors Syndicate: Mr. President, as you
know, sir, the A.F. of L. and CIO have signed an agreement to
merge their organizations, more than 15 million members.
Would you care, sir, to comment on its possible significance to
the country, and its various ramifications; and, too, do you see
in such a merger the danger of a labor monopoly?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, quitc naturally, I have done a little
speculating and thinking of my own on such an important
question.
I have asked people in the Government who can devote their
whole time to this problem to give me their conclusions, and they
will do so.
My own mind will stay open on a lot of the facets of this par-
ticular movement and development. But, by and large, I think
this: I think the American people, in their individuaUstic selves
are very independent; and I would doubt that any organization
can just set itself up and be, in all phases of their political and
economic and cultural life, the bosses of any great number of
Americans.
I believe that there will be many counterbalancing factors in
any attempt to make this just one great, say, political organism,
or something of that kind, and these people be the bosses of that
many Americans.
Q. Mr. Herling: Mr. President, do you feel there is such a
tendency for them to be bosses over American workers who are
members of unions?
THE PRESIDENT. Do I what?
Q. Mr. Herling: Do you feel there is any tendency in that
direction?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I didn't comment on that. I merely
312
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ^955 ^ 47
said that you were proposing the question in terms of politics.
Well, I believe these people are going to be fairly independent
politically, as always.
Q. Daniel Schorr, CBS News: Mr. President, referring to your
preference to the climate of San Francisco, can it be taken for
granted that you will attend the convention?
THE PRESIDENT. No. [Laughter]
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press: That is what I was going
to ask.
Q. George R. Zielke, Toledo Blade: Mr. President, are you
happy that Congress has decided to raise its pay and that of the
judges?
THE PRESIDENT. YcS, I am.
In the past, ladies and gentlemen, I have talked to a number
of what I thought promising young people, people who are estab-
lishing themselves, about the possibility of them getting into gov-
ernment; and I find that, particularly with respect to jobs that
bring them to Washington, the economic factor has a very impor-
tant bearing on their decisions. Frequently they must simply
decline; because, they said, "I am a young fellow starting out,
and I can't do it."
They must keep a home in their own districts; they must go
back often to those districts if they hope to be re-elected, and they
have to be re-elected each two years — ^incidentally which, I think,
is a mistake; I would like to see a 4-year term for them. Then
they have to set up a new home here; and, as you know, they do
have unusual expenses.
Now, they voted themselves this raise, but they also included
judges and other parts of the judiciary who have been badly
underpaid. This administration has required, for example, that
United States attorneys give up their private practices. They
were allowed to do that in the past. We require them to give
them up.
They should be paid well. And of course, finally, you say they
313
^ 47 Public Papers of the Presidents
have given themselves a $7,500 raise; we will get half of it back,
don't forget that. [Laughter]
Q. Lawrence Femsworth, Concord (New Hampshire) Moni-
tor: Mr. President, last night I heard a very distinguished ex-
Senator speak on this subject of pay raises.
He suggested, he thought it would be a good idea to double
the pay of a Senator, and he further put forth the suggestion that
it would be a good idea for the Government itself to underwrite
the campaign expenses of members of Congress.
He thought that would be a great step forward toward eliminat-
ing corruption in these expenditures, and he set forth that not-
withstanding the Corrupt Practice Act there still is a great deal
of that sort of thing going on.
Would the President care to give us his view on that?
THE PRESIDENT. [Well, that is a very broad and very wide
question. I don't think I could comment on it usefully. I do
applaud what must underlie his reasoning, and that is the effort
to get good men to come to Washington, men that are dedicated
to this country and will do their best in these places.]
Q. Kenneth M. Scheibel, Gannett Newspapers: Mr. President,
getting back to the Russian food situation, has there been any
final decision on the proposal that we give them some of our
wheat?
THE PRESIDENT. I kccp hearing about this proposal we give
them some of our wheat, although I don't know where it came
from.
I believe there is an Attorney General opinion we may not
barter, we may not sell, but we could give.
Now, I want to point out that there has been no report made
to us that Russia is really short of grain. On the contrary, within
the last, I think, month, or very recently, they shipped three
hundred and some thousand tons of grain out of the country.
The United States is never indifferent to human suffering, and
in certain areas, as in the Danube area, just recently we put in
$10 million worth of wheat, flour, and agricultural products.
314
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig55 ^ 48
There is no purpose and no plan being studied at this time for
sending any grain of any kind to Russia.
Q. Jay G. Hayden, Detroit News: Mr. President, in connec-
tion with this question of will you or won't you run again, at a
press conference some weeks ago you commented that it was a
rather large question, and that some time when you had plenty
of time at a press conference you would discuss, I believe you
said, the pros and cons.
Could we make a date with you, sir, to start in on that at the
next press conference? [Laughter]
THE PREsroENT. I would doubt at the next press conference —
[laughter] — but FU tell you: if we can have a complete morato-
rium on it, I might make a date, let's say, a year from today.
[Laughter]
Merriman Smith, United Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
note: President Eisenhower's sixty- 10:32 to 11:04 o'clock on Wednes-
second news conference was held in day morning, March 2, 1955. 1^
the Executive Office Building from attendance: 188.
48 ^ Letter to His Majesty Bao Dai, Chief of
State of Viet-Nam. March 3, 1955
[ Released March 3, 1955. Dated February 19, 1955 ]
Your Majesty:
It might be of interest to you to learn firsthand of General
Collins' report to me and of our present views and policies con-
cerning Viet-Nam. General Collins has just left to return to
Saigon after a short period of consultations in Washington. I
have discussed developments in Viet-Nam with him at some
length. He has also talked with the Secretary of State and with
our Congressional leaders.
It is gratifying to learn from him of the distinct progress that
is being made in Viet-Nam by Prime Minister Diem and the
Government of Viet-Nam. General Collins believes that there
315
^ 48 Public Papers of the Presidents
is a good chance that Viet-Nam can remain free if there is con-
tinued effective action on the Government's programs. The
Prime Minister's announced programs of land reform and re-
organization of the Armed Forces should, when fully carried
out, further increase the stability and unity of the Government.
The Government of the United States is vigorously opposed to
the forces of world Communism. We continue to support those
aspirations of the people of Asia for independence, peace and
prosperity. Accordingly, I have concurred in General Collins'
recommendation to continue and expand support for Free
Viet-Nam.
It is encouraging to me to know that Prime Minister Diem is
making substantial progress. The United States Government
intends to continue its support of his Government.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
note: Gen. J. Lawton Collins acted nomic, military, and social programs
as the President's special represent- for the strengthening of Free Viet-
ative in Viet-Nam from November 2, Nam. The release added that Gen-
1954, to May 14, 1955. eral Collins had successfully con-
On May 10 a White House release eluded arrangements under which
stated that during General Collins' the United States, at the request of
special mission, which had been ex- the Government of Viet-Nam and
tended at the request of Prime Min- with the agreement of the Govern-
ister Diem, he had assisted the Viet- ment of France, had undertaken
namese Government in the prepara- responsibility for the training of Viet-
tion and implementation of its eco- Nam national armed forces.
49 ^ Statement by the President Concerning
Offer of Food Supplies to Albania. March 4, 1 955
I HAVE ASKED the League of Red Cross Societies to convey to
the appropriate authorities of Albania the desire of the American
people to contribute from their food supplies to help alleviate the
current food shortage in Albania.
316
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^s ^ 49
The distribution of this food would be under the supervision
of the League of Red Cross Societies which has had broad ex-
perience in the administration of relief. Recently it administered
a flood relief program to persons in six European countries who
were victims of last summer's floods. Feed grain and food were
distributed to needy people in these countries regardless of race,
color, creed, or political convictions.
It is well known that for some years Albania has not produced
enough food to support its population. The resulting shortage
of food becomes particularly acute during the late winter and
early spring. The present offer is intended to assist in relieving
the situation during this critical period.
The friendship between the people of the United States and the
people of Albania has been longstanding. Over the years, numer-
ous Albanians have come to this country — ^many to remain as
citizens with bonds of kinship and concern for their fatherland,
many others to return and resettle throughout Albania carrying
with them warm associations with the United States. Since the
early part of this century, American interest in the Albanian peo-
ple has expressed itself in many public and private actions for
their welfare and their relief in times of special stress. I hope
that the present offer will be accepted as another manifestation
of the interest of the people of the United States in the welfare
of the Albanian people.
NOTE : On March 8 a White House that the administration felt sure that
release stated that the President re- if the Albanian people had been able
gretted that the offer of American to express themselves, the offer would
food supplies to Albania had been have been accepted in the spirit in
rejected. The release further stated which it was made.
40308—59 23 3^7
^ 5^ Public Papers of the Presidents
50 ^ Special Message to the Congress on the
Extension of the Renegotiation Act of 1 95 1 .
March 4, 1955
To the Congress of the United States:
I recommend extension of the Renegotiation Act of 1951, as
amended, to make its provisions applicable for an additional pe-
riod of two years. I make this recommendation because I believe
the welfare of the country requires it.
In spite of major improvements which we have achieved in our
contracting and price redetermination operations, there neverthe-
less remains an area in which only renegotiation can be effective
to assure that the United States gets what it needs for defense at
fair prices. In addition, I believe that the entire period of de-
fense expansion and rebuilding which the United States has
undertaken since the beginning of the Korean hostiUties should
be considered as a whole insofar as renegotiation treatment is
concerned.
Continuation of the renegotiation authority is necessary for
several reasons. Because of the complex nature of modern mili-
tary equipment, the lack of experience in producing it and the
frequent necessity for alterations during the Uf e of a contract, it is
impossible for the Government to determine, when the procure-
ment contract is made, what constitutes a fair price and for the
supplier to forecast accurately his costs. Moreover, because of
limited sources of supply in many cases, there are situations in
which the Government is unable to obtain the price benefits that
accrue from normal competition.
Furthermore, in the interest of broadening and strengthening
the mobilization base, we have encouraged the extensive use of
subcontracting. Because the United States has no direct con-
tractual relations with the subcontractors, the only protection
318
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig55 ^ 50
against unreasonable prices by them is through the process of
renegotiation.
All these factors become particularly important when it is
recognized that expenditures by the Government during the next
two calendar years will include paying the bills for the comple-
tion of the expansion of the Air Force to one-hundred and thirty-
seven wings. The next two years also will see an introduction
into the Air Force program of the latest type of supersonic air-
craft. New types of equipment also are being ordered for the
Army and Navy and Marine Corps.
As a nation, we recognize that so long as defense expenditures
represent more than half of the national budget, we must do
everything in our power to see to it that the maximum return is
received for each dollar spent. On the other hand we must
also be careful not to interfere unwisely in the traditional com-
mercial relationship between the Government and its suppliers.
In extending the Renegotiation Act last year, the Congress insti-
tuted new statutory exemptions. These have lessened the burden
imposed on industry by renegotiation and, more important, have
concentrated renegotiation in the areas where it is most needed.
I strongly urge that the Congress take action as promptly as
possible so that both Government and business will know that this
important adjunct to speedy and effective defense contracting
will remain available, at least until December 31, 1956.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
note: The act extending the Rene- August 3, is Public Law 216, 84th
gotiation Act of 1951, approved Congress (69 Stat. 447).
319
^ 5^ Public Papers of the Presidents
51 ^ Letter to General Omar N.Bradley,
Chairman, President's Commission on Veterans'
Pensions, Concerning a Study of Veterans' Benefits,
March 5, 1955
Dear General Bradley:
The Commission on Veterans' Pensions, of which you are the
Chairman, has been appointed by me to carry out a comprehensive
study of the laws and poUcies pertaining to pension, compensa-
tion, and related nonmedical benefits for our veterans and their
dependents. I would like the Commission, on the basis of its
studies, to furnish me with a report, including recommendations
regarding fundamental principles, which I can use as the basis
for making recommendations to the Congress for modernization
of these benefits and clarification of their relationship to our
broader Government social insurance and family protection
programs.
This Nation has always responded generously to the needs of
those men and women who have served it so well in times of
great danger. Pension and other benefits for veterans have been
provided since the Revolutionary War. I am in full accord with
this policy.
In recent years, however, rapid and profound changes in our
national military, social, economic, and fiscal circumstances have
occurred which affect fundamentally our long-standing veterans'
pension and compensation programs. In 1940 there were only
4 million veterans. There are now nearly 21 million, and the
number is increasing rapidly. The necessity for recruiting large
Armed Forces has led to substantial improvements in military
pay and other conditions of service. Extensive and timely med-
ical, rehabilitation, and readjustment programs have been estab-
lished for veterans. Most notable in this respect are the improved
medical, prosthetic, and rehabilitation measures for disabled vet-
320
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^s ^ 51
erans and the readjustment benefits for all new veterans to help
them become economically productive and recapture the normal
pattern of their lives. To maintain the well-being and strength
of our democratic society we have also instituted policies to main-
tain high and stable employment and developed the broad social
security programs to provide economic assistance to the aged and
the needy. These developments reflect the growth of the Gov-
ernment's obligations and a more adequate recognition of its
responsibilities, and they have also had an important effect on its
fiscal situation.
While these fundamental changes were taking place, the tra-
ditional pension and compensation programs for veterans and
their families were also being further extended and liberalized.
Thus under existing laws and regulations many of our veterans
will be able to qualify both for nonservice-connected pensions and
social security benefits when they reach age 65. In the service
connected compensation program the standards for rating dis-
abilities have been modified many times since their development
in the years after World War I. Numerous piecemeal legisla-
tive changes have also granted legal presumptions of service con-
nection and provided additional specific awards which result in
different payments to individuals of the same degree of disability.
These programs are large and very significant. Expenditures
for pension and compensation benefits to veterans are almost as
large as all benefit payments of the old-age and survivors insur-
ance system and are likely several decades hence to be double
their present magnitude. In this situation the need is apparent
for a constructive reappraisal of the standards under which such
benefits should be provided. It is our duty to arrange our affairs
so that future generations will inherit an economic and social
structure which is fundamentally sound and in which obligations,
including those owed to veterans and their survivors, are dis-
tributed equitably and not as an unwelcome burden.
It is in this constructive sense that I have established the Com-
mission on Veterans' Pensions. It is my desire that this Commis-
321
51
Public Papers of the Presidents
sion systematically assess the structure, scope, philosophy, and ad-
ministration of pension, compensation, and related nonmedical
benefits furnished under Federal legislation to our veterans and
their families, together with the relationships between these bene-
fits and others which are provided our citizens without regard to
their status as veterans. The objective of this effort should be to
bring up to date and correlate these benefits and services so that
veterans and their survivors will receive equitable treatment con-
sistent with the orderly development of public policy in this
important area.
In this task you will have the full cooperation of the adminis-
tration, including the facilities of the executive agencies. The
White House staff will assist you on administrative housekeep-
ing matters. I should like to keep in touch with your progress,
and I ask that your final report with its recommendations be in
my hands by November i, 1955.
Sincerely,
DwrcGHT D. Eisenhower
note: At the time this letter was
made public the White House an-
nounced the appointment by the
President of the Commission as fol-
lows: General Bradley, chairman,
Clarence G, Adamy, William J.
Donovan, Paul R. Hawley, Martin
D. Jenkins, Theodore S. Petersen,
and John S. Thompson, members.
The Commission was established
by Executive Order 10588 of Jan-
uary 14, 1955 (3 CFR, 1955 Supp.).
The report of the Commission is
entitled "Veterans' Benefits in the
United States" (Government Print-
ing Office, 1956).
322
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig55 ^ 52
52 ^ Remarks to Distinguished Service Cross
Recipients and Commanders Who Participated in
the Seizure of the Remagen Bridge.
March 7, 1955
Gentlemen:
I have asked you to come in here this morning because you
know old soldiers' minds are bound to turn back once in a while
to dramatic events of war — particularly of the kind that took
place at the Remagen bridgehead.
Now, of course, that was not the biggest battle that ever was,
but for me it always typified one thing: the dash, the ingenuity,
the readiness at the first opportunity that characterizes the Ameri-
can soldier.
You men are only a typical group of the great forces that
were in Europe, but it did seem to me that here, on the loth
anniversary of the day you went across the Rhine, you might not
mind coming in and saying hello to the man who was responsible
for directing this whole overall strategy.
I also brought with me General Spaatz. He typified the unity
between the ground-air team on the battlefield that was respon-
sible for victory.
Now I must confess to you that I have done something on my
own responsibility. I have organized here the Society of the
Remagen Bridgehead. I have prepared for each of you a little
certificate which I hope you will keep and retain as of some senti-
mental value. It is nothing except to say in my little way to
you, and through you to all of the 9th Armored Division — and all
of the whole Army, Navy, and Air Force behind you that was
responsible for this thing — ^my own personal thanks.
Incidentally, one of these certificates is made out to all the offi-
cers and men of the 9th Armored Division, and General Leonard
says he is going to send it down to Fort Knox as a memento.
323
^ 5^ Public Papers of the Presidents
note: The President spoke in the General Spaatz as Commanding
Cabinet Room at 9:30 a.m. Gen. Gteneral of the U.S. Strategic Air
Carl Spaatz and Lt. Gen. John W. Force in Europe, and General Leon-
Leonard, to whom he referred, par- ard as Commanding General of the
ticipated in the seizure of the bridge, gth Armored Division.
53 ^ Remarks to Students Attending the
International School of Nuclear Science and
Engineering, Argonne National Laboratory.
March lo, 1955
Admiral Strauss and gentlemen:
It is a very great pleasure to have a part in welcoming you to
America and to your entry in the Argonne School.
During World War 11, we got into the habit of referring to
ventures in terms of operations, Operation "This" and "That."
In war, of course, it usually had a martial name.
I can't tell you how pleased I was to hear this project referred
to as "Operation Friendship." That is exactly what we mean.
We want you to study in the friendliest of atmospheres, and
go back to your country with the certainty that what you are car-
rying back is not only a new understanding in nuclear science
and reactor engineering, but a new understanding of the friend-
ship that all America feels toward each of your coimtries.
It will be a great personal favor to me if when you do go back,
in addition to all of the things that you hope to accomplish in
this new field, you will carry my personal greetings of friendship
to everyone that you meet in your own countries.
Now, I have been told that Admiral Strauss and I are to have
the privilege of shaking hands with each of you. As you go by,
I would particularly like to have each of you give me your
country's name as well as your own.
Good luck to each of you.
324
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1Q55 ^ 54
note: The President spoke in the the Atomic Energy Commission's
Rose Garden at 9 : 30 a.m. to students Argonne National Laboratory at
from 19 countries who were mem- Lemont, 111., as part of the atoms-
bers of the first class attending the for-peace program.
International School of Nuclear Sci- The President's opening words
ence and Engineering. The School referred to Lewis L. Strauss, Chair-
was inaugurated in March 1955 at man, Atomic Energy Commission.
54 ^ Message to the Prime Ministers of the Seven
Nations Signatory to the Protocols Establishing the
Western European Union. March 1O5 1955
AT THE TIME when there was under consideration the Treaty
to establish a European Defense Community, I made a public
announcement of certain principles which would guide United
States policies and actions with respect to Western Europe in the
event that Treaty should be ratified. Now, in substitution for
that Community, a plan has been evolved for a Western European
Union. Obviously that Union and related arrangements signed
at Paris on October 23, 1954, when brought into force, will serve
the vital interests not only of the members of the Union, but of the
peoples of the free world, including the United States. The
United States has twice been drawn into wars which originated
in Europe and today it maintains forces there to help minimize
the possibility of another war. It is in the interest of the United
States to help reduce such dangers.
To this end the United States committed itself to the North
Atlantic Treaty. This Treaty is in accordance with the basic
security interests of the United States, and the obligations which
the United States has assumed under the Treaty will be honored.
The member nations are seeking to make the Atlantic alliance
an enduring association of free peoples within which all members
can concert their efforts toward peace, prosperity and freedom.
The success of that association will be determined in large meas-
40308—59 24 3^5
^ 54 Public Papers of the Presidents
ure by the degree of practical cooperation realized among the
European nations themselves. The Western European Union
and the related arrangements agreed upon in Paris are designed
to ensure this cooperation and thereby to provide a durable basis
for consolidating the Atlantic relationship as a whole.
It is my belief that the proposed arrangements when effective:
Will promote progress toward unity in Western Europe and
draw together those whose past differences have led to recurrent
war and gravely depleted Europe's human, material and moral
strength;
Will restore sovereignty to the Federal Republic of Germany,
a sovereignty which has now been withheld for ten years, during
which time the Government and people of that Republic have
demonstrated that they are capable of worthily discharging their
responsibilities as a self-governing member of the free and peace-
ful world community;
Will, by controlling armament levels through an appropriate
Agency of the Western European Union, assure against
militarism;
Will provide a core of unity at the heart of the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization, thus permitting adoption of practical de-
fensive measures which offer good hope that any enemy attack
could be stopped at the threshold;
Will enable the Federal Republic of Germany to make its
appropriately measured contribution to international peace and
security, in keeping with the spirit of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization;
Will, through action of the North AUantic Treaty Council,
assure a closer integration of the armed forces in Europe of the
member countries, thereby giving assurance that these forces
cannot be used for nationalistic aggression or otherwise than for
the security purposes envisaged by the North Atlantic Treaty.
At London on September 29, 1954, the United States Secretary
of State in order to faciUtate efforts to produce an effective col-
lective defense of Westem Europe, indicated the conditions under
326
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 54
which the United States might be prepared to make a policy
declaration similar to that which was announced when the earlier
European Defense Community plan was under consideration. I
am glad to affirm that when the Paris Agreements have been
ratified and have come into force, it will be the policy of the
United States :
( 1 ) To continue active in the various organic arrangements
established under the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and
to consult with other members of NATO on questions of mutual
concern, including the level of forces from the respective NATO
countries to be placed at the disposal of the Supreme Allied
Commander Europe;
(2) To consult, if so desired, with the Agency for the Control
of Armaments of the Westem European Union with a view to
assisting in the achievement of its objective of controlling arma-
ment and preventing unjustified military preparations within the
members of the Union;
(3) To continue to maintain in Europe, including Germany,
such units of its armed forces as may be necessary and appro-
priate to contribute its fair share of the forces needed for the joint
defense of the North Atlantic area while a threat to that area
exists, and will continue to deploy such forces in accordance with
agreed North Atlantic strategy for the defense of this area;
(4) To cooperate in developing the closest possible integra-
tion among the forces assigned to NATO in Westem Europe,
including those contributed by the German Federal Republic,
in accordance with approved plans developed by the military
agencies and the Supreme Commanders of the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization in accordance with the Resolution adopted
by the North Atlantic Council on October 22, 1954;
(5) To continue to cooperate toward Atlantic Security by
sharing information authorized by Congress with respect to the
military utilization of new weapons and techniques for the
improvement of the collective defense;
(6) In consonance with its policy of encouraging maximum
327
^ 54 Public Papers of the Presidents
cooperation among the free nations of Europe and in recognition
of the contribution which the Brussels Treaty, as amended, will
make to peace and stability in Europe, to regard any action from
whatever quarter which threatens the integrity or unity of the
Western European Union as a threat to the security of the parties
to the North Atlantic Treaty calling for consultation in accord-
ance with Article IV of that Treaty.
In accordance with the basic interest of the United States in
the North Atlantic Treaty, as expressed at the time of ratification,
the Treaty was regarded as of indefinite duration rather than for
any definite number of years. The United States calls attention
to the fact that for it to cease to be a party to the North Atlantic
Treaty would appear quite contrary to our security interests when
there is established on the Continent of Europe the solid core of
unity which the Paris Agreements will provide.
note: This is the text of identical The President's statement on the
messages addressed to the Prime European Defense Community and
Ministers of Belgium, France, the the text of the Paris agreements, re-
Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, ferred to in the first paragraph of
Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and this message, are published in the
the United Kingdom — the nations Department of State Bulletin (vol.
signatory to the protocols establish- 30, p. 619; vol. 31, p. 719, respec-
ing the Union. tively) .
55 ^ Letter to George A. Garrett, President,
Federal City Council, Concerning the
Redevelopment of Southwest Washington.
March lo, 1955
[ Released March i6, 1955. Dated March 15, 1955 ]
Dear Mr. Garrett:
The redevelopment and renewal of the blighted areas of Wash-
ington is of concern not only to the citizens of the District of
328
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 56
Columbia but to all the American people. All of us want the
nation's capital, I am certain, to be the symbol of our country's
best efforts to provide decent housing and attractive urban living.
One major redevelopment project is that for Southwest Wash-
ington. I understand that it has been under consideration for
almost five years and has been the subject of active planning
for some three years. The time has come to see it become a
reality. It should move forward just as rapidly as a plan can
be devised which harmoniously resolves the various problems
involved.
It would be a great service to the nation's capital if you would
undertake to confer with the appropriate agencies in an effort
to bring about agreement on a workable program. As the Pres-
ident of the Federal City Council, and with your broad experiences
in civic affairs, I am certain you can render a service of great
value. I shall welcome a report of successful progress.
With best wishes.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
56 ^ The President's News Conference of
March i6, 1955.
[ This is a complete transcript of the news conference of this date. Those
portions of the President's replies which were not released for broadcasting or
direct quotation at that time are enclosed in brackets. ]
THE PRESIDENT. I havc no announcements, ladies and gentlemen,
and we will go right to questions.
Q. Marvin Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Mr. President, are
you worried any about the decline in stock market prices and,
secondly, do you think the Senate Banking Committee study has
contributed in any way to the decline?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, for the second part of your question.
329
^ 5^ Public Papers of the Presidents
which I will answer first, I have no opinion whatsoever as to the
effect of that particular investigation.
What I do believe very thoroughly is this: we are trying to
promote an expanding economy in this country, and one of the
factors that is necessary in producing an expanded economy is
confidence.
So any group or any individual that undertakes to touch upon
one of the points of our economy where this confidence is affected,
necessarily must proceed with great caution if he doesn't want
to do unnecessary damage. I don't know of any particular phase
of this investigation that hasn't been conducted in that way;
certainly, some of the things that have come out of it have been
reassuring. The conduct of our stock markets on the whole looks
to be very satisfactory.
I am not only concerned with a drop on the stock market, but
any drop in an agricultural price or any other unexplained drop
in the prices of parts of our products is of concern to the
Government.
Q. Pat Munroe, Albuquerque Journal and Salt Lake City
Deseret News: Mr. President, there is a war over water, that is,
the Colorado River water, now in progress in the West between
southern California and the Rocky Mountain States; and in your
state of the Union message you urged Congress to approve a plan
to conserve water in the Rocky Moimtain States.
Is this still your feeling, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. [Ycs. But bcforc I auswcr the question, let
me say this: I don't like the use of that word "war." Let's try
to avoid that word.
[Now, of course, it is part of my policy. I believe that water
is rapidly becoming, if it is not already, our most precious natural
resource. I believe we have got to take measures to save this
water at the proper places.
[It is not all done in the same way. I believe the Agriculture
Department, in its upstream conservation practices, has just as
330
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 56
much responsibility in the matter as does the Interior Department
with these great dams in the mountains.
[I might refer you to a book that has recently been printed, one
called "Big Dam Foolishness." It is by a man named Peterson,
who has apparently put in a life study on this. I have read his
book. He undertakes to show that many of our big dams have
been constructed under a very false conception.
[However, this whole question of water is important, not only
to California and to Arizona and the western slope, but to the
whole region, east as well as west.]
Q. Mr. Munroe: Well, sir, southern California has blocked
our plan in the Rocky Mountain area with a legal suit before the
Supreme Court, and as recently as yesterday. Budget Director
Hughes indicated a very firm support for the Upper Colorado
plan.
THE PRESIDENT. [Well, I dou't kuow about the Supreme
Court; if it is before the Supreme Court, I know I am not going
to comment on it.
[But as far as my concept of what is necessary, it has not
changed; I still believe the same as I said in my state of the Union
message.]
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press: Mr. President, with no
effort to violate your desire for a moratorium on the subject, do
you agree with Vice President Nixon that the Republican Party
is not strong enough to win re-election in 1956 without you?
[Laughter]
THE P|iEsroENT. I thought you were really observing that
agreement on a moratorium until you got to your last two words.
I would say this, first of all : as you know, I have been responsi-
ble for various kinds of fights in my lifetime. I have never yet
gone into any fight with as much strength as I should like to
have. The more strength you have, the more certain that you
are of victory, then the more certainly you can plan your moves.
Now, I agree that the Republican Party needs strength, needs
recruits. I come back to the same old thing I have repeated to
331
^ 56 Public Papers of the Presidents
you people time and time again: in spite of all the publicity gim-
micks, all of the shrewd recruiting systems, there is one thing
that will bring Republican Party recruits — ^fine programs for the
benefit of all America and real work in putting them over.
That is the kind of thing that will certainly bring Republican
Party strength, and it will be strength enough to win with
anybody that is worthy of a place.
Q. Charles S. von Fremd, CBS News: Mr. President, yester-
day at his news conference. Secretary of State Dulles indicated
that in the event of general war in the Far East, we would prob-
ably make use of some tactical small atomic weapons. Would
you care to comment on this and, possibly, explain it further?
THE PRESIDENT. I wouldu't commcut in the sense that I would
pretend to foresee the conditions of any particular conflict in
which you might engage; but we have been, as you know, active
in producing various types of weapons that feature nuclear fission
ever since World War II.
Now, in any combat where these things can be used on strictly
military targets and for strictly military purposes, I see no reason
why they shouldn't be used just exactly as you would use a bullet
or anything else.
I believe the great question about these things comes when you
begin to get into those areas where you cannot make sure that you
are operating merely against military targets. But with that one
qualification, I would say, yes, of course they would be used.
Q. Matthew Warren, Du Mont Television : Mr. President, in
view of the devastating effects of our modem thermonuclear
weapons and the secrecy surrounding their development, how do
you think we can maintain an adequate civilian defense?
THE PRESIDENT. Of coursc, you are touching one of the most
serious problems facing us today, and it is all the more serious
because it is one of those facts that human beings just rather
recoil from looking squarely in the face, do not like to do it.
Not long ago, the Atomic Energy Commission published a
rather long paper giving a considerable amount of information
332
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^s ^ 56
on the effects of thermonuclear weapons and, particularly, the
fallout.
The purpose of it was to show that while it is known that down-
wind from these things you can get a long area in which there
could be very serious consequences, it is also possible for the indi-
vidual to take care of himself. It was intended, given the proper
amount of work the man will do, to be reassuring and not to be
terrifying.
The great chore you have here is to give people the facts, show
them what they can do, get the Federal leadership, get the partic-
ipation of the States and the municipalities, without terrifying
people.
I have one great belief: nobody in war or anywhere else ever
made a good decision if he was frightened to death. You have
to look facts in the face, but you have to have the stamina to do
it without just going hysterical. That is what you are really
trying to do in this business.
Q. Alan S. Emory, Watertown Times: Mr. President, two
questions, sir: could you tell us the purpose of Governor Dewey's
visit with you after our conference this morning; and, second, the
Chief Justice of the United States recently, in a speech in St.
Louis, said that he did not think the Bill of Rights, if proposed
today, would pass.
I wondered if you cared to comment on that?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I fail to scc much relationship between
your two questions. [Laughter]
As to the first one, I haven't the slightest idea. Governor
Dewey asked to see me, and the date was set up; he is coming
in.
Now, the second one, I never heard such a statement made.
You say the Chief Justice of the United States said this?
Q. Mr. Emory: Yes, sir.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I havc got a tremendous admiration for
him and for his mind, and I am certain that he has thought over
well what he had said.
333
^ 56 Public Papers of the Presidents
But I would say this: if it were up for passage today, I would
be one of those out campaigning for its adoption. That is about
all I can say.
Q. John Herling, Editors Syndicate: Mr. President, this has
to do with the expanding economy you referred to earlier.
THE PRESIDENT. With the what?
Q. Mr. Herling: The expanding economy — that you are con-
cerned with.
As you know, there is much concern in labor and management
circles about the impact of automation on our human and eco-
nomic relations; and since automation does affect every part of
our national life, the question has been raised as to whether a
Presidential commission might undertake a study of its impact
and ramifications; and would you give us some idea of what your
thinking is on the subject of automation.
Second, would you consider the possibility of supporting such
a commission to aid the country in facing the problems growing
out of automation?
THE PRESIDENT. [Well, Ict's be quite clear. I would not at-
tempt to give a specific answer to a specific question that you
asked; on a spur-of-the-moment attitude or circumstances, it
would be foolish for me to do so.
[This matter of automation — another word that has now arisen
to plague us some — has been discussed habitually by my economic
advisers, by others in the administration, and naturally I have
listened and read on the subject.
[The one striking thing you should remember is this : exactly
the same thing has been going on for a hundred and fifty years;
exactly the same fears have been expressed right along; and one
of the great things that seems to happen is that as we find ways
of doing work with fewer man-hours devoted to it, then there is
more work to do.
[I believe that it would be false to assume that the amount of
work we are going to have to do is going to remain static, when
we are looking for an expanding economy. It is going to expand.
334
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 56
[The work to do is going to expand not only in, you might say,
arithmetic progression, along with the amount your economy
expands, but there are other things to do because man will have
other needs and other desires and want things to use. So I really
believe that my own feeling is that the danger is often
exaggerated.
[On the other hand, I certainly will hope and will expect that
the proper agencies of Government continue earnestly their inves-
tigations on this subject, their watch on the development; and if
any danger seems to be appearing upon the horizon that is un-
foreseen, then it is possible that even a commission would be the
right answer. But I couldn't say now.]
Q. Marshall McNeil, Scripps-Howard: Mr. President, I have
two questions about an old one. The Dixon- Yates contract is
apparently tied up in the courts, and a majority of the TVA
Board has lately asked you again for appropriations for the Fulton
steam plant.
I wondered whether that would prompt you, sir, to reconsider
the problem of power in west Tennessee; and, the second ques-
tion, would the construction of a plant, generating plant, by
Memphis itself not fit into your philosophy, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I kuow of uo rcasou — to take your sec-
ond question first — I know of no reason whatsoever that Mem-
phis hasn't a complete right to manufacture or set up any produc-
ing plant it wants to. Certainly I would favor it.
I have nothing at all against local ownership of power. I
think in many cases it is not only a good thing; in some cases it
has been proved to be very effective.
But there is one thing I always want to point out to you people
when I talk about governmental authority, responsibility and
operation. Don't forget this : when the Federal Government does
this, they can print money to do the job. Nobody else can, and
there is a very great difference; because the second that the Fed-
eral Government starts to print money to do these things, they
are taking one cent, or at least their proportion, out of every
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^ 56 Public Papers of the Presidents
dollar that any of you might happen to have in your pockets.
That is the effect of cheapening money, and I don't think we
ought to go in for that.
Now, as to the review of this case, it has not come up to me in
any way in that form, and I don't know whether there is any rea-
son for review or not. But I do say: for anything that falls
within the State or city authorities, I have no objection to their
doing it, whatsoever.
Q. Raymond P. Brandt, St. Louis Post-Dispatch: Mr. Pres-
ident, there seems to be some confusion about your position about
allowing a person to be confronted with his accuser in a govern-
mental case.
The Department of Justice says that when you said a man shall
be entitled to be confronted with his accuser, he should know
who it was, and so forth.
They said that was only for criminal cases. I got the idea it
was for the security cases, also.
THE PRESIDENT. No, I bclieve there are certain cases, Mr.
Brandt, where you couldn't possibly bring out all of your accusers,
for the simple reason that you may work for a number of years
to get people in places where they can look for these things that,
by their very nature, are destructive of the United States system
and of the welfare of the United States of America.
Now, those people you cannot destroy.
If in the course of their operations they bring up information,
remember this: you are not determining anything about the
legal rights or the application of the Bill of Rights to this man's
case. What you are trying to determine is, is he fit to work for
the United States Government? Should you take the responsi-
bility of saying, in spite of the fact that we cannot put the man,
the accuser, up in front of this man and let him cross-examine,
should we continue him in a sensitive position?
I do believe this: I do believe that we are going to be able
to do more in finding nonsensitive areas in which to place such
people.
336
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ 1Q55 ^ 56
Q. Mr. Brandt: On that point, sir, some of these accusers have
been proved to be doing it for money and for other reasons.
THE PRESroENT. YcS.
Q. Mr. Brandt: Now, the accused has no way of knowing
whether the charges have been made in good faith.
THE PRESIDENT. Mr. Brandt, I know that any honest person
charged with the responsibiUty for protecting the interests of the
United States and the Federal Government, would be the last
to say that any system you can devise here is going to be perfect.
Indeed, I don't believe that probably any lawyer would say
that the judicial and the criminal procedures that we have in
our country are perfect. We try to get them as nearly just as we
can, and we do apply the Bill of Rights.
Now, in the Federal Government, in putting a man to work for
the Federal Government and paid by the Federal Government,
there is a slightly different problem, though, than whether you
are accused of cheating your neighbor or doing something else.
It is, simply, you have got to do the best you can in these conflict-
ing considerations; but, as far as you can, as far as is humanly
possible without violating the security of the United States, to
obey and to follow the Bill of Rights, that is what must be done.
Q. Mr. Brandt: May I ask one point on that? You said there
are some plans now for the nonsensitive positions.
THE PRESIDENT. I say wc think we can do better.
Q. Mr. Brandt: On the nonsensitive positions?
THE PRESIDENT. We always have had this; it is simply a ques-
tion of operating just as well as we can.
Q. Garnett D. Homer, Washington Star: Mr. President, some
weeks ago a report was published that the thermonuclear device
that was exploded in the Pacific a year ago was a super-H-bomb
with a jacket of natural state uranium that gave it greater power
at less cost. Could you tell us if that was correct, and anything
else about the development of the so-called bargain basement
U-bomb?
THE PRESIDENT. [Well, I wiU tcU you, you are asking technical
337
^ 5^ Public Papers of the Presidents
questions about this bomb, and while I possibly could give you a
fairly accurate answer, I think it would be unfair to ask me to give
you one that you could write about.
[I say this: you go ask Admiral Strauss about it, because he will
give you every piece of information that is in the public domain.
I don't think I should attempt to answer it.]
Q. Charles E, Shutt, Telenews: Mr. President, two people in
your administration have mentioned the possibility of war, im-
pending war, in Asia.
THE PRESIDENT. What is that? Mentioned what?
Q. Mr. Shutt: Admiral Radford said last night in a speech
that there was a distinct possibility that war could break out at
any time.
Secretary Dulles also said that he came back from his visit
with a sense of foreboding.
Could you give us your views about the possibility of a conflict
in the Far East, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, of coursc, you have to answer that one
in generalizations.
Why do we keep any kind of security forces? Because there is
always a possibility of war.
We are living in a time when it would be foolish to say that
it is characterized by normal serenity, the kind of peaceful rela-
tions which we hope for among nations of the world. Therefore,
the possibility is greater than, we would say, that we were raised
with — that is, any of you if, unfortunately, you are as old as I
am. We were raised in an atmosphere of complete confidence;
there was no thought of war, and our military forces fell away
to very, very small numbers.
And if you read a little bit of the history of the Spanish- Ameri-
can War and the opening of World War I, you will see that is
true.
So the possibility is greater now than it was in those days;
consequently, there is greater vigilance required of us, greater
concern, greater diversion of our man-hours and our resources
338
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ^955 ^ 5^
to the making and keeping and sustaining of armed forces than
there would be otherwise. That is one of the reasons, of course,
that the great poUcies of any enlightened nation must be the
producing of conditions that will be more peaceful.
Q. Mr. Shutt : Would you say, sir, that we would be prepared
for any eventuality in that area?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, again, you want specific answers for
something that, it seems to me, you yourself should know.
You prepare in the generality, and you can't tell what kind of
a surprise might be prepared for you in any part of the world.
But you are striving, and again I quote it to you, for what Wash-
ington called "that respectable posture of defense that is con-
sonant with the times in which we live," the kind of weapons, the
kind of possibilities that we face. That is the best answer I can
give you.
Q. Dickson J. Preston, Cleveland Press: Mr. President, the
Olympic Committee of the Western Hemisphere Nations have
just voted to hold the pan- American games in 1959 in Cleveland.
This will be the first time they have been in the United States;
and they will bring athletes from all the Americas to this country.
I wondered if you would comment on that, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, that is the kind I like to comment on.
[Laughter]
I am not only highly gratified, but I will tell you, if I am alive
and healthy, I would hope to attend.
Q, Mr. Preston: Thank you.
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Mr. President, there
seems to be some confusion in the minds of people in the gas
industry about a letter written by Mr. Morgan of your staff to
Congressman Glenn Davis in which Mr. Morgan implies that
the Flemming report on gas is not necessarily your views, but it
is the views of your Cabinet advisers.
Would you clear up, would you comment on that?
THE PRESIDENT. Certainly. The Advisory Committee has pre-
pared their views and submitted them to me; there has been
339
<[f 56 Public Papers of the Presidents
no action on my part at all, giving it final approval.
Q. William S. White, New York Times: I wonder if you
would care to comment, sir, on the action of the Senate on the
tax bill of yesterday?
THE PRESIDENT. Would it be allowable to just say "Hurrah !"
[Laughter]
Q. Alice F. Johnson, Seattle Times: Mr. President, on Sep-
tember 17, 1950, the Denver Post quoted you as telling a Denver
audience that quick admission of Alaska and Hawaii to statehood
would show the world that America practices what it preaches,
and that you hoped Congress would pass the statehood legislation
then before it.
Can you please tell us, one, what has happened in the meantime
to change your mind about Alaska and, two, are there any cir-
cumstances under which you would favor giving Alaska statehood
now?
THE PREsroENT. When did you say I was quoted that way?
Q. Mrs. Johnson: September 17, 1950, when you were
THE PRESIDENT. I95O?
Q. Mrs. Johnson: Yes.
THE PRESIDENT. I think I havc explained my position with re-
spect to Alaska in front of this group time and again.
I think there are national security considerations which must
be amply catered for before I can remove my objections to the
statehood of this area.
Now, I have never said anything against statehood for Alaska
if those things are taken care of, and I have tried to explain in
general what they were. Nothing has occurred to change that.
At the time in 1950 when I said that, I was not responsible
at that moment for the national security of the United States. I
didn't bear the responsibility I do now.
Now, I don't mean to say that I have changed my mind. I
still think that any territory of the United States has got a right
to strive to achieve the standards normally accepted for state-
hood, but we have got a very, very difficult, tough problem up
340
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^s ^ 56
there. As I say, my position has been stated in front of this body
several times.
Q. Joseph Chiang, Chinese News Service: Mr. President, un-
der your great and distinguished leadership, does the United
States Government have any plan to help 13 million overseas
Chinese who are willing to make every sacrifice to go back home
in the mainland of China to liberate their loved ones from the
Chinese Communist enslavement?
THE PRESIDENT. [Well, I wiU simply say this: the problem is
often spoken of; I have heard of no particular suggestion for
solution of it. But I do know that you have all these overseas
Chinese. I at this moment wouldn't know the answer, I admit.]
Q. Richard L. Wilson, Cowles Publications: Mr. President,
there seems to be some special circumstances coming up in the
automobile industry which would justify asking you if you have
any position on the guaranteed annual wage.
THE PRESIDENT. As you kuow, this administration has several
times urged the extension of unemployment insurance and tried
to lead the States into making this system such that we don't have
local distress in these great areas, so often affected by unemploy-
ment.
But when you come to talking in the exact terms of the guar-
anteed annual wage, I don't know in what form it will appear.
I don't know what will be demanded; and, therefore, I would
prefer not to talk about any specific proposal until it has been
presented and gone over by the Secretary of Labor and my ad-
visers. Then I would have something to say about it. But I do
believe in the extension of unemployment insurance.
Q. Milton Friedman, Jewish Telegraphic Agency: Sir, will
you ask the Attorney General to draft recommendations to acti-
vate and implement your request in the state of the Union message
to revise the McCarran- Walter Immigration Act?
THE PRESIDENT. [Well, I made the recommendation to Con-
gress. Whether there is any other step that is necessary I will
have to look up and see whether I should
341
^ 5^ Public Papers of the Presidents
Q. Mr. Friedman: Sir
THE PRESIDENT. [I Said I made the recommendation in the
state of the Union message.]
Q. Robert Roth, Philadelphia Bulletin: Mr. President, if I
may refer for a moment to the civilian defense question that was
asked before, at a hearing before the Senate Armed Services sub-
committee last week, Mayor Joseph Clark of Philadelphia made
this statement, I am quoting:
"Until the President himself takes a far more active part in
formulating and carrying into effect a sound national civil defense
policy, our major American cities will continue vulnerable to
enemy attack."
I wonder if you would comment on that assertion?
THE PRESIDENT. [Well, any city, of course, is always going to
be vulnerable; it is the degree of vulnerability that is necessary.
[Now, this is somebody's opinion, apparently, of what I should
do ; I have got many opinions of what everybody else should do.
But I am trying to do my duty. If he sees it differently, why, I
would be glad to have his advice.]
Q. Lloyd M. Schwartz, Fairchild Publications: Mr. President,
the Attorney General's Special Anti-Trust Study Group has just
recommended the repeal of the Federal laws which give these
State fair trade laws their antitrust immunity.
I wonder whether you could tell us whether you agree with
his finding, and whether you intend to send appropriate repeal
legislation up to the Hill?
THE PRESIDENT. [Well, no, I havcu't heard of it ; but you know,
in the Justice Department you have these special sections for all
these various functions of the Justice Department. That par-
ticular section is headed up by Justice Barnes, who is supposed
to have one of the finest legal minds in this whole business.
[Eventually this recommendation will come to me, but I hadn't
heard of it before.]
Q. Edward T. FoUiard, Washington Post and Times Herald:
Mr. President, this question goes back to a news conference on
342
Dwight D. Eisenhower y ig^^ ^57
February 23d. A reporter, Clark MoUenhoflF of the Cowles
Publications, asked you a question, and the sense of it was this:
What would you do if a Government official called an employee a
Red, and had no evidence to back it up?
You invited MoUenhoff to submit proof, in fact, you urged him
to do it. MoUenhoff then wrote you a letter in which he cited
the case of Wolf Ladejinsky.
Have you any comment to make on that case now?
THE PREsroENT. [Only, so far, this : all the individuals now, I
believe, that were involved in the case have come back; and aside
from the recommendations of the Attorney General to prevent
such cases from arising in the future, which have been published
as instructions to the executive department, what*s to be done in
the particular case is still under investigation. A final report has
not been made.]
Merriman Smith, United Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
note: President Eisenhower's sixty- to 11:01 o'clock on Wednesday
third news conference was held in the morning, March 1 6, 1 955. In
Executive Office Building from 10:31 attendance : 2 1 2.
57 ^ Statement by the President Announcing the
Appointment of Harold Stassen as Special Assistant
to the President for Disarmament Studies.
March 19, 1955
THE MASSIVE resources required for modern armaments, the
huge diversion of materials and of energy, the heavy burdens of
taxation, the demands for years of service of vast numbers of men,
the unprecedented destructive power of new weapons, and the
international tensions which powerful armaments aggravate, have
been of deep concern to me for many years.
At the same time the tragic consequences of unilateral dis-
armament, the reckless moves of Hitler when the United States
343
^ 57 Public Papers of the Presidents
was weak, the Korean aggression when our armed strength had
been rapidly diminished, and the vast extent of the armament
now centered around the opposing ideology of communism, have
been equally apparent to me.
The recent session of the Disarmament Commission of the
United Nations has again resulted in no progress and no clear
crystallization of thinking on this subject. It has an inseparable
relationship to our constant objective of peace.
I have, therefore, established a position as Special Assistant to
the President with responsibility for developing, on behalf of the
President and the State Department, the broad studies, investi-
gations and conclusions which, when concurred in by the National
Security Council and approved by the President, will become
basic policy toward the question of disarmament. The position
will be of Cabinet rank. When indicated as desirable or appro-
priate under our Constitutional processes, concurrences will be
secured from the Congress prior to specific action or pronounce-
ment of policy.
I have appointed Harold Stassen as a Special Assistant for
discharge of this responsibility. He will be expected to take into
account the full implications of new weapons in the possession of
other nations as well as the United States, to consider future
probabilities of armaments, and to weigh the views of the military,
the civilians, and the officials of our government and of other
governments.
For the time being, and for the presentation of the Mutual
Security Program to the Congress, he will also continue to dis-
charge his responsibility as Director of the Foreign Operations
Administration, but he will begin this new task promptly upon
this appointment.
344
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 58
58 ^ Remarks at 1 1 th Annual Washington
Conference of the Advertising Council.
March 22, 1955
I THINK this is about the shortest introduction I have ever had.
One of the continuing problems of government, of course,
is how to keep in touch with the grassroots, how to get into the
understanding of the last citizen, in the remotest hamlet, the
things that he should know about his govemment, so that he can
make intelUgent decisions, and how conversely, government is to
know what those people are thinking. So, if nothing else, you
can detect when there is a misunderstanding of facts or, indeed,
maybe just a failure to have the facts that govemment could
provide.
Among all the agencies that have served a useful purpose in
this regard, none has been more effective than this agency — the
Advertising Council. Your accomplishments are referred to con-
stantly in the circles of the administration, and always in terms
of the greatest admiration and respect, and a feeling of obligation
for what you are doing.
I want to make this very clear because some of the things I
would like to talk about may intimate that I think you have been
guilty of some failures. I don't mean it in that sense either. But
I do mean that I believe there is a tremendous opportunity for
all Americans in certain fields. Of all the people who are capa-
ble of taking advantage of those opportunities, this body by its
past record would seem to be among the foremost.
I don't think it is necessary to point out that life has become
intricate. And here at home, among the intricacies of living,
the intricate relationship that each individual has toward his
govemment and toward his community and everything else, has
been one of the reasons why we have necessarily had educational
bodies of which this is one.
But when we enter the international field we run into com-
345
^ 5^ Public Papers of the Presidents
plexities that seem almost to dwarf our understanding of what
we are doing to ourselves when we accept, let us say, paternal-
istic gifts of the government, without understanding for that we
may be surrendering some of our ancient liberties.
Today there is a great ideological struggle going on in the
world. One side upholds what it calls the materialistic dialectic.
Denying the existence of spiritual values, it maintains that man
responds only to materialistic influences and consequently he is
nothing. He is an educated animal and is useful only as he serves
the ambitions — desires — of a ruUng cUque; though they try to
make this finer-sounding than that, because they say their dic-
tatorship is that of the proletariat, meaning that they rule in the
people's name — ^for the people.
Now, on our side, we recognize right away that man is not
merely an animal, that his hfe and his ambitions have at the bot-
tom a foundation of spiritual values. Now this — these facts seem
to make it very odd that we fear the inroads that communism is
making in the capture of the minds and souls of men.
They are, too. They are winning great adherents in many
areas of the world. And we wonder why. And then we say,
"But we are the ones that glorify the human; our doctrines ought
to appear to the man in Burma or in Viet-Nam or Formosa or
Mid-Africa, or the Middle East."
Something is happening. And we are not presenting our case
very well. Now we do know that, of course, man has his ma-
terialistic side, and his physical side, and there has got to be a
decent, materialistic basis for the development of his culture, his
intellectual capacity, and the attainment of his spiritual aspira-
tions. So we can't neglect that; we neglect it at our peril. It is
in that field that we have got to meet our enemy very successfully.
For example, as we try to hold together the free world and try
to lead it to cooperate spontaneously in its opposition to com-
munism, we develop methods by which each country — each na-
tion— and each individual, indeed, if we can bring that about —
can achieve a continuous rise in his living standards to achieve
346
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 58
that physical state of well-being, where these other things can
occupy his attention and lead him on to a more solid partnership
with a country such as ours.
So we develop a trade plan. Now a trade plan, my friends,
is not just an altruistic method to open markets to the access of
people all over the globe. Like all other foreign policy, its
genesis is the enlightened self-interest of the United States. But
it is in recognition of this fact, that if the United States itself is to
prosper, it must have means by which it can sell its products and
therefore it has to buy others.
But on top of that, it is a means of leading the free world to an
understanding that this physical, intellectual, spiritual being, man,
can cooperate under this kind of system effectively and to his
greater advancement, rather than to surrender to the blandish-
ments of communism.
Now these are complicated subjects. When we talk about
these principles, they have a different application in every subject,
in every nation, indeed they have a different application in every
sector of our own country.
But it would be fatal, in my opinion, here at home to allow the
accumulated minor objections of each district or of each industry,
because of real or fancied damage, to an enlightened trade policy,
to defeat us in this great purpose of the economic union — a legiti-
mate economic union of the free world in order that it may cleave
to these great spiritual truths, which in turn make it a unity in
opposing communism.
What I am trying without benefit of developed argument, is
to express to you what is in my heart and mind, to convince you
that, valuable as your work is at home — as much as it must be
continued in combating those who are losing confidence and faith
in our country — that we must undertake the task of laying before
the people of the world the facts of today's life. Those are the
facts of today's struggle, and the ways and means by which we
may all cooperate to the greater security of all, and to the greater
prosperity of all.
347
^ 58 Public Papers of the Presidents
To say that the solution of such a problem can be accomplished
without acute pain being suffered here and there, or by some
locality or by some group, would be completely silly. Of course,
there is going to be pain in every cure. There is pain to the
operation that restores usefulness to a broken leg, or any other
kind of operation. We are not going to do any of these things
without a price. But if we understand ourselves what we need
to do in the world to advance our own interests, economically
and from the standpoint of security, to achieve and maintain the
values that we see in private enterprise — ^understanding how that
means communion and trade with other countries — then we can
undertake the task of helping others to understand it also.
It is a very subtle job, I should say. The United States cannot
be in the position of just preaching to others and say, "See how
successful we are. Now you just get on the bandwagon and do
the same way and you will have the same results." Everybody
has got to take these great principles and interpret them in his
own way, applying things in his own way to his own task. Other-
wise it would not be freedom, and it would not be the kind of
decision in which we believe. We believe that everybody should,
so far as possible, decide for themselves.
Now this is what I honestly am convinced of: that unless we
make it possible, through enlightened methods, for the free world
to trade more freely among the several parts of that free world,
we are not going to win the ideological battle. I do not expect
us to fail in this process. But I do believe that every American,
dedicated to his own country and proceeding from that place, can
be helpful if he tries (a) to get his fellow American to under-
standing what is really going on in the world, and (b) to get
others to understand it without necessarily preaching at them.
I am not pleading for any special form or any special detailed
method of doing this. Groups such as this have great staffs.
You dig out the facts. You put them together. From those facts
you draw reasonable conclusions and then you take those con-
348
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 58
elusions as the basis of a plan that you start out to plaee before
others and get them to accept it.
So I am really pleading for an intelligent look at the great
world today. How quickly you will find that every problem in
the great world affects us at home. We cannot escape them.
We are part of it. We are intertwined. Our future and lives,
even our freedoms, may be intertwined with theirs. If we can
work that one out, we can help the world forward in this kind
of union, one that is based upon our great spiritual belief that
man is a dignified individual and is not the slave of the state;
that every man has a right to aspire toward intellectual advance-
ment, cultural advancement, and with a decent economic base
on which to do these things.
If we get to going forward in that concept and each doing his
legitimate and proper part, there is no more chance for com-
munism in the world than there would be for one of us to take off
and fly to the moon without the aid of science.
So I came over here this morning, first, to say thank you very
much for what you have done, and to say that in my belief what
you can do is far greater than all you have accomplished in
the past. I think I have met every year with this group. There
is no group I would rather meet with. I believe in you. I be-
lieve in what you are doing. And I believe that, therefore,
because you are so good, you can't put any limit, geographical or
otherwise, on your work.
note: The President spoke in the District Red Cross Building at 1 1 130 a.m.
40308—59 25 349
^ 59 Public Papers of the Presidents
59 ^ The President's News Conference of
March 23, 1955.
[ This is a complete transcript of the news conference of this date. All of
the President's replies were released for broadcasting or direct quotation at
that time except for the last, which is enclosed in brackets. ]
THE PRESIDENT. Good moming, ladies and gentlemen, I have one
announcement and one comment to make before we go to
questions.
The Secretary of Commerce is going to Europe in mid-April
in the interests of promoting freer trade among the free nations,
and while there, is going to attend at least five great industrial
fairs at which will be exhibited, of course, products of American
industry and the like.
His detailed schedule can be obtained from the Secretary of
Commerce.
The comment I want to make affects a question asked me last
week.
Someone asked me a question — I have forgotten whom — quot-
ing the Chief Justice as having made a statement to the effect that
if the Bill of Rights were now put before the American people, it
would be the judgment of the Chief Justice that that would not
be approved. And I asked this individual whether he was sure
as to what the Chief Justice said.
I must assure him he is mistaken. This so bothered me that
although I stated here that I had the greatest confidence in the
Chief Justice's judgment, patriotism, and dedication, that still — ^if
that were an issue — I would go out, at least, and do my part to
help get this Bill of Rights adopted.
Actually, when we looked up the speech — and a copy is in Mr.
Hagerty's office now where you can see it — ^he said that his faith
in the good sense, the soundness of the American people, was
such that if this were now put before the American people, he
was sure it would be adopted.
350
Dwight D, Eisenhower^ ig^s ^ 59
So, whoever the questioner was, I would like to assure him he
was mistaken in the premise that he proposed.
We will go to questions.
Q. Robert E. Clark, International News Service: Mr. Presi-
dent, Senator George has proposed that the United States take
the initiative in arranging a Big Four conference after the Paris
accords are ratified, without waiting for a demonstration of good
faith by Russia. Can you bring us up to date on how you feel
about a Big Four meeting at the chiefs of state level?
THE PRESIDENT. Of coursc, you opcu up a subject that is really
involved. However, I have said time and again there is no place
on this earth to which I would not travel, there is no chore I
would not undertake if I had any faintest hope that, by so doing,
I would promote the general cause of world peace.
Now, international meetings have a number of purposes, and
one of them, let us not forget, is just sheer propaganda.
Nevertheless, we must never abandon the hope that in some
new conference some constructive step will be taken and start this
weary world at last on the path that could lead hopefully and
definitely toward a better agreement.
I have, I believe, noted — and I think the State Department
has — that at this time, while the Paris agreements are still un-
ratified in certain countries, that it is best not to muddy the water,
not to introduce any new subject.
However, once that is done — and I am not going to speak
about the matter of initiative, I do not believe that that in itself
is particularly important — but I do believe there have got to be
new exploratory talks.
I think they would be taken up at first on a different level from
the chief of state.
You must remember that in this country the chief of state
has different constitutional and other types of duties than the
chiefs of state in most other countries. The head of a govern-
ment abroad is spared many of the duties and responsibiUties
that here fall upon the head of the state.
351
^ 59 Public Papers of the Presidents
So this meeting at the summit, which we so often hear about,
is not so simple for us as it might be for some other countries.
So I beUeve that that out of the way, now from a position of
strength — that is, moral and spiritual strength very greatly en-
hanced through this exhibition of unity — ^it probably would be
time to begin the kind of exploratory talks that might lead to
something constructive.
Now, I have used as examples in the past the kind of thing I
would regard as deeds that would show the good faith of Russia.
I have never meant, and never intimated, that those deeds
would be limited to the examples I gave.
In a dozen different ways this might be done. And I repeat
that this Government, as long as I am the head of it, is never
going to be backward in seizing upon any kind of opportunity
that will apparently advance this cause.
Q. Charles S. von Fremd, CBS News: At past conferences,
sir, you have indicated that such good deeds, or deeds not words,
on the part of Russia might be approving an Austrian peace
treaty
THE PRESIDENT. That is right.
Q. Mr. von Fremd: or free elections in Germany, and a
free and united Korea.
Would you still hold to these deeds before such a Big Four
meeting could take place?
THE PRESIDENT. I givc them only as examples. There could
be a dozen others, as I said just a few minutes ago. It doesn't
necessarily have to be those two.
Suppose, well, suppose the proposition that I made on Decem-
ber 9, 1953,^ before the United Nations, were suddenly accepted,
as far as you could see, in complete good faith. Instantly, you
would start a conference on a technical and political level be-
tween the two countries that would necessarily be directed toward
some kind of peaceful pursuits of mankind, and you would — ^no
^The President, on December 8, 1953, delivered to the United Nations an address
entitled "Atomic Power for Peace."
352
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 59
matter, we don't know how far it would grow. There could be
another one.
There would be a deed, not words.
Q. Paul R. Leach, Knight Newspapers: Mr. President, has
any thought been given to this Government to the admission or
inclusion of Western Germany in such a conference?
THE PRESIDENT. Let me answer that in this way, which, possi-
bly, is just not quite as direct as you would like it.
This subject of what we may do is discussed at least twice a
week between the Secretary of State and myself.
Manifestly, we have talked time and again as to the possibility
soon of including Western Germany in the conference that might
take place.
But, of course, I would assume that the very first ones would
possibly be limited to the four, because, as quick as you add one,
where is the limit to what you must add. And you don't want
to kill the possibility of a constructive conference by putting down
details or conditions in advance that, when you add on to them
from the other side, would just make it an impossible situation.
You see the logic of that move?
Q, Mr. Leach: Yes.
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press : Mr. President, do you have
under consideration an actual conference on, say, the Foreign
Minister or Secretary of State level?
THE PRESIDENT. No, uo; uot cxactly — that would be untrue to
say that.
We do take this up, constantly discussing it among ourselves,
frequently with one of our allies, just to keep the thinking on the
same level so that if particular conditions, favorable conditions,
arise, we can move ahead.
Q. Richard L. Wilson, Cowles Publications: Mr. President,
I wonder if you would clarify one point in this respect : would the
initial conference, if successful, be followed by a meeting of the
heads of state, or should it be followed by the
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^ 59 Public Papers of the Presidents
THE PRESIDENT. That depends, I would think, Mr. Wilson, on
what was accomplished.
If any significant thing were brought forward where the pres-
ence of the heads of state could give it a solemnity, possibly a
promise of success not otherwise obtainable, as I say, I would go
anywhere.
And let me make one gratuitous remark here : I sincerely hope
that this group, at least, will not try to put me, on this subject, in
any partisan attitude.
In this subject, I am as sincerely bipartisan and nonpartisan
as I know how to be.
I respect the opinions of everybody that comes in honesty to me
on it, and I have no thought of building any kind of special view-
point in this country in support of somebody else's viewpoint.
Q. James B. Reston, New York Times: Sir, in that regard,
would you welcome, would you favor, taking Senator George and
other representatives of the Congress to such a conference, if it
were held?
THE PREsroENT. Indeed, yes, if they should find it convenient
and want to go.
Some of these trips, you must understand, are anything but
comfortable and convenient experiences, and it is entirely possible
that they would prefer to be present only for some very significant
thing.
But I would tell you this : there would be no disposition to keep
the thing secret from them. They would be invited.
Q. Chalmers M. Roberts, Washington Post and Times Herald :
Is it correct to infer from what you said, sir, that your thinking
is that when you mention starting with a Big Four meeting, that
you are thinking essentially of a further meeting regardless of the
level only on the German unification and the Austrian treaty
question, or is it possible that a general East- West meeting might
be on a larger pattern than that?
THE PRESIDENT. I havc ncvcr inferred in any way that it would
be limited to those two things.
354
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 59
Those were simply quoted as evidences of Soviet good will and
good faith that would open up the whole subject of all of our
differences. Everything could come before such a conference.
Now, I must tell you this: you will recall in about the summer
of 1 95 1 5 representatives of these four powers met in the Rose
Palace in Paris, I think, for 4 months merely trying to agree on
an agenda, which they never did; and the conference could not
be held.
Maybe you could go to a nonagenda conference; I would have
no objection.
What I am saying is, the things you are talking about are
merely instances, already agreed upon in large part. And the
Western powers made great concessions in Austria, completely
accepted the Soviet viewpoint, but nothing was done on it.
Q. Mr. Roberts: May I ask a second point: Senator George,
in his remarks on this matter, raised the possibility or suggested
the possibility of meeting with the Chinese Communists as well
as with the Soviet Union.
Would you consider any meeting of that type either separately
on Asian matters or together on world problems?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think at the present moment it is com-
pletely academic, because every suggestion that has been made
of peace in the Far East to the Red Communists has been ac-
cepted only, from their viewpoint, as insults to them.
I think it is completely academic; there is no use speculating on
it.
Q. Edward P. Morgan, American Broadcasting Company:
Sir, last week, Representative Walter of Pennsylvania severely
criticized the Post Office Department for seizing copies of Izvestia
and Pravda in the United States mail.
Mr. Walter said that if he had his way about it, he would, on
the contrary, have these papers translated into English and dis-
tributed to everybody so, as he put it, they could see how nauseat-
ing communism could be.
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^ 59 Public Papers of the Presidents
Colleges, too, have protested that this ban has complicated
their research.
THE PRESIDENT. YcS.
Q. Mr. Morgan: And it is reported that the CIA has had
some difficulty in its own research thereby.
Does this restriction have your approval, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, let's make clear this: I am not going to
disapprove it with no more than I know about it in detail at this
moment. But I will say this: ever since I found that war rec-
ords— that is, military records — ^were hidden away and, ap-
parently, we were going to keep them from the American people
forever, I have been against censorship.
I don't like censorship, and I don't know the reason for this
one. It hasn't been brought yet to my attention except through
the newspapers. And, unfortunately, I haven't had a chance
to look into it. I don't know what it is about, really.
Q, Daniel Schorr, CBS News: Mr. President, in view of all
you have said this morning about the possibility of a Big Power
meeting, I am somewhat confused about the remark of Senator
Knowland yesterday, after his visit to you, that Senator George's
view was not your view.
Is there, in fact, any great difference?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, as a matter of fact, I don't think there
is any great difference between anybody's view here.
This is what I really believe: everybody, in talking about an
item such as this, gets a particular detail which he emphasizes in
his own mind to a very great degree, and suddenly a quarrel
springs out of it.
I think all of the gentlemen to whom you refer are sincerely
seeking peace; some believe one thing, some another.
Now, the Secretary of State, under my direction, is responsible
for carrying these things forward. I think that his attitude
toward it is eminently correct and proper and conciliatory.
We are trying to seek a peace with honor, and we are simply
trying to avoid that kind of useless bickering and the using of in-
356
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 59
temational conferences merely for propaganda purposes, dis-
appointing people. That is the futile kind of thing we are trying
to avoid, and that is all. Otherwise we are all for seeing, can
we advance the cause of peace?
Q. Joseph C. Harsch, Christian Science Monitor: Sir, I
wonder if you can clarify something I am not quite clear on.
In your last press conference, referring to the use of atomic
weapons, you said that when it was a question of strictly military
targets for strictly military purposes, you saw no reason why they
shouldn't be used just exactly as you would use a bullet or any-
thing else.
On January 12, we were talking about atomic weapons in
connection with police action as distinct from a major war, and
within that context you said you did not think that normally we
would use the atomic weapons, because, you thought, you could
not conceive of atomic weapons as a police weapon, and there
was some further remark there that it was so destructive.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, Mr. Harsch, the difference here, I
think, is perfectly simple. A police action is not war; a police
action is restoring order.
Now, you don't send in bombs to restore order when a riot
occurs. You get police people to restore order. Occasionally
there may be a life lost if someone is too tough about it.
But when you get into actual war, you have resorted to force
for reaching a decision in a particular area; that is what I call
war.
And whether the war is big or not, if you have the kind of a
weapon that can be limited to military use, then I know of no
reason why a large explosion shouldn't be used as freely as a
small explosion. That is all I was saying last week.
But that is different from trying to restore order. Incidentally,
if you want to follow some of these things off into the realm of
great philosophical conjecture, suppose you won a war by the
indiscriminate use of atomic weapons; what would you have left?
Now, what would you do for your police action, for your
40308—59 ^26 357
^ 59 Public Papers of the Presidents
occupation and restoration of order, and all of the things needed
to be done in a great area of the earth?
I repeat, the concept of atomic war is too horrible for man to
endure and to practice, and he must find some way out of it.
That is all I think about this thing.
Q. Mr. Harsch: Sir, I am a Httle stupid about this thing.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I am glad you didn't say / was!
[Laughter]
Q. Mr. Harsch : It would seem to me there is big war at one
end, just a local police action in which one person might be killed
at the other; and, in between, what the military people would
say was limited war. The Korean War, in a sense, was a limited
war.
THE PRESIDENT. It bccamc one, anyway.
Q. Mr. Harsch: It became one.
If we got into an issue with the Chinese, say, over Matsu and
Quemoy, that we wanted to keep Umited, do you conceive of
using this specific kind of atomic weapon in that situation or not?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, Mr. Harsch, I must confess I cannot
answer that question in advance.
The only thing I know about war are two things: the most
changeable factor in war is human nature in its day-by-day mani-
festation; but the only ujichanging factor in war is human nature.
And the next thing is that every war is going to astonish you
in the way it occurred, and in the way it is carried out.
So that for a man to predict, particularly if he has the respon-
sibility for making the decision, to predict what he is going to use,
how he is going to do it, would I think exhibit his ignorance of
war; that is what I believe.
So I think you just have to wait, and that is the kind of prayer-
ful decision that may some day face a President.
We are trying to establish conditions where he doesn't.
Q. Raymond P. Brandt, St. Louis Post-Dispatch: Mr. Presi-
dent, have you any plan to take an active part in saving your
foreign trade program in Congress?
358
Dwight D, Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 59
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I Can't go to the floor and debate, Mr.
Brandt.
After all, we all know that, but this is what I think : the foreign
trade program, as a notice to all peoples that we recognize their
problems, that we are earnestly trying to establish the kind of
economic base on which cultural values and spiritual values can
be properly developed and bring about a greater union among us,
that kind of a program is so essential to the United States today
that I would use every bit of influence that I can properly and
appropriately bring to bear to have it passed.
I think this is a very critical item now before the United States
of America, not merely before Government, but before the whole
country.
Q. Walter T. Ridder, Ridder Papers: Mr. President, do you
believe that the release of the Yalta documents might cramp
styles in future conferences?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I WOuld hopC UOt.
Among allies, gentlemen, I want to call your attention to this
one fact : you make treaties, and good faith is involved.
Now, the one place, if you will read history, is that treaties have
always fallen down when it came to actual war, if any one country
felt that its vital considerations were going to be damaged through
the purposes of its allies.
You can go back through the history of coalitions, and you will
find great evidence of this.
As a matter of fact, one soldier said that he always considered
Napoleon the greatest soldier that ever lived, until he woke up
one day and found that he always fought against coaUtions. And
then he lost some of his respect.
Now, this is one way of defining the difficulties of coalitions.
Good faith is involved; so that while I earnestly believe that all
documents should be published, not attempting to pin or assess
blame for success and failure, I believe when the good faith with
an ally is involved we want to be exceedingly careful. Moreover,
I think such documents should be confined, in general, to those
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^ 59 Public Papers of the Presidents
things that are of political and military significance. Casual con-
versation, I think, should not be included.
I would hope that our country would never be legitimately
charged with bad faith, and in this particular case I think it wasn't.
They had been, I believe, in communication with our ally for a
long time about it. However, there was some difference of
opinion.
Now, in this matter, let me repeat, there is nothing, as I can
see, to be gained by going back lo years and showing that, in the
light of afterevents, that someone may have been wrong, or some-
one may have been right.
People that are so sure that we could do this, forget one thing:
you can never recapture the atmosphere of war. You have the
great advantage of events.
I think I have often told you that one of the most severe de-
cisions I had to make in the war was to direct the capture of
Pantelleria. Yet that was so easy that most of you don't even
know where Pantelleria was. And in the afterevent, it made
not a ripple in history. Yet the decision was so difficult that had
the predictions of the pessimists been realized, I certainly would
have been relieved.
So that you can never tell, at the moment, is history going to
say this was right or this was wrong.
If we believe these people acted for what they thought was the
best good, of the cause for which they were fighting, of their
country, well, then, let us take and lay the thing out dispassion-
ately so that we, in our turn, may profit from their mistakes. But
don't let's try to just damage reputations by such means.
Q. Ingrid M. Jewell, Pittsburgh Post-Gazette: Mr. President,
Senator Bricker thinks that his proposed amendment
THE PRESIDENT. I couldu't quitc hear you.
Q. Miss Jewell: Senator Bricker believes that his proposed
amendment has a good chance of going through this year be-
cause he thinks you have changed your mind about it since last
year. Have you changed your mind?
360
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig55 ^ 59
THE PRESroENT. No.
Q. Clark R. MoUenhoff, Des Moines Register: You suffered
one of your sharpest defeats in the House on this postal pay bill.
I wonder if you would give us some of your own personal views
as to why you oppose the 10 percent in favor of the 5 percent?
THE PRESIDENT. Siucc 1 945 the postal clerks and carriers have
gone from something of an order of a $1700 wage to a $3200,
something of a 92-percent raise. The top scales, I think, of those
same grades have gone up about 94 percent. I give you that
statistic just to show that these people have not been neglected.
Moreover, when you begin to talk about pay scales you have
got to take in not merely the percentage that one group now may
receive as opposed to another group; you have got to go back
into the whole background and history of the thing.
Exactly the same way in the opposite sense with some of the
military. Some of the military grades have been neglected, and
we need to raise them or we are not going to have proper people
there.
I sent to the Congress a plan, for both civil service people and
postal people, that had been studied long and earnestly in a great
effort to do the right thing by the individuals themselves, to do it
sensibly and in accordance with efficient governmental manage-
ment of the great processes we have to carry out.
Now, I believe still that that is a correct program for the
readjustments and revisions of classification and the scale of in-
crease that it proposes; and any great increase over that would
cause me, as I said in a letter, the gravest concern.
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Mr. President, I believe
Vice President Nixon has spoken to you about the merit of com-
pleting the Inter- American Highway, and he said at the present
rate it won't be completed until 15 or 25 years have passed.
Have you and he — ^have you agreed on a plan for speeding up
the financing of this, so it may be completed?
THE PRESIDENT. No.
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^ 59 Public Papers of the Presidents
In his report to the Cabinet he mentioned this, and gave his
conclusions as of tremendous importance.
Now, the next thing that will happen will be that State and
Commerce will unquestionably make a recommendation to me
as to what we should do in the way of getting the necessary
appropriations. I believe they are relatively small.
But I will say this: instinctively, I am on his side. I believe
that this road should be completed.
Q. Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Mr. President,
is any effort being made by either this Govemment directly or
through the British to negotiate a cease-fire in the Formosa Strait,
I mean any new efforts as an attempt through the U.N.?
THE PRESIDENT. As of this momcut?
Q. Mr. Arrowsmith : Yes.
THE PRESIDENT. No, there is no particular or specific program
now in progress, but I should say this: that, of course, the British,
with representation in Peking, have always represented our view-
point, which is that any just, reasonable solution of the difficulty
in the Formosa Straits would receive our most earnest and
sympathetic attention.
We ourselves supported putting it before the United Nations,
but there is no specific plan at the moment.
Q. WiUiam H. Lawrence, New York Times: Mr. President,
in your concluding remarks about the Yalta papers a moment
ago, you said if we believe these people acted for the best good;
is it correct to interpret that to say that you believe they acted
for the best good as they saw it?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I meant my remark, Mr. Lawrence, in
this way: so far as I know, I have never in public questioned a
man's motives, even if I thought he was mistaken; I have criti-
cized military leaders in staff schools in my time very severely.
I certainly would not question his motives.
I question the motives of no man when I wasn't there and know
nothing about what he was doing.
362
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 59
Q. Mr. Lawrence: May I ask one supplementary question?
THE PRESIDENT. YeS.
Q. Mr. Lawrence: You were a responsible field commander
at the time and informed of general strategy. Did you record
or do you remember a decision that you reached at that time at
your own level as to the rightness or wrongness of Yalta?
THE PRESIDENT. No.
The only faint connection I had was this: the British and
American contingents met in Malta before going on to Yalta. I
didn't have time to go down. I was engaged in a very heavy
battle, and I sent my Chief of Staff down to represent what our
operational plans for the spring were, and to tell them. They
were all approved.
As a matter of fact, it was sent down for information.
But I did tell two or three of the individuals involved that the
Western allied forces were going to get at least as far as the Elbe
in this operation — our calculations were that we had now used
up all the disposable reserves the Germans had to put on the
western front, and that we were going to penetrate deep into
Germany — and I would hope, therefore, that these people would
have that knowledge before they made any agreement.
However, don't forget this: all during that year of 1944 the
European Advisory Commission had been meeting in London,
and these plans were worked out by the Advisory Commission.
As far as I know, Yalta had only the job of approving them,
because all these countries had been represented on that Com-
mission. I believe John Winant was our representative.
I merely said that we were going to go further east into Ger-
many than the line they described to me, and that is the only
thing I knew about.
I never was at Yalta; I didn't even go to Malta.
Q. Edward T. Folliard, Washington Post and Times Herald:
Mr. President, to go back to the high level conference. Senator
George's position, as I understand it, is this: that he would not
require the Russians to meet any particular conditions; that is,
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^ 59 Public Papers of the Presidents
he would not require that they show their earnestness with deeds
rather than with words.
Now, I do not understand that to be your position, Mr, Presi-
dent. I am trying to find out whether there is a real difference.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, there may be. I don't deny that every
individual that approaches these problems has his own detailed
solution for them.
I merely want to say that I am seeking an honorable peace and
trying to create confidence among the peoples of the free world,
not just bouncing around to do nothing.
Now, there is this one thing, the argument on the other side:
there have been at least two changes within the last couple of
years in the personnel of the ruling group in the Kremlin. Con-
sequently, you have at least the element of, let us say, faint hope
that new individuals may be different from the old ones; that
may make some exploratory talks very valuable. And as long as
we are differentiating between a final big so-called meeting at
the summit and exploratory talks — ^well, exploratory talks, I could
make a lot of concessions to have that carried out.
Q. Robert G. Spivack, New York Post : Mr. President, if we
may return to the Far East for a moment: one of the solutions
that has been suggested for ending the Far East crisis has been
a U.N. trusteeship for Formosa. I wonder if this Government is
receptive to that idea?
THE PRESIDENT. I bclicve I wou't talk about that one this
morning. I dislike ever saying "No comment" to you people, but
that is one that I have not talked in detail because, for my own
part, I had not up to this moment taken it as an acceptable
solution to people we are trying to keep on our side.
Q. Frederick Kuh, Chicago Sun-Times: Mr. President, in
your consideration of a Four Power conference, is it your premise
that the Russians will be willing to participate in such a conference
within a matter of some months after ratification of the Paris
agreements?
THE PRESIDENT. I don't know. That is one of the subjects we
364
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1Q55 ^ 59
discuss constantly: what would be their attitude toward an invi-
tation? And maybe it would be even worth while finally to find
out what that is.
But I don't know, and I don't think anyone else could really
make a good guess.
Q. Nat S. Finney, Buffalo News : Mr. President, did you intend
to assign a lower order of priority to the deeds of an Austrian
treaty and German elections, and North Korea? Does what you
said give them a lower order of priority of importance than they
have had heretofore?
THE PRESIDENT. I couldu't imagine what would make you ask
such a question. Nothing I have ever said would indicate that.
No. I am merely giving these indications of something that
would mean to me, "Look, these people are talking business."
They have violated their word so often, they have left us hanging
on the limb. As a matter of fact, our great interest in all of
these past agreements and papers is why did we trust them so
much.
All I want to know is what can I depend on to mean to me
this: we are approaching this seriously and earnestly; that is all.
Q. John L. Cutter, United Press: Mr. President, a member of
your Uaison staff has been up to the Congress to see a member
of the Michigan delegation regarding the establishment of a jet
airbase near Cadillac, Michigan. Does that mean that the
White House has any particular interest in that one particular
place?
THE PRESIDENT. [This is the first time I have heard of it; and
if anyone has an interest in it, it certainly must be personal. I
know nothing about it.]
Merriman Smith, United Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
note: President Eisenhower's sixty- 10:31 to 11:04 o'clock on Wednes-
fourth news conference was held in day morning, March 23, 1955. In
the Executive Office Building from attendance: 211.
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^ 6o Public Papers of the Presidents
60 ^ Remarks to Representatives of the
American Voluntary Societies Cooperating in the
United States Escapee Program. March 25^ 1955
WELL, ladies and gentlemen, of course, I am not going into a
dissertation on statistics. About all I can say is, thank you for
the extraordinary understanding that you exhibit by your very
participation in this kind of work.
If we are to win this ideological struggle going on in the world,
if we are going to stand for freedom and opportunity and the
dignity of the human, we have got to be ready to do those things
voluntarily that give some other individual the right to be
dignified as well, to enjoy opportunity, to live in freedom.
And of course we know from our own history, going way back
into the dim past, that freedom is not won easily, nor is it won
without sacrifice.
Whenever we allow anybody else's freedom to be cut down,
by that much our own is endangered. Consequently, the work
that you are doing is not only completely humanitarian, as I see
it. It is also in furtherance of the idea that this thing — this con-
cept of freedom — is not going to be kept alive and flourish in
the world unless we do those things that are expected of free
men, and make sure that everybody else has a similar opportimity.
So it is in that spirit that I say: thank you very much. I as-
sure you that this administration, in its own several jobs spread
all over the United States and over the world, is dedicated to the
same ideas here that you are doing in the practical, every day
work-a-day field. These are things that have to be done, things
of the greatest importance.
So, my gratitude for that, and my best wishes for your con-
tinued success. I didn't realize you were 3 years old today, but
that is good. I hope you continue to grow.
366
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 6i
NOTE : The President spoke in his ated with the U.S. Escapee Program
office at the White House following in assisting refugees and escapees as
introductory remarks by Harold E. they came across the line from the
Stassen, Foreign Operations Admin- Iron Curtain areas. The U.S.
istrator. Escapee Program was established
The voluntary organizations, spon- early in 1952 to assure that the
sored by various religious, national, escapees find an adequate welcome
and special purpose groups, cooper- in the free world.
6 1 ^ Joint Statement Following Discussions
With Prime Minister Scelba of Italy.
March 28, 1955
THE PRESIDENT received today and had discussions with His
Excellency, Mario Scelba, Prime Minister of Italy, who is making
an official visit to this country.
The Prime Minister was accompanied to the White House by
His Excellency, Gaetano Martino, Foreign Minister of Italy; His
Excellency, Manlio Brosio, Italian Ambassador to the United
States; Massimo Magistrati, Director of Political Affairs, Italian
Ministry of Foreign Affairs; and Paolo Canali, Adviser to the
Prime Minister.
The Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles; the American Am-
bassador to Italy, Mrs. Clare Boothe Luce; and the Assistant
Secretary of State for European Affairs, Mr. Livingston Mer-
chant, were in attendance with the President.
The President and the Prime Minister reviewed the general
problems of East- West relations as they affect the peace and
security of the world today. They also discussed aspects of West-
ern defense pertaining to the partnership of Italy and the United
States in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
Developments in the creation of the Western European Union
were also touched upon and the President expressed to Prime
Minister Scelba the gratification of the American people at the
367
^ 6 1 Public Papers of the Presidents
important role Italy has been playing in the carrying forward of
all measures leading to Western European integration and the
solidarity of the North Atlantic community.
After the discussions were concluded, the President and Mrs.
Eisenhower entertained at an official luncheon at the White House
in honor of the Prime Minister and Signora Scelba and their
party.
62 ^ The President's News Conference of
March 30, 1955.
[ This is a complete transcript of the news conference of this date. Those
portions of the President's replies which were not released for broadcasting
or direct quotation at that time are enclosed in brackets. ]
THE PRESIDENT. My first announcement this morning is to ex-
press— and, I think, on behalf of all of you — a deep regret at the
death of Harold Beckley, Superintendent of the Senate Press Gal-
lery, who has been on this door ever since I have been holding
press conferences in this room. I think all of us would like to
join in expressing our regret to those that were close to him.
I want to mention briefly these bipartisan lunches I am having
today and tomorrow, merely to assure you that there is no specific
or special purpose behind them.
We started talking about them two or three weeks ago. It
was some little trouble to find two days in succession that were
blank on my luncheon calendar and convenient to the people on
the Hill.
We have at least arranged it, and we expect to talk over the
world situation in general. There is no agenda, no specific sub-
ject to be discussed.
As you know, the French and Italian ParUaments have both
ratified the Paris agreements, and I couldn't possibly exaggerate
in expressing my satisfaction.
368
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ 1955 ^ 62
I speak as one who was sent over there some years ago to work
on this proposition. I was very strong for EDC. When EDG
was rejected, I though this was the next best we could do.
I am deUghted that the ParHaments have gone this far with the
unification of our security arrangements in that area.
Now, that's all the announcements I have.
We will go to questions.
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press : Mr. President, within the
past week Admiral Carney has been quoted as saying that there
might be a Red Chinese attack on Matsu, followed in a month or
about a month, by an attack on Quemoy.
We understand that you feel otherwise and, furthermore, don't
like the expression of this sort of estimate on Admiral Carney's
part.
I wonder if you could discuss that situation for us.
THE PRESIDENT. Ladics and gentlemen, I have tried to say it
many times: none of us possesses a crystal ball. We cannot pre-
tend to the accuracy of the ancient prophets when we talk about
the future.
I have heard the possibility of war discussed many times during
my governmental career, and I have seen it occur on two or three
occasions.
But to prophesy when a war is going to break out is to assume
that we have an accuracy of information that, I think, has never
yet been attained by a country that was to be attacked.
What I have tried to say is this: in this poor and distressed
world, the danger, the risk of war is always with us, and we have
got to be vigilant. We have got to be careful. And while we
are doing it we have got to be as fair and as large-minded as we
know how, to accommodate and to understand the fears and the
ambitions of others that might lead them into a risky venture and
such a tragic thing as this; at the same time so conducting our-
selves that the world knows we are strong, strong in our principles,
in our faith, also strong militarily and economically. I don't be-
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lieve there is any possible way as of this time of describing the
situation any better.
If I can make a comment, it is this: I do not believe that the
peace of the world, the tranquillity of the world, is being served
at this moment by talking too much in terms of speculation about
such things. I think that is all I have to say about it.
Q. Joseph C. Harsch, Christian Science Monitor: Mr. Presi-
dent, a military question: would you tell us whether, in your
opinion, the United States can successfully defend Formosa, even
if we should give up or refrain from doing anything about the
offshore islands of Quemoy and Matsu?
THE PRESIDENT. I think that the attitude and the calculations
of this Government were pretty well laid out before the Senate
and the House at the time of the passage of the recent resolution
asking for authority to act under given situations.
However, I would say this: a terrific burden would depend
upon the forces and the people occupying Formosa as to the
possibility of its defense.
You have to have forces there who are of high morale, who
have something in which to believe if they are going to fight well,
as that is the only way men fight. They don't fight just to get
out and shoot at each other, so they must believe in something.
And we must be careful not to destroy their morale. That is a
factor that you must always calculate when you talk about sur-
rendering this place or that place or doing anything else.
Now, as I say again, even for me, I don't think there is much
to be gained by speculation in this field. But I do want you to
see this one factor that is terrifically important if you are going
to make a successful military defense of any area.
Q. Ray Scherer, National Broadcasting Company: Mr. Presi-
dent, could you assess the present possibility for a cease-fire in the
Formosa Straits?
THE PRESIDENT. No, I cau't. And if you will pardon me, I
think we have talked enough about Formosa. I don't believe I
have anything more to say about it.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 62
Q. Clark R. MoUenhoff, Des Moines Register: Mr. President,
Representative Price of Illinois has said that Allen Whitfield,
who you nominated for the Atomic Energy Commission, is a pro-
fessional politician, and he criticized the administration for what
he said "making the Atomic Energy Commission the dumping
ground for job-hungry Republicans."
I wonder if you could tell us if you intend to withdraw the
nomination, as he demanded; how you happened to select Whit-
field, and what particular qualifications you thought he brought
to the job.
THE PRESIDENT. [That is like defending yourself against "beat-
ing your wife." [Laughter]
[I have tried to tell you people, and I assure you I have tried
to follow this theory in the appointment of people : I have ap-
pointed those people that are close to me and on whom I must
depend for advice and counsel in many things, including the
selection of subordinates. I have depended on their advice and
counsel in the selection of the people they need. These people
close to me I trust.
[Then, once they are selected, they have to pass certain tests.
There are certain field tests, and all kinds of things that they go
through. If they are found to measure up they are appointed.
[In the case of Mr. Whitfield, I think that there is probably
no worse being said against him than being said against lots of
people. But I know of no one that we have appointed whose
standing in his community, whose reputation, whose readiness to
serve his government, are not of a very high order.]
Q. Raymond P. Brandt, St. Louis Post-Dispatch: Mr. Presi-
dent, Secretary Dulles has said that it will take months to prepare
for a Big Four conference. We have had the conditions laid
down for the Russians coming in. Could you tell us some of the
subjects that could be discussed at a Big Four conference?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, Mr. Brandt, it is not an easy question,
because there are so many different kinds of meetings that have
been proposed by different people.
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One proposal, coming from a very eminent source, has been
that we merely meet without an agenda, and we have a broad
talk. Well, now, there are many dangers in such a meeting be-
cause it could be considered, let us say, social. If it is a social
sort of get-together, trying to be friendly, there are many people
in the world that are interpreting actions as well as words, and
they are interpreting them in terms of what has happened to
them and what does this meeting mean to them? That is one
kind of a meeting that you have to watch.
Moreover, if you would have a meeting, certain questions would
almost have to be examined; for example, let us say, the unifica-
tion of Germany or some question affecting Germany. The
wheels are now moving to make Germany, West Germany, a
completely independent country. How can you talk about Ger-
many unless Germany is present? But if you ask Germany,
where do you stop?
There are all sorts of things to be decided in these preparations
before you can just meet and have something that is promising
for the peace of the world. I would certainly hesitate to be a
party to a meeting where people would have a right, merely
because you meet, to expect more than you really believe you
can deliver.
Now I reiterate, the United States Government is ready to
do anything. We will meet on any basis as long as we are not,
in so doing, creating an impression we think is damaging.
Q. Mr. Brandt : Isn't it true, sir, that the lower level conference
would work out an agenda?
THE PREsroENT. Well, I dou't know whether they would even
have to work out an entire agenda, Mr. Brandt.
I quoted to you the other day the example in the Rose Palace
in Paris in 1952 when, after meeting for 3 months to decide upon
an agenda for another meeting, they abandoned the effort; they
could not do it.
But they would have to make a sufficient preparation for this
thing so we could try to determine, at least, or we could have some
372
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig§5 ^ 62
confidence of what we are getting into. It is a very serious
question.
Q. Richard L. Wilson, Cowles Publications: Mr. President
THE PRESIDENT. Could I interrupt just a minute?
Q. Mr. Wilson: Yes, certainly.
THE PRESIDENT, I was askcd by a listener whether each per-
son— ^no, stand up — ^whether each person asking a question would
speak loudly and get as close to a microphone as he could. I
forgot it this morning. [Laughter]
Q. Mr. Wilson: They will have to raise this for me, sir.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, they always do that on the stage, you
know. [Laughter]
Q. Mr. Wilson: Perhaps that will put you in a good humor
for this question. [Laughter] It may fall within your earlier
remark that you did not want to discuss Formosa.
However, it has been stated in the newspapers and on the radio
that your position is one thing or another with respect to Quemoy
and Matsu; but I have not heard, sir, you express your opinion
as to these recent discussions or whether or not the recent accounts
in the press are true. So I would ask you, do
THE PRESIDENT. The rcccut accounts are true?
Q. Mr. Wilson : Yes, sir. Do you disagree with the proposition
that there may be an attack on Matsu from April 15th onward?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, Certainly, I will go back to that subject
long enough to say this: I cannot say that there will not, because
I don't know. But I do say that if anyone is predicting it will
be that soon, and can give me logical reasons for believing it will
be that soon, they have information that I do not have.
Q. Charles E. Shutt, Telenews : There has been a great deal
of talk lately, alleged in many quarters to be very partisan; and
yesterday on Capitol Hill, Senator Smathers and Senator Carlson
said perhaps we were getting into an election year a year earlier
and, perhaps, a moratorium should be declared on mudslinging.
Would you comment on that, sir, the partisan talk that has
been going on recently?
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^ 62 Public Papers of the Presidents
THE PRESIDENT. In somc things I think a man's conscience has
got to determine his own actions, but it has apparently very Kttle
to do with the actions of others.
If I have been guilty of mudsiinging anywhere, I would be glad
to account for it and to apologize to my unintended victim.
I don't believe in mudsiinging. I don't believe it does any good.
As a matter of fact, I think it would be a good moment to just say
how much I have respected and admired the attitude that Sena-
tor George has taken, for example, in trying to preserve a true
bipartisan, unpartisan approach to all our foreign problems.
[I wouldn't even talk, therefore, about a party that contained
such a man who is working as hard as he is to make the foreign
affairs of the United States go forward successfully.]
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Sir, I seem to recall in
World War II that military personnel were warned not to talk.
And isn't it very poor military strategy, to say the least, for us to
go out here talking about our enemies' war plans?
THE PRESIDENT. As a matter of fact, you have something there.
I meant to express something of that kind when I said I didn't
believe that we were doing the United States much good by specu-
lating too much into the future on this thing.
There are just certain things in the world — if you are going to
live in the confidence that you are right, ready to protect your
rights, but you are not going to resort to aggressive force yourself,
then you have got to be patient and strong in your patience, not
to let anybody run over you, but not to try to say, "They are going
to attack me today; therefore, I attacked them yesterday so that
I don't get in bad trouble."
Q. Marvin Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Mr. President, not
meaning to transgress on your enough-about-Formosa remark, but
will Admiral Carney be reprimanded for his remarks of last week?
THE PRESIDENT. Not by me.
Q. Alan S. Emory, Watertown Times: Mr. President, Con-
gressman Walter of Pennsylvania has attacked Mr. Edward Corsi,
the new Special Assistant to the Secretary of State on Refugee
374
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ igss ^ 62
and Migration Problems, as allegedly having been a member of
several Communist-front organizations.
I wondered if you would comment, sir, on your personal ac-
quaintance with Mr. Corsi and whether you think any individual
who had been active in a Communist-front organization would
have a chance of getting that high a job in the State Department?
THE PRESIDENT. [Well, you havc got a lot of "ifs" in there in
that question.
[Now, actually, I have met Mr. Corsi. I have talked to him.
My appointment of him again was on the recommendations of
people I trust. He was put in that position actually, of course,
by the Secretary of State. The Secretary of State has reported
to me that he has been very valuable in the position.
[I know nothing about these accusations against him, but I am
sure that it could be looked up if you go to the Secretary of State.]
Q. Chalmers M. Roberts, Washington Post and Times Herald :
A couple of weeks ago you appointed Harold Stassen as a Special
Assistant for Disarmament. I wonder if you could give us a little
of your thinking behind the creation of that job, and just what
the scope of it is.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, the couccpt is very simple.
Here is something that is a terrific problem in the world. We
all know what burdens are created by the maintenance of these
sterile, unproductive agencies we call defense units and organ-
izations. We are putting billions and billions into them. We
would like to reduce them.
Now, each department of Government, as far as I can see,
almost each individual in such a country as ours, has some par-
ticular idea of what he thinks might work. On some sides they
want purely, let's say, a theoretical approach. On other sides
they will go to the extremes of quid pro quo: "Don't do a thing,
just build more bombs."
What is our thinking? There was nobody in the Government,
up until I appointed Governor Stassen to this post, that was
responsible for getting together all of the different ideas affecting
375
^ 62 Public Papers of the Presidents
disarmament and putting them together so the administration
can say, "This is our program, and this is what we are trying to
do in this field."
State approaches this from one way, Defense approaches it
from another, your economic people approach it from still an-
other. You have all sorts of viewpoints; and some think this will
work, that will work.
Let us have somebody with a small staff who cannot only do
something to bring together, draw together, these views, but to
devise a short, easily expressed program, maybe that all of us here
could adopt and say, "Yes, that is good."
Now, that is what he is for.
Q. Mr. Roberts: Could I ask, sir, is it your thinking that dis-
armament is an instrument on the way to what you have called
the modus vivendi or that you get disarmament agreement after
you have created an atmosphere in which
THE PRESIDENT. Personally, I believe these things have got to
go hand in hand. Fear begets fear.
Now, you have armaments. If you are going to say, "Let us
be more peaceful, let's make a more peaceful arrangement some-
where, and then we can reduce armaments," they will say, "Well
don't you think we had better do this at the same time?"
Then as we make this nice arrangement, there won't be quite
so much capacity for one nation to attack another.
I think you have now given a perfect example of the kind of
thing that we should like to have some brains giving exclusive
attention to : what is a good explanation of the sequential steps
that must take place if this is going to have any chance of
success?
Q. Laurence H. Burd, Chicago Tribune: Mr. President, has
this Government received any recent report from the United
Nations on its effort to release the flyers held by Red China, and
if not, are we going to ask for one, or take any other steps?
THE PREsroENT. Only the report, Mr. Burd, that they are still
working actively in this field. That is the report.
376
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ igs^ ^ 62
Q. Robert G. Spivack, New York Post: Mr. President, before,
you mentioned some of the obstacles that are in the way, or the
difficulties that are in the way of a Big Four conference; I wonder
about one that you didn't mention.
Do we know yet whether things have shaken down in Russia
and who the top man in the Russian Government is now?
THE PRESIDENT. No, I think wc know nothing more than what
is apparent on the face of things. That is, if you take the organi-
zation at face value, why then, you would say Marshal Bulganin
is the head. But I think it would be a bold man to say that they
knew he was the true principal influence in the govemment today.
Q. Francis M. Stephenson, New York Daily News: With all
respect, Mr. President, I would like to ask you by whose authority
your aides are giving out such information as whether or not we
are going to war to ten or twenty men who invite them out to
dinner? Don't you think the New York Daily News is entitled
to that news?
THE PRESIDENT. [Well, I am not, of course, responsible for the
friends that my subordinates have, nor can I be responsible for
exactly what they say.
[Now, I am sure someone expressed a personal opinion.
Whether or not they have a right to do so, possibly you can say
they have to talk to everybody if they talk to one. But, so far as
I know, the individual concerned had no idea of the questions
that were going to be asked him.
[I want to make clear he does have a right to his personal con-
victions. But he cannot utter them properly, in my opinion, if
he is going to create difficulty for his administration, for his com-
mander in chief, or in violation of any announced policy of an
administration, because then he doesn't belong as a member of
the team.]
Q. Mr. Stephenson: Well, it has reached a point, Mr. Presi-
dent, where we have to invite your aides to dinner before we can
get such very important information, whether we are going to
war.
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^ 62 Public Papers of the Presidents
THE PRESIDENT. [My dear sir, why do you suppose I come
over here every week? I am not asking you to see anybody else.
I come over here every week to subject myself to your questions
for a half hour. Now you can ask any question of substance,
but don't ask me to criticize somebody else when I don't even
know the circumstances of the meeting.]
Q. WiUiam M. Blair, New York Times: Mr. President, the
bipartisan farm bloc in Congress is making an effort to change
the administration's farm program and restore high rigid price
supports. Their concern is that the farm economy is going down
and endangering the rest of the economy.
Do you share this view, sir, and do you intend to back Mr.
Benson in his program?
THE PRESIDENT. WcU, I waut to make this remark: every — ^it
is true that farm prices have fallen, and it is a development that
has caused the gravest concern over a number of years. I think
they fell some 19 points in the 2 years just prior to '53, and some
8 or 9 since then.
But I must point this out : every bit of that drop has been under
the 90 percent rigid price supports. The flexible price support
program has not yet been effective, and it will not become effective
until the '55 crops are ready for marketing. So that to say that
the flexible price supports or to hint or to imply that they are
responsible for this drop is just, in my opinion, not correct.
Of course we are giving attention to it. We are looking at
every possible thing there is to do in this field. But the purpose
of flexible price supports is to discourage production in those items
in which we are constantly building up surpluses, to transfer our
agriculture a bit, so that we can really get supply and demand
in better balance.
Q. Robert E. Clark, International News Service: Mr. Pres-
ident, this is a question that applies to the long-range defense of
Formosa rather than the current crisis.
Brigadier General Frank Howley recently toured Formosa and
378
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 62
the Far East, and has made several proposals for strengthening
our position in dealing with the Chinese Communists.
One of these is that we arm the Chinese Nationalist Army with
atomic weapons. Another is that we make it clear to Red China
that one more aggressive step on their part will mean their com-
plete destruction by our atomic power.
Can you give us your opinion on this?
THE PRESIDENT. You Say he recommended that?
Q. Mr. Clark : That is right.
THE PRESIDENT. [I havcu't heard it, Mr. Clark, and I have not
seen the two points or at least the first point discussed in detail.
[I do not believe that, as I say, the cause of peace is now to be
served by making any further commitments about the area at
all, I mean commitments in terms of intention.]
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press: Mr. President, what do
you think of the position taken by the man you nominated as
Comptroller General in opposition to your highway program?
He has told Congress that he thinks the financing system is
unsound and, possibly, illegal. I refer to Mr. Campbell.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, Mr. Smith, I nominated to the position
of Comptroller General the man I thought was best qualified in
the United States. Mr. Campbell was my associate and assistant
when I was at Columbia University. He was the treasurer of
a very large organization. He is a splendid accountant, and he
is certainly an honest gentleman.
Now, the last thing I would ever ask any man that I appoint
to high office is what are going to be his decisions in specific
cases.
If any man would pledge to me that he was going to make a
certain decision because I asked him, he would never be
appointed.
So I have to concede to him his right to follow his own judg-
ment and convictions. But I do tell you this, I think he is
wrong. [Laughter]
379
^ 62 Public Papers of the Presidents
Q. Lawrence Fernsworth, Concord (New Hampshire)
Monitor: I don't wish to break the moratorium, Mr. President.
I am merely asking for clarification.
There has been some speculation since your statement that a
year hence you would answer the question concerning your
candidacy; there has been some speculation that you are await-
ing the primaries in New Hampshire, in the first week of — the
second Tuesday of March.
Would you comment on that, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. You kuow, somc of thcsc qucstious, I am
going to refer them to this body and see whether they actually
do break the moratorium. [Laughter] I haven't even thought
about the primaries in New Hampshire. And you are inform-
ing me now of something that I do recall — that they do come in
March. [Laughter]
Q. Charles E. Egan, New York Times : Could you tell us when
or if that committee you named to study transportation has
reported to you yet, the committee headed by Secretary Weeks?
THE PRESIDENT. [I wiU havc to explain my answer to this ex-
tent: we have had preliminary discussions on it. Whether the
final report came to me I can't say at this moment.]
Mr. Hagerty: Not yet.
THE PRESIDENT. [Not yet. Wc havc had preliminary discus-
sions and, therefore, I couldn't be certain.]
Q. Elie Abel, New York Times: Could you give us your
thought, sir, on what arrangements you would like to see made
for the future of the Foreign Operations Administration which,
I believe, expires June 30?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think that theoretically we had a good
organization. But there are a number of considerations that
apply. I believe that in some ways it is best to get the end item
defense portions of those expenditures really included in the De-
fense budget as separate items — I don't mean to say thereby to
reduce the necessary expenditures for our own defense — and then
to take over in a separate bureau, possibly in the State Depart-
380
Dwight D. Eisenhower, igs^ ^ 63
ment, something like the Internal Revenue is organized in the
Treasury Department. I would visualize something like that.
I want to make clear, if the answer is something different, don't
accuse me of bad faith. I am giving you my personal idea of
how it could be done well.
Q. Daniel Schorr, CBS News : I understand, sir, we were remiss
in journalistic enterprise last week. Mr. President, how about
the squirrels? [Laughter]
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I'll tcU you: I think first you ought to
interview the squirrels and find out if anybody is unhappy.
[Laughter] I don't see any reason for producing another pres-
sure group until we find out they are really unhappy, with a
freedom I would personally dearly love. [Laughter]
Merriman Smith, United Press : Thank you, Mr. President.
note: President Eisenhower's sixty- 10:34 to 11:03 o'clock on Wednes-
fifth news conference was held in day morning, March 30, 1955. In
the Executive Office Building from attendance: 217.
63 ^ Statement by the President on the Death of
Joseph Pulitzer and Robert R. McGormick.
April I, 1955
IN THE PASSING of Joseph Pulitzer and Colonel Robert R.
McCormick, American journalism has lost the services of two
of its outstanding publishers. Although frequently on opposite
sides of public issues, both were staunch champions of a free press
so essential to our own freedoms.
Mrs. Eisenhower joins me in extending personal sympathy to
their families for the great personal loss they have suffered.
40308—59 27
381
^ 64 Public Papers of the Presidents
64 ^ Letter to the President of the Senate and to
the Speaker of the House of Representatives
Concerning the Inter-American Highway.
April I, 1955
[ Released April i, 1955. Dated March 31, 1955 ]
Dear :
For some time I have had under consideration the desirability
of accelerating the completion of the Inter- American Highway
which extends from the United States to the Canal Zone via the
Central American countries.
The early completion of the Inter- American Highway in close
cooperation with the affected countries is a clearly established
objective of United States policy.
Although this project has been under construction sporadically
since 1934 and the Congress has appropriated funds in the amount
of $53,7235000 to date for its completion, the incompleted state
of the project prevents realization of maximum benefits.
Recently I have sought the advice of interested agencies of the
Government and I am convinced that for economic and political
reasons now is the appropriate time to speed completion of the
Inter- American Highway. I believe this would be the most sig-
nificant single action which the United States can take in Central
America and Panama to bring about the most mutually advan-
tageous results.
Among the considerations which make me feel that an acceler-
ated construction program on the highway is essential are these:
1 . A completed highway will provide a very important contri-
bution to the economic development of the countries through
which it passes.
2. There will be an opportunity for increased trade and im-
proved political relations among these countries and the United
States.
382
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 64
3. The resultant increase in tourist traffic would not only im-
prove cultural relations but also serve as a very important ele-
ment in the development of their economies through eamings
of foreign exchange.
4. The existence of such an all-weather highway would be
of substantial security importance, both in providing overland
contact and communication as far southward as the Panama
Canal, and in bringing an important physical Unk between these
countries in our common defense of the Western Hemisphere
against aggression from without and subversion from within.
The stabilizing effect of these factors will tend to bar any pos-
sible return of communism which was so recently and success-
fully defeated in this area.
It is estimated that the amount needed to complete the Inter-
American Highway in a three-year period is $1125470,000, of
which $74,980,000 would be the share of the United States,
leaving $37,490,000 as the combined share of the several coop-
erating countries on the usual 2 : i matching basis.
In the Federal- Aid Highway Acts of 1952 and 1954 Congress
authorized the expenditure of $56,000,000 for this project.
Funds actually appropriated against these authorizations have
totaled $6,750,000, leaving a balance of $49,250,000 yet to be
appropriated. Of this amount $5,750,000 is currently included
in budget estimates now pending before the Congress. In order
to accelerate the highway work sufficiently to permit its comple-
tion within the next three years, an additional authorization of
$25,730,000 will be needed. It will also be necessary to increase
our 1956 appropriation request from $5,750,000 to $74,980,000.
In the near future I shall transmit to the Congress the necessary
budget request to carry out this program, and I trust that the
Congress will give this proposal for accelerated completion of
the Inter- American Highway its most favorable consideration.
Sincerely,
Dwight D. Eisenhower
383
^ 64 Public Papers of the Presidents
note: This is the text of identical mitted to Congress a request for a
letters addressed to the Honorable supplemental appropriation for corn-
Richard M. Nixon, President of the pleting the highway (H. Doc. 126,
Senate, and to the Honorable Sam 84th Cong., ist sess.). H.R. 5923,
Rayburn, Speaker of the House of authorizing the appropriation, was
Representatives. approved July i, 1955 (69 Stat. 244).
On April 12 the President sub-
65 ^ Statement by the President on the
Retirement of Sir Winston Churchill, Prime
Minister of the United Kingdom. April 5, 1 955
WE HAVE just had official word that my old and very dear
friend, Sir Winston Churchill, has retired from his position as
head of Her Majesty's government in the United Kingdom.
Naturally, an event such as this recalls to my mind many
stirring incidents both of war and peace. I have greatly re-
spected and valued my associations with a man so great as
Winston Churchill.
And now, if I dare, I should like to address a word directly
to Sir Winston. All of us in the free world can respect your
decision. Sir Winston, to retire from official office, to live now a
somewhat more serene life than has been possible in a position
of such great responsibility as yours. But we shall never accept
the thought that we are to be denied your counsel, your advice.
Out of your great experience, your great wisdom, and your great
courage, the free world yet has much to gain, and we know that
you will never be backward in bringing those qualities forward
when we appeal to you for help, as all of us are bound to do.
Good luck to you in retirement. To you and your family all
the happiness that it is possible for you to have.
Now for the rest of us, I hope that I have spoken the words
you would like to speak, no matter how haltingly or how roughly.
Thank you.
384
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^67
note: The President made this impromptu statement to newsmen in the Rose
Garden.
66 ^ Statement by the President on the
Appointment of Anthony Eden as Prime Minister of
the United Kingdom. April 6, 1955
SIR ANTHONY EDEN, my good and long time friend, has been
named the new Prime Minister of Her Majesty's government in
the United Kingdom. He is a great successor to a great Prime
Minister.
In war and in peace. Sir Anthony has been an outstanding
spokesman of the free world. I know that he will continue un-
ceasingly to serve the cause of world peace and freedom.
I join with my fellow Americans in felicitating him, a statesman
of world stature, as he undertakes his new responsibilities.
67 ^ Memorandum to the Director of the Office
of Defense Mobilization Relating to the Buy
American Act. April 7, 1955
[ Released April 7, 1955. Dated April 5, 1955 ]
Memorandum for
The Director
Office of Defense Mobilization
Pursuant to Section 3(d) of Executive Order 10582, December
1 7, 1954, you are hereby designated to furnish advice to Executive
agencies with respect to the rejection of bids or ojffers to furnish
materials of foreign origin upon the ground that such rejection
is necessary to protect essential national security interests.
It is my conviction that exceptions under this provision of the
Executive Order should be made only upon a clear showing that
385
^ 67 Public Papers of the Presidents
the payment of a greater differential than the Order provides
for is justified by considerations of national security.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
note: This memorandum was ad- Thetextof Executive Order 10582
dressed to Arthur S. Flemming, Di- is published in title 3 of the Code of
rector. Office of Defense Moblization. Federal Regulations, 1954 Supple-
ment.
68 ^ Remarks to the Easter Egg Rollers on the
South Grounds of the White House.
April 11,1955
GOOD MORNING, folks.
I didn't come out here to make you a talk. I came out to wel-
come you to the White House grounds, to congratulate you on the
weather you are having for the egg-rolling, and to hope that every
youngster here has a wonderful time, and nobody gets lost.
Last year there were quite a number lost, but we found out it
wasn't the children that were lost at all; it was just the parents.
This time I hope that everything will work out so that you can
all stay together and have a wonderful time.
Mrs. Eisenhower is sorry she couldn't be here to say "Wel-
come," but I assure you that she feels that way.
So have a good time, and I hope it doesn't rain today.
Goodbye. Thank you very much.
69 ^ Statement by the President on the Mutual
Security Program. April 1 1^ 1955
I SHALL submit to the Congress next week my recommenda-
tions for our nations mutual security program, including eco-
nomic aid to the free nations of South and East Asia.
386
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ igss ^ 69
By tradition and conviction, our nation is committed to the
independence and self-determination of all peoples. This deter-
mination, rooted in our own revolt against colonial status, is
exemplified by our encouragement of Cuba and the Philippines
to assume full freedom and control of their own destiny as inde-
pendent nations.
The United States, moreover, is dedicated to the furtherance
of opportunity for free nations to improve their economic well-
being. We consistently encourage their efforts to meet the needs
and to satisfy the aspirations of their peoples.
Throughout our history, and especially in the post-war years,
the American people have made substantial personal sacrifices
so that other peoples may enjoy internal stability and hope for
the future. Cooperation has been offered by our people not to
preserve the status quo but to encourage progress.
In accord with our political and spiritual heritage, the United
States is ready to intensify its cooperation with the free nations
of South and East Asia in their efforts to achieve economic de-
velopment and a rising standard of living. This is in harmony
with our programs elsewhere.
The motivation behind this cooperation is twofold : Our fixed
belief in the worth and dignity of the human individual whatever
his race or flag may be; and our dedication to the principle that
the fruits of national growth must be widely shared in every
society.
As a people, we insist that the dignity of the individual and
his manifold rights require for their preservation a constantly
expanding economic base. We are convinced that our own con-
tinued economic, cultural and spiritual progress are furthered by
similar progress everywhere. For this reason we stand ready to
work in genuine cooperation and partnership with the free peo-
ples of the world — ^in a cooperation and partnership which does
not exact from them any sacrifice of their independence, in
thought or in action, but rather contributes to their progress and
freedom as well as our own.
387
^ 69 Public Papers of the Presidents
I will submit shortly certain recommendations to the Congress
as a basis for our part in this cooperation.
We seek to evolve a consistent and stable economic policy
which will assist free nations in their efforts to achieve a sound
growth for their economies.
The peoples of the world, dedicated to the preservation of
peace, recognize that man must go forward and that the interests
of all free people are indivisible. America's foreign economic
policy expresses that attitude.
note: For the President's message to the Congress on the mutual security
program, see Item 76, below,
70 ^ Remarks at The Citadel, Charleston,
South Carolina. April 12, 1955
General Clark^ Members of this distinguished audience^ and
members of the Corps of Cadets of The Citadel:
I would need scarcely search for words in order to express to
you something of the great feeling of honor I have in the receipt
of this honor through such a distinguished institution and at the
hands of one of my oldest friends in the military services. I am
sure that you must feel yourselves how moved I am by the
circumstances of this meeting.
Quite naturally, with my background, a ceremony such as this
carries me back forty and more years. I see myself marching.
Incidentally, I see myself again resenting the presence of VIP's
that interrupted some vacation or period of my own and who had
me out in full dress, marching for the edification of an audience
and of that particular VIP.
There was one redeeming feature, occasionally, about such
occasions. Sometimes this VIP had the wit and the knowledge
to suggest to the Commander that it might be sort of recompense
to the Corps if punishments were remitted. But of course that
was in the years gone by, and I am not certain what the custom
388
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 70
is now. And of course, I am not really familiar any longer with
the rank of the individual that has the right to ask such a great
favor. But, moreover, since I am now, by vicarious graduation,
a sort of member of this body, whether or not he might consider
it aff rontery on my part to ask, I wouldn't know.
But passiQg those things, if I could attempt to leave with you
young men a message this morning, it would be one truly of con-
gratulation. I am informed that 95 percent of this graduating
class is going into some element of the military services, either
Reserves or Active. I suppose that that sort of percentage applies
throughout the years. Certainly I have met many of your alumni
throughout the years that I served with in the Army.
Now, what I want to speak to you for just a minute is of both
the opportunities of men who are going into the Armed Services,
Active and Inactive, and something about the scope of the respon-
sibilities and problems that you will meet.
First of all, the opportunities. You are given that most priceless
of opportunities: to work directly and specifically for the welfare
of the United States of America, and there is no greater honor
that is achievable by any American.
And secondly, what I want to say to you is the scope of the
understanding you must achieve if you are now to do the task
far transcends what your illustrious Commandant or Superin-
tendent and I understood when we were waiting on the plain
at West Point forty or more years ago receiving our diplomas and
entered into the regular service.
Today, a man to do his duty in the military services must study
humanity first of all — ^what makes humans tick. Not only as
regards to your own companies, to be for them the leader and the
model, but since you must be one of the principal apostles of
peace, you must try to understand other people. You must try
to understand the heart of America and how to translate that
heart to other peoples. You must know something of economics,
and of course your profession will make you know something of
law and engineering and many of the sciences; but above all, we
40308—59- — 28 3°9
^ yo Public Papers of the Presidents
come back to it : you must try to understand people.
How else, I ask you, are we to achieve peace in this world,
unless there be a magnificent growth of understanding? Mere
knowledge is not enough. The highest star man in this Corps of
Cadets, unless he strives for understanding and achieves under-
standing, by which to interpret and to relate among themselves
all the facts that he may have learned in science and social science
and the humanities, cannot be a leader.
And I know that in this institution just as in all others, we have
our devoted educators trying to get over to all of their students
that thought: let us strive to understand — ^understand each other,
and our Nation to understand others, and help them to an under-
standing of ourselves.
I do not mean to say for an instant that all of these oppor-
tunities, all of these responsibilities — all of these things — are ex-
clusive to the soldier, to the sailor, to the air man, to the Marine.
Of course not. But since the man in the services holds up his
right hand and swears to uphold the Constitution of the United
States and to serve her to the depths of his ability, through life
unto death, it comes home, possibly, to him a little more sharply
than it does to others.
Now already, my friends, I have violated my promise that I
was not going to keep you here long, but if I could just leave with
you this thought: America is bound to watch you. They know
you are a graduate of The Citadel. You know they know you
have the early phases of your preparation for the highest form
of citizenship. They are going to watch you. They will expect
much of you.
And for my part, now that I know I am one of your alumni, I
know you are going to succeed — each of you.
Thanks again for the great compliment of your review, and
I think it would be not out of place to say that my eye since
early youth has been accustomed to the sight of good sol-
diers— neat, soldierly-appearing people that show the evidences
of training. I have seen no body that excels this one, and I
390
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 71
congratulate you and all that are responsible for it. I con-
gratulate the great State that supports you.
Good luck to you, and thanks again for this great honor.
note: The President spoke on the Doctor of Laws. His opening words
Parade Grounds, immediately after "General Clark" referred to General
receiving an honorary degree of Mark W. Clark, President of The
Citadel.
71 ^ Letter to the Chairman of the Joint
Committee on Atomic Energy on the Proposed
Agreement for Cooperation with NATO on Atomic
Information. April 13, 1955
Dear Senator Anderson:
Pursuant to Section 123 of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954,
I hereby submit to the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy a pro-
posed agreement for cooperation regarding the communication
of atomic information to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
Under the terms of the proposed agreement, the United States
will communicate to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization,
so long as that Organization continues to make substantial and
material contributions to the mutual defense effort, atomic infor-
mation which the United States considers as necessary to
( 1 ) the development of defense plans ;
(2) the training of personnel in the employment of and
defense against atomic weapons ; and
(3) the evaluation of the capabilities of potential enemies in
employment of atomic weapons.
Other members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
agree to make atomic information available to the Organization
on a similar basis.
Atomic information made available pursuant to the proposed
agreement will not be transferred to unauthorized persons or be-
391
^ 71 Public Papers of the Presidents
yond the jurisdiction of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization,
and will be safeguarded by the stringent security regulations in
force within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Under
the terms of the proposed agreement, which will remain in force
for the duration of the North Atlantic Treaty, transfers of atomic
information by the United States will only be made in accord-
ance with the Atomic Energy Act of 1 954.
The North Atlantic Council strongly endorsed the proposed
agreement, and I consider it to be a great stride forward in the
strengthening of our common defense. It is my firm conviction
that the proposed agreement will enable the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization, consistent with the security and defense of
the United States, to evolve more effective defense plans con-
cerning the use of atomic weapons than have heretofore been
achieved. Accordingly, I hereby determine that its performance
will promote and will not constitute an unreasonable risk to the
common defense and security, and approve the proposed agree-
ment for cooperation. In addition, I hereby authorize, subject
to the provisions of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954, the Honor-
able George W. Perkins, United States Permanent Represent-
ative to the North Atlantic Council, to execute the proposed
agreement and the Department of Defense, with the assistance
of the Atomic Energy Commission, to cooperate with the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization and to communicate Restricted
Data to that Organization under the agreement.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
note: This letter to Clinton P. recommending approval of the pro-
Anderson, Chairman, Joint Conmiit- posed agreement. Secretary Wilson's
tee on Atomic Energy, was released letter and the proposed agreement
at Augusta, Ga. Released at the are published in Senate Report 267
same time was a letter to the Presi- (84th Cong., ist sess.).
dent from the Secretary of Defense
392
Dwight D. Eisenhower, igss ^ 72
72 ^ Special Message to the Congress on United
States Membership in the Proposed Organization
for Trade Cooperation. April 14^ 1955
To the Congress of the United States:
The United States continuously seeks to strengthen the spirit-
ual, political, military, and economic bonds of the free nations.
By cementing these ties, we help preserve our way of life, improve
the living standards of free peoples, and make possible the higher
levels of production required for the security of the free world.
With this objective in view, I recommended to the Congress in my
message of January 10, 1955, the enactment of legislation de-
signed to promote a healthy trade expansion and an increased
flow of private capital for economic development abroad.
Consistent with that broad purpose, the United States over
the past seven years has participated in the multilateral trade
agreement known as the General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade. This key element in the nation's foreign economic policy
has been carried on under the authority vested in the President
by the Congress in the trade agreements legislation. After several
months of intensive review of the trade rules in the General
Agreement, the United States and 33 other participating coun-
tries last month agreed upon certain revisions of those rules. A
new instrument was also drafted which would set up a simple
international organization, to be known as the Organization for
Trade Cooperation, whose purpose is the administration of the
General Agreement.
I should like to recall the circumstances that gave rise to the
General Agreement and this country's participation in it. I
should also like to stress some of its benefits to us which justify the
continued existence of the General Agreement and United States
membership in the Organization for Trade Cooperation.
The economic and political dislocations produced by World
393
^ 72 Public Papers of the Presidents
War II jeopardized, in the postwar years, the re-establishment of
healthy, expanding international trade. Many countries had
little to export and lacked the means to buy the products of other
countries. Widespread resort to restrictions on imports and to dis-
criminatory bilateral trade arrangements threatened a return to
economic isolationism and narrow channels of government-
directed trade. There was a great need for cooperative efforts to
reduce unjustifiable trade restrictions and to establish a set of
principles, mutually beneficial to the free nations of the world,
for the reconstruction of world trade.
In this state of world affairs, the United States and a group of
friendly nations negotiated a series of tariff agreements among
themselves. They also negotiated a set of trade principles or
rules to protect the tariff concessions. These tariff agreements
and trade rules were incorporated in a multilateral trade agree-
ment, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade.
The trade rules consist basically of provisions which this nation,
since 1934, has incorporated in bilateral trade agreements to
protect our interest in the tariff concessions granted to us in such
agreements. They provide, for example, that tariff concessions
should not be nullified by the imposition of other restrictions; that
quantitative restrictions should not be imposed on imports; that
trade restrictions, when used, should be nondiscriminatory as be-
tween countries; and that concessions granted to one country
should be extended to like products of other countries in accord-
ance with the unconditional most-favored-nation principle.
To provide the degree of flexibility required to meet the vary-
ing needs of participating countries, the General Agreement pro-
vides for specific exceptions to the basic rules. Under certain
circumstances waivers may be granted to countries to depart from
these basic rules. The United States has obtained such a waiver
to restrict imports of agricultural products on which we have
government programs.
The General Agreement through the trade rules and the tariff
negotiations sponsored under it, has served well the purpose for
394
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig55 ^ 72
which it was designed: the orderly expansion of international
trade. Thirty-four countries, whose trade accounts for nearly
four-fifths of the world's total trade, are now participating in this
cooperative effort. World trade has expanded at a rapid rate,
and for many countries foreign trade now represents a higher ratio
to total output of goods than in the prewar years.
An important benefit to this country results from participation
in multilateral trade negotiations under the General Agreement.
Doing so makes it possible for us to obtain more tariff concessions
on our exports than would be forthcoming from bilateral negotia-
tion. This country, as a party to the multilateral agreement,
obtains benefits from concessions which other countries would be
unwilling to negotiate except in a multilateral undertaking.
Some measure of the value of these multilateral trade agree-
ment negotiations to the United States is indicated by the fact
that we have been able to obtain concessions covering about 50
percent in value of our exports.
Another advantage to this country through our participation
in the General Agreement has been manifest during the past two
years. Restrictions on the part of other countries against dollar
imports are permitted xmder the trade rules for genuine balance
of payments reasons, and as the balance of payments position of
other countries has improved, we have been able to persuade
them to relax such restrictions. Between 1953 and the beginning
of 1955 ten Western European countries had removed quantita-
tive restrictions on dollar imports amounting to about 60 percent
of such imports. Since the beginning of this year additional
restrictions have been removed. In the absence of the General
Agreement it would be more difficult to persuade these countries
to relax such controls. We are thus moving toward full realiza-
tion of the tariff concessions that have been granted our exports
since 1948. It is the policy of this Government to utilize the
consultative procedures of the General Agreement to press for
the discharge of these commitments for the benefit of our foreign
trade.
395
^ 72 Public Papers of the Presidents
In addition to the general relaxation of restrictions on dollar
imports that has been accomplished, we have been successful in
persuading other countries to remove discriminatory restrictions
against imports of particular dollar goods. This Government has
protested the inconsistency between the discriminatory action in
those cases and the principles of the General Agreement. Certain
discriminatory restrictions have thus been removed on imports
from this country of such items as coal, apples, cigarettes, lumber,
potatoes, textiles, automobiles, tobacco, petroleum, wool, and
motion pictures.
A further important contribution of the General Agreement
to the extension of trade is the assurance against wholesale in-
creases in tariff rates in export markets. Our exporters, therefore,
can proceed with their plans for sales in markets abroad with a
greater degree of certainty as to tariff rates. Participating coun-
tries may, of course, consistently with the trade rules, raise tariff
rates in individual cases where serious injury to domestic industry
is threatened.
The revised General Agreement has been thoroughly reviewed
within the Executive Branch of the Government. I believe it has
been improved and strengthened. It protects the legitimate in-
terests of this country and provides a firm basis for orderly trade
expansion among the free nations of the world. The necessity
for the United States to restrict imports of agricultural products
with regard to which we have government programs is fully
recognized. The right of this country to protect the legitimate
interests of its industries and labor is clearly provided for. The
rules of trade regarding the imposition of discriminatory import
controls have been tightened and should assist in the efforts to
remove and to prevent discriminatory restrictions against United
States exports. The spirit with which the participating countries
cooperated in the task of review and revision of the General
Agreement was heartening and augurs well for its future vitality.
The United States and the other participating countries con-
cluded on the basis of seven years' experience that the organiza-
396
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 72
tional provisions of the General Agreement should be changed to
provide a continuous mechanism for the administration of the
trade rules and the discussion of mutual trade problems. Under
present arrangements these activities are confined largely to the
annual sessions of the parties to the Agreement. The participat-
ing countries therefore have proposed to set up an Organization
for Trade Cooperation for more effective administration of the
trade rules and related activities.
The Organization for Trade Cooperation would be established
by a separate agreement among the participating countries. In
addition to administering the General Agreement, it would pro-
vide a mechanism through which arrangements for trade nego-
tiations could be facilitated. It would also serve as a forum for
the discussion of trade matters and for the amicable adjustment
of problems involving the trade rules. The Organization would
have no supra-national powers. It would conduct no trade nego-
tiations; this would be done by the countries who choose to
participate in the negotiations and to whatever extent they choose.
The United States delegation which took part in the revision
of the General Agreement was specifically instructed to reject all
ejff orts to expand the functions of the new organization into fields
other than trade. One measure of the success of the negotiations
from the standpoint of the United States is the fact that the pro-
posed Organization for Trade Cooperation is thus limited in its
functions. Its effectiveness, in my judgment, will be enhanced
by the fact that it has such specific and limited responsibilities.
I believe the reasons for United States membership in the
proposed Organization are overwhelming. We would thus dem-
onstrate to the free world our active interest in the promotion of
trade among the free nations. We would demonstrate our desire
to deal with matters of trade in the same cooperative way we do
with military matters in such regional pacts as the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization, and with financial matters in the Inter-
national Monetary Fund and in the International Bank for Re-
construction and Development. We would thus cooperate fur-
397
^ 72 Public Papers of the Presidents
ther with the free world, in the struggle against Communist
domination, to the greater security and the greater prosperity
of all.
Such action would serve the enlightened self-interest of the
United States. As a member of this Organization we could work
more effectively for the removal of discriminatory restrictions
against our exports. We could help establish conditions favor-
able to convertibility of currencies. We could further the expan-
sion of markets abroad for the products of our mines, our farms
and our factories. We could assist in the development of condi-
tions conducive to the international flow of investment capital so
urgently needed to expand production throughout the free world,
especially in its underdeveloped areas.
Failure to assume membership in the Organization for Trade
Cooperation would be interpreted throughout the free world as
a lack of genuine interest on the part of this country in the efforts
to expand trade. It would constitute a serious setback to the
momentum which has been generated toward that objective. It
would strike a severe blow at the development of cooperative ar-
rangements in defense of the free world. It could lead to the
imposition of new trade restrictions on the part of other countries,
which would result in a contraction of world trade and constitute
a sharp setback to United States exports. It could result in re-
gional re-alignments of nations. Such developments, needless to
say, would play directly into the hands of the Communists.
I believe the national interest requires that we join with other
countries of the free world in dealing with our trade problems on
a cooperative basis.
I herewith transmit copies of the agreement providing for an
Organization for Trade Cooperation, and I recommend that the
Congress enact legislation authorizing United States membership
in that organization.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
note: The President's message of paragraph, appears as Item 6, above.
January lo, referred to in the first The text of the agreement provid-
398
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 74
ing for an Organization for Trade The message was released at Au-
Gooperation is printed in House gusta, Ga.
Document 140 (84th Gong., ist
sess.).
73 ^ Telegram to Senator Thurmond Saluting
James F. Bymes as a Great American,
April 16, 1955
The Honorable Strom Thurmond
c/o Aiken Chamber of Commerce
Aikeny South Carolina
Please give my warm greetings to your guest of honor, Jimmy
Bymes. I am fortunate to count him my good friend and with
countless others salute him as a great American.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
NOTE : This telegram was sent in con- Ghamber of Gommerce. It was re-
nection with a testimonial dinner leased at Augusta, Ga.
given Mr. Bymes by the Aiken
74 ^ Letter to Secretary Dulles Regarding
Transfer of the Affairs of the Foreign Operations
Administration to the Department of State.
April 17, 1955
[ Released April 17, 1955. Dated April 15, 1955 ]
Dear Mr. Secretary:
The Mutual Security Act of 1954 provides for termination of
the Foreign Operations Administration by June 30th of this year.
Accordingly, I shall issue within a few days an Executive Order
transferring the affairs of the Foreign Operations Administration,
except for certain military functions which are charged to the De-
fense Department, to the Department of State as of June 30,
399
^ 74 Public Papers of the Presidents
1955. Any subsequent transfers, modifications or elimination of
functions, or other organizational changes, that should be de-
termined advisable or necessary, prior to June 30, under the guide
lines given here, will be covered in a supplementary Executive
Order.
The Foreign Operations Administration established two years
ago, was intended to centralize all governmental operations, as
distinguished from policy formulation, that had as their purpose
the cooperative development of economic and military strength
among the nations of the free world. That function it has per-
formed well, but the Foreign Operations Administration has been
regarded by many as merely a temporary unit of government,
established solely to meet certain short-term economic and mili-
tary requirements. It has come to be widely recognized, how-
ever, that the functions and the need for cooperative develop-
ment of economic and military strength among the free nations
are continuing and integral parts of the fabric of our international
relations. The new organization is intended to reflect this pub-
lic recognition.
The placing of general responsibility for economic operations
as well as for policy in this field within the Department of State
offers assurance that, under a permanent government establish-
ment, we are providing a long-range basis for this kind of inter-
national cooperation. It is emphatic recognition of the principle
that the security and welfare of the United States are directly
related to the economic and social advancement of all peoples
who share our concern for the freedom, dignity, and well-being
of the individual.
In the reorganization of Mutual Security activities two years
ago, there was set forth a number of applicable basic considera-
tions. In our discussions of recent weeks we have agreed that
those considerations are still valid and should apply to the new
organization and to the new administrative arrangements in the
Department of State. This letter summarizes our discussions of
these matters and of the arrangements which should govern the
400
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 74
future operations of the Mutual Security program.
Two years ago I stated that the Secretary of State, under the
President, must be the official responsible for the development
and control of foreign policy and all relations with foreign gov-
ernments, to include policies affecting mutual security. The
policy authority then fixed in the Secretary of State is now ex-
tended to include supervising authority over operations. The
Executive Order will provide for this.
It also was stated that related Mutual Security operations
should be brought together in a single organization under a single
management. Consistent with this approach we should avoid dis-
persal of operating responsibilities either within the Department
or to agencies outside the Department.
A third objective stated in 1953 was the freeing of the Secretary
of State from operating responsibiUties so that he, assisted by his
Under Secretary, could devote a preponderance of attention to
foreign policy. These two important considerations are recog-
nized in the Executive Order which will assign maximum responsi-
bilities to a single key official within the Department of State.
In accordance with these organizational guide lines, the fol-
lowing administrative arrangements will obtain within the
Department of State:
1. A new semi-autonomous organizational unit, to be known
as the International Cooperation Administration, will be estab-
lished in the Department of State, to carry out the transferred
functions.
2. Provision will be made for a Director of the International
Cooperation Administration who will be the key official within
the State Department referred to above.
3. The Director of the International Cooperation Administra-
tion will report directly to the Secretary of State and will, on the
Secretary's behalf, give supervision and direction to the Mutual
Security operations performed within the State Department.
4. Except for those matters which, because of their nature,
require final decision by the President, the Secretary of State will
401
^ 74 Public Papers of the Presidents
be responsible for coordinating all Mutual Security programs,
which will of course include the establishment of arrangements
with the Secretary of Defense for effectively coordinating Mutual
Security programs involving the Department of Defense.
5. Since time is pressing, it is essential that the work of re-
organization begin without delay. The key to success is the indi-
vidual selected to head the new Bureau within your Department.
He must be a man of such stature and standing and of such
operational experience that you can trust him with full responsi-
bility in the field of operations, so as to minimize the demands
upon your own time.
If such a man is now known to you and available for the posi-
tion, please recommend him to me promptly. If you need more
time in the selection of a qualified person, then I request that you
get in touch immediately with Mr. Joseph M. Dodge, who has
been acting for me in working out the general principles of this
reorganization, so that with him you may devise and set up tempo-
rary machinery fitted and empowered to begin at once the work
of reorganization.
6. I am instructing the Director of the Bureau of the Budget
and my Advisory Committee on Government Organization, in
connection with their general responsibilities for advising me on
Executive Branch organization, to give close attention to the new
organizational arrangements and to recommend such organiza-
tional improvements as will be considered appropriate.
7. Any advisable or necessary changes in organization and per-
sonnel should be accomplished in a manner that will ensure
equitable treatment to the Government personnel employed in
the Administration of the transferred programs.
8. The appropriations for all the Mutual Security programs for
the fiscal year 1956 should be made to the President, who will,
as in the past, delegate the allocation of funds and other author-
ities to the appropriate agencies, at the same time setting certain
limits on their exercise and reserving certain determinations to
himself.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^s ^ 75
No major reorganization of this character can be accompKshed
quickly and to attempt to do so could jeopardize the implementa-
tion of existing programs which are so important to our relations
with other nations. The Foreign Operations Administration has
a large staff which operates in many countries and administers
a number of different but related programs. It will take a mini-
mum of six months to effectuate the desirable changes without
unnecessarily disturbing projects and programs now under way.
It will, therefore, be necessary to obtain as part of the legisla-
tion to extend the Mutual Security programs beyond June 30,
1955, authority similar to Section 525 of the existing Act which
would give flexibility, for a period of at least six months after
the effective date of the transfer of the Foreign Operations
Administration.
Sincerely,
Dwight D. Eisenhower
note: On May 9 the President State. On May 25 John B. HoIIister
issued Executive Order 106 10 (3 was nominated as Director of the
CFR, 1955 Supp.), transferring the newly created International Cooper-
affairs of the Foreign Operations ation Administration.
Administration to the Department of This letter was released at Augusta,
Ga.
75 ^ Statement by the President on the Death of
Albert Einstein. April 18, 1955
FOR TWENTY-TWO years, the United States has been the
freely-chosen home of Albert Einstein. For fifteen years, he has
been a citizen of the United States by his own free and deliberate
choice. Americans welcomed him here. Americans were proud,
too, that he sought and found here a climate of freedom in his
search for knowledge and truth.
No other man contributed so much to the vast expansion of
twentieth century knowledge. Yet no other man was more
403
^ 75 Public Papers of the Presidents
modest in the possession of the power that is knowledge, more
sure that power without wisdom is deadly. To all who live in
the nuclear age, Albert Einstein exemplified the mighty creative
ability of the individual in a free society.
76 ^ Special Message to the Congress on the
Mutual Security Program. April 20, 1955
To the Congress of the United States:
I recommend that the Congress authorize, for the Fiscal Year
ending June 30, 1956, the Program for Mutual Security outlined
in this message. The program reflects the greatly improved con-
ditions in Europe and provides for the critical needs of Asia. It
encourages private overseas investment and private enterprise
abroad, fosters an increase in cooperative effort, emphasizes loans
rather than grants wherever possible. I consider the program an
indispensable part of a realistic and enlightened national policy.
The fixed, unwavering objective of that policy is a just, pros-
perous, enduring peace. On this fundamental position, we base
our broad approach toward our world trade, our military al-
liances, our exchange of information and of persons, our partner-
ship with free nations through the Mutual Security Program.
This partnership is rooted in the facts of economic and defense
interdependence and also in the understanding and respect of
each partner for the cultural and national aspirations of the
other.
The recommendations in this message are an essential comple-
ment to the foreign economic program outlined in my message
of January 10, 1955. That program is designed to develop the
economic strength and the security of the free world through
healthy trade expansion among the free nations and through an
increased flow of investment capital particularly to underdevel-
oped areas. The lessening of barriers to trade in the free world
404
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 76
is a vital component for the successful implementation of our
national policy for security and peace.
We must recognize, however, that certain free world countries,
because of the aftermath of war and its continuing threat or be-
cause of less developed economies, require assistance which will
help them achieve stable national health and essential defensive
strength. The Mutual Security Program is designed to deal with
these specific problems in the national interest and in the cause
of peace. The program stands on its demonstrated worth.
Its cumulative success is especially evident in Western Europe
today. The free nations there have attained new levels of pro-
duction, larger volumes of trade, expanded employment, and ris-
ing standards of living. They have established strong defense
forces which, although deficient in some respects, now constitute
a significant deterrent to aggression and add substantially to the
free world's defensive power. Their own national efforts and
their cooperation with each other are the prime reasons for their
success. However, the United States Mutual Security Program
and its predecessor, the European Recovery Program, deserve an
important portion of the credit.
The program I now recommend to you for Fiscal Year 1956
proposes no economic aid for the original Marshall Plan countries
in Western Europe. These nations are capable of meeting cur-
rent defense goals without such support. Deliveries of arms from
previous appropriations will continue under constant review to
insure that the latest weapon developments and strategic thinking
are taken into account. Our initial contribution toward the
arming of German forces is already funded by previous Con-
gressional action.
In Spain and Yugoslavia, which were not in the Marshall Plan,
defense programs can be successful only with further strengthen-
ing of their economic base. New appropriations are needed to
continue our cooperation with them. Likewise the special cir-
cumstances of the city of Berlin require continued support for
that outpost of freedom.
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^ 76 Public Papers of the Presidents
But the immediate threats to world security and stability are
now centered in Asia. The preponderance of funds requested
of the Congress will be used to meet the threat there. Within
the vast arc of free Asia, which extends from the Republic of
Korea and Japan to the Middle East, 770 million people, one-
third of the world's population, reside. Most of them are citizens
of newly independent states. Some have been engaged in re-
cent war against the Communists. All are threatened. Capital
is very scarce. Technical and administrative skill is limited.
Within the area, however, abundant resources and fertile lands
are ready for development.
Now is the time for accelerated development of the nations
along the arc. The major responsibility must necessarily lie with
the countries themselves. At best, foreign capital as well as
foreign aid can only launch or stimulate the process of creating
dynamic economies. In this light, the United States has the
capacity, the desire, the concern to take the lead in friendly help
for free Asia.
For example, we can assist in providing and mobilizing capital
for useful and constructive development. We can encourage
our successful private industry to join with the people of free
Asia in building their private industry and facilitate the way.
We can consult and advise on the means by which a free nation
builds upon the initiative of independent farmers to achieve a
steady advance toward better standards of living, in contrast to
the mounting failures of coUectivist agriculture.
It is clear that most of the nations of free Asia prefer to quicken
their cooperative march toward these objectives through the
Colombo Plan Consultative Group which was established in 1950
to promote mutual economic development. We welcome this
initiative. As a member of the Group, we shall continue to work
in strengthening its cooperative efforts.
The varied nature of national situations requires that our co-
operation be essentially bilateral. Some of the nations are mem-
bers of the Manila Pact and their treaty obligations give rise to
406
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^s ^ 76
special economic problems. Most are members of the Colombo
Plan. Most, except for Japan, have very little industrial capacity.
The requested authorization includes substantial funds to fur-
ther our mutual objectives in this area. Of these funds I suggest
that we can achieve the maximum return if $200 million is set
aside for the establishment of a President's Fund for Asian Eco-
nomic Development, with broad rules enacted by Congress for its
use through loans and grants, and with adequate latitude to meet
changing circumstances and to take advantage of constructive
opportunities.
To help assure the most effective use of these funds, this appro-
priation should be available for use over a period of years.
Wisdom and economy in their use cannot be achieved through
speed. A small, firm, annual commitment out of this $200 million
may prove in many instances to be the most fruitful method.
Because of the continuing threat of aggression and subversion
in Asia, a large part of the amounts requested for military assist-
ance and direct forces support is to build and maintain the defen-
sive forces of our allies there. This includes the substantial costs
of maintaining and improving the defenses of the Nationalist
Government of China in Formosa and provides for military equip-
ment and supplies for Korea.
The newly achieved stability in Iran has decreased the Com-
munist threat and has opened the way to the use of oil resources.
These eventually will bring revenues to the nation for the further
development of the land and the opening of new opportunities
for its people. Pending resumption of sufficient revenues from
oil, however, limited defense and economic support must be
provided.
In the Near East, our stalwart North Atlantic Treaty Organ-
ization allies, Greece and Turkey, are both making significant
progress. But neither of them can alone support the substantial
armed forces which they maintain for their own defense and for
the NATO force goals in that area. Their initiative in promoting
security arrangements in the Balkans, and Turkey's vigorous
407
^ y6 Public Papers of the Presidents
efforts for Middle East defense, reinforce the need for continued
support of their efforts. Iraq's action in joining with Turkey in a
defensive security arrangement is another favorable development.
The continuing tension between the Arab States and Israel
handicaps the peoples of all Near East nations. We should con-
tinue to work with the governments and peoples on both sides to
improve their economic status and accelerate their progress to-
ward lasting peace between them. Our cooperation is beginning
to bring results, particularly in the development of water re-
sources. Such developments in the Palestine area can go far to
remove present causes of tension.
In the vast continent of Africa the long-range effect of our
cooperation is extremely significant. This continent and its re-
sources, the progress of its people and their relationship to the
free world are of growing importance. Requested appropriations
for this area are needed in the effort to promote welfare and
growth for the peoples of Africa.
In Latin America, I recommend intensification of our technical
cooperation program. In this area, more than a decade ago,
technical cooperation was first imdertaken in a systematic manner.
The programs have proved their high value in many of our sister
republics. No international programs have ever had such wide-
spread welcome and support. Indispensable to the economic
development of many free nations, they also reflect the deep
humanitarian spirit of the American people.
Technical cooperation programs have contributed effectively
to the efforts of the other American Republics to strengthen and
expand their national economies. These efforts have likewise
been aided by our very large inter-American trade, substantial
private investment, more extensive lending by the Export-Import
Bank, and credits by the International Bank for Reconstruction
and Development. As a result, Latin America has achieved a
remarkable rate of economic development. In addition to the
technical cooperation programs for Latin America, I recommend
a continuation of our modest contribution to the Organization
408
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ igs^ ^ 76
of American States and further economic support to meet the
critical situations in Guatemala and Bolivia.
Our programs of national action are not in any manner a sub-
stitute for United Nations action in similar fields. Every instance
of effective measures taken through the United Nations on a hu-
man problem improves the ultimate prospect of peace in the
world. Therefore, I strongly recommend that the United Nations
Technical Assistance Program, in which sixty governments par-
ticipate and which is carried out by the United Nations and its
specialized agencies be supported in a continuing and adequate
manner. The United Nations Children's Fund has carried out
an especially appealing and significant work. We have done our
full share to make this work possible. We should continue to
do so.
Persons who have escaped from totalitarian oppression, often
at great peril, and refugees uprooted by war and disaster deserve
further support in 1956 through programs administered by the
United States, the United Nations, and the Intergovernmental
Committee for European Migration.
One of the unique, least expensive, and most fruitful aspects
of the Mutual Security Program is the participation, largely in
humanitarian projects, of forty-seven voluntary organizations
representing many millions of our citizens. These organizations
do an exceptionally effective work in helping the escapees and
refugees become self-supporting. They distribute large quan-
tities of food on a people-to-people basis. But certain costs for
transporting food, and for supplies beyond their own voluntary
resources, are needed and should be provided.
In total, for Fiscal Year 1956, I recommend that the Congress
approve funds totaling $3,530 million for the Mutual Security
Program, as proposed in the Budget Message. Of this amount
$712.5 miUion is for economic programs, including $172 million
for a continuation of Technical Cooperation programs, $175.5
million for special programs, $165 million for development as-
sistance, $200 million for the special President's Fund. $100
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^ 7^ Public Papers of the Presidents
million is for a worldwide contingency fund. I request $15000.3
million for Defense Support which serves both economic and
defense purposes by supplementing the efforts of countries, par-
ticularly in Asia, carrying out defensive measures beyond their
current financial capacity. $15717.2 million is for military as-
sistance and direct forces support. Included in this amount is
$500 million to cover expected losses to present military assistance
programs by operation of the Supplemental Appropriation Act,
1955-
The Foreign Operations Administration has proved to be an
effective and efficient instrument for conducting the Mutual Se-
curity Program. An able and devoted group of men and women
have successfully conducted the program under direct line author-
ity from the President.
The Congress provided in the Mutual Security Act of 1954 ^^^
the termination of the Foreign Operations Administration by
June 30 of this year. As I indicated in my letter to the Secretary
of State of April 15, I shall issue an Executive Order effective
June 3O5 1955, transferring the affairs of the Foreign Operations
Administration to the Department of State, except for certain
military aspects which will be transferred to the Department of
Defense.
This transfer to permanent Departments of the Government
will reflect the significance of this program as an integral part
of our foreign policy. In the implementation of the program,
the facilities of all agencies of the Executive Branch will be used
where appropriate, and to the maximum possible extent on a
contract basis. However, it is essential that responsibility for the
non-military operations continue unified; to fragment this respon-
sibility among several agencies would seriously detract from their
effectiveness. The reorganization will continue the role of the
Institute of Inter-American Affairs in carrying out cooperative
programs for the advancement of the well-being of the peoples
in the other American Republics.
410
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig55 ^ y6
The continuity of operations and the adjustments of internal
relationships within the Department of State after June 30, 1955,
will require a period of transition. I recommend that the Mutual
Security Act of 1955 include broad authority to revise the
organization during a period of six months following June 30,
1955-
The International Cooperation Administration will be a new
semi-autonomous unit within the Department of State. Its Direc-
tor will report direcdy to the Secretary of State and will, on the
Secretary's behalf, give supervision and direction to the mutual
security operations performed within the Department of State.
This responsibility will require that the International Cooper-
ation Administration have the capacity to make and carry out
operating decisions within broad policy guides established by the
Secretary of State. It will likewise require that the Director of
the International Cooperation Administration have his own com-
plement of supporting staff and program personnel, both in
Washington and in the field. It will be his responsibility to assure
that appropriate policy guide-lines are secured from the Secretary
of State, and within those guide-lines he will issue the necessary
instructions to the field to carry out its policy.
Based on the experience of the past two years, three out of
every four dollars appropriated for the entire Mutual Security
Program will be immediately spent within the United States for
commodities, services, machinery, and other items. Insofar as
feasible and consistent with the effective meeting of our goals
overseas, the commodities will include food, cotton, coal, and
other goods for which our capacity or surplus supply most read-
ily matches requirements. Approximately $350 million of agri-
cultural products are expected to be used in the Fiscal Year 1955.
This includes a significant export of major surplus crops. Ship-
ments under the Mutual Security Program will be in addition to
but coordinated with sales of surplus agricultural commodities for
foreign currencies under the Agricultural Trade Development
and Assistance Act.
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The other twenty-five percent of the dollars will be spent over-
seas in a manner that will add directly to the accomplishments
of the Mutual Security Program. For example, the offshore pro-
curement contracts assist in establishing a defense production
base in key points in the free world. In addition, these expendi-
tures will indirectly add to the power of other nations subse-
quently to purchase with these dollars other needed goods from
the United States.
I recommend continuance of the authority in the present Mu-
tual Security Act to meet unexpected events by transfer of funds,
appropriated for one geographic area or purpose, to another
geographic area or purpose. Experience in recent years has dem-
onstrated that flexible authority is highly desirable to move with
dispatch to meet new circumstances, to overcome new dangers,
or to capitalize upon favorable developments.
New procedures approved by the Congress last year now make
possible maximum integration of domestic procurement of mili-
tary equipment for our own and allied forces, increased flexibility
in the flow of military equipment to our allies and greatly sim-
plified procurement and accounting arrangements. Under the
new procedures, the military departments procure most of the
equipment for this program as a part of their regular procure-
ment operations, with military assistance funds reserved to repay
the Services at the time the equipment is delivered. Under pres-
ent law, military assistance funds which are reserved remain
available for obligation and expenditure until June 30, 1957. To
further improve the present arrangements, I recommend that
current and proposed military assistance funds be made available
until expended, as is now provided in the case of most Department
of Defense appropriations for procurement.
In conclusion, I wish again to emphasize the essential role of
the Mutual Security Program. The program for the arc of free
Asia has had a thorough review by all the Departments of the
Government concerned, and it has been recommended to me by
412
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 76
the Council on Foreign Economic Policy and the National
Security Council after extensive study.
We are making renewed and intensified efforts to develop a suc-
cessful basic policy on the question of disarmament and we will
persist in this effort. But until success is assured beyond doubt,
the best prospects of peace and the grim essentials of security
together demand the continuance of both our national and
mutual defense programs.
The other free nations need the United States, and we need
them, if all are to be secure. Here is a clear case of interwoven
self-interest. The necessary expenditures to equip and maintain
United States armed forces of air and land and sea at strategic
points beyond our borders are never called aid. The necessary
expenditures to enable other free nations associated with us to
equip and maintain vital armed forces at these same strategic
points beyond our borders should not be considered as aid.
These, in fact, are defense alliance expenditures clearly safe-
guarding in the most desirable manner, and at times in the only
possible way, the security of the United States and of other free
nations.
Our economy cannot be strong and continue to expand with-
out the development of healthy economic conditions in other
free nations, and without a continuous expansion of international
trade. Neither can we be secure in our freedom unless, else-
where in the world, we help to build the conditions under which
freedom can flourish by destroying the conditions under which
totalitarianism grows — poverty, illiteracy, hunger and disease.
Nor can we hope for enduring peace until the spiritual aspirations
of mankind for liberty and opportunity and growth are recog-
nized as prior to and paramount to the material appetites which
Communism exploits.
Apart from any obstacles created by the Communists, this is a
long-term process. Patience, resourcefulness and dedication are
required as well as the creative application of knowledge, skill
40308-- 59 20 4^3
^ 7^ Public Papers of the Presidents
and material resources to the solution of fundamental hxmian
problems, ancient in their origin. In that spirit, the Mutual
Security Program is designed for the benefit of all free nations.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
77 ^ Citation Presented to Dr. Jonas E. Salk and
Accompanying Remarks. April 22, 1955
[ Citation read by the President ]
BECAUSE of a signal and historic contribution to human welfare
by Dr. Jonas E, Salk in his development of a vaccine to prevent
paralytic poliomyelitis, I, Dwight D. Eisenhower, President of
the United States, on behalf of the people of the United States,
present to him this citation for his extraordinary achievement.
The work of Dr. Salk is in the highest tradition of selfless and
dedicated medical research. He has provided a means for the
control of a dread disease. By helping scientists in other coun-
tries with technical information; by offering to them the strains
of seed virus and professional aid so that the production of vaccine
can be started by them everywhere; by welcoming them to his
laboratory that they may gain a fuller knowledge, Dr. Salk is a
benefactor of mankind.
His achievement, a credit to our entire scientific community,
does honor to all the people of the United States.
[ Remarks of the President ]
Dr. Salk, before I hand you this Citation, I should like to say
to you that when I think of the countless thousands of Ameri-
can parents and grandparents who are hereafter to be spared the
agonizing fears of the annual epidemic of poliomyelitis, when I
think of all the agony that these people will be spared seeing
their loved ones suffering in bed, I must say to you I have no
words in which adequately to express the thanks of myself and
all the people I know — all 164 million Americans, to say nothing
414
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ 1Q55 ^ 78
of all the people in the world that will profit from your discovery.
I am very, very happy to hand this to you.
note: The President spoke in the duction of Dr. Salk by Secretary
Rose Garden, following the intro- Hobby.
78 ^ Citation Presented to the National
Foundation for Infantile Paralysis and
Accompanying Remarks. April 22, 1955
[ Citation read by the President ]
I, DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER, President of the United States,
present this special citation to the National Foundation for Infan-
tile Paralysis for its unswerving devotion to the eradication of
poliomyelitis.
The American people recognize a debt of gratitude to the
Foundation and to its founder, the late President Franklin D.
Roosevelt, whose personal courage in overcoming the handicap of
poliomyelitis stands as a symbol of the fight against this disease.
Without the support and encouragement of the Foundation, the
work of Dr. Jonas E. Salk and of many others who contributed
to the development of a preventive vaccine could not have gone
forward so rapidly. The Foundation displayed remarkable faith
in sponsoring and determination in fostering their valiant effort
for the health of all mankind.
The generous voluntary support of the Foundation by the
American people has been dramatically justified. In their name,
I am privileged to make this award to the National Foundation
for Infantile Paralysis.
[Remarks of the President following the presentation of the citation to
Basil O'Connor, President of the Foundation ]
And there, of course, remains the great problem of rapid pro-
duction, distribution on the fairest possible basis, and to that
415
^ yS Public Papers of the Presidents
problem as Secretary Hobby has said, you and many others are
working and contributing to carry the thing forward until there
is no more poliomyelitis remaining in the United States. And I
thank you and all of the Foundation of which you are President.
note: The President spoke in the Rose Garden. Mr. O'Connor was intro-
duced by Secretary Hobby.
79 ^ Address at the Annual Luncheon of the
Associated Press, New York City. April 25, 1 955
Mr. McLean^ Mrs. Secretary Hobby ^ and ladies and gentlemen:
Always, I feel it is a special privilege when I can meet with
men and women of the newspaper profession. Our newspapers
have traditionally been a guarantee that truth will reach every
part of our own country and all the free peoples of the world. I
have heard you referred to as a one-party press. If this is true, I
do trust that the slogan, the purpose, the aim of your party is to
spread the truth. If that is so, I apply for membership. Never
was it more important than it is today that the people of the
entire world have free access to the truth.
Recently I read a story about one particular segment of the
newspaper community of America and how it helped spread the
truth even beyond the barriers devised against its communica-
tion— into the homes of the Communist-dominated lands.
Some twenty thousand newspaper boys voluntarily conducted
a fund-raising campaign for the Crusade for Freedom. That
Crusade brings truth to those behind the Iron Curtain, to people
who otherwise could not have it. Of course, the boys' campaign
is not one of the normal functions of the American newspapers —
but the incident gives heartening evidence of newspaper people's
unflagging interest in the maintenance of freedom and of human
hope for peace.
Certainly, I am inspired by the knowledge that boys of this
nation will freely give of their time and their energy — and more
416
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig55 ^ 79
important, their hearts — to help bring information of today's
world to those whose masters provide them nothing but propa-
ganda.
In this day, every resource of free men must be mustered if we
are to remain free; every bit of our wit, our courage and our dedi-
cation must be mobilized if we are to achieve genuine peace.
There is no age nor group nor race that cannot somehow help.
Just over two years ago I had an opportunity to appear before
the American Society of Newspaper Editors. I then pledged
your Government to an untiring search for a just peace as a fixed
and abiding objective. In our search for peace we are not boimd
by slavish adherence to precedent or halted by the lack of it. The
spirit of this search influences every action of your Administra-
tion; it affects every solution to problems of the moment.
It prompted my proposal before the General Assembly of the
United Nations that governments make joint contributions of
fissionable materials to an International Atomic Energy Agency
for peaceful research — ^so that the miraculous inventiveness of
man may be consecrated to his fuller life.
It inspired last week's offer of polio information, research facili-
ties and seed virus — so that Dr. Salk's historic accomplishment
may free all mankind from a physical scourge.
It provides the reason for a plan that, after lengthy study, I
am able now to announce. We have added to the United States
Program for Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy an atomic-powered
merchant ship. The Atomic Energy Commission and the Mari-
time Administration are now developing specifications. I shall
shortly submit to the Congress a request for the necessary funds,
together with a description of the vessel.
The new ship, powered with an atomic reactor, will not require
refueling for scores of thousands of miles of operation. Visiting
the ports of the world, it will demonstrate to people everywhere
this peacetime use of atomic energy, harnessed for the improve-
ment of human living. In part, also, the ship will be an atomic
exhibit; carrying to all people practical knowledge of the useful-
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^ 79 Public Papers of the Presidents
ness of this new science in such fields as medicine, agriculture
and power production.
The search for peace likewise underlies the plan developed for
expanding foreign trade embodied in H.R. No. i now before
the Congress.
In every possible way, in word and in deed, we shall strive to
bring to all men the truth of our assertion that we seek only a just
and a lasting peace.
There is no precedent for the nature of the struggle of our
time.
Every day, in our newspapers, we are confronted with what
is probably the greatest paradox of history.
Out of an instinctive realization of the horror of nuclear war
the hunger of virtually every human being on this planet is for
tranquil security, for an opportunity to live and to let live, for free-
dom, for peace. And yet, defying this universal hunger, certain
dictatorships have engaged in a deliberately conceived drive
which periodically creates alarms and fears of war.
In our uneasy postwar world, crises are a recurrent interna-
tional diet; their climaxes come and go. But so they have — in
some degree — since the beginning of organized society. By their
effect on human action, the peril within them is either magnified
or diminished.
A crisis may be fatal when, by it, unstable men are stampeded
into headlong panic. Then — ^bereft of common sense and wise
judgment — they too hastily resort to armed force in the hope of
crushing a threatening foe, although thereby they impoverish the
world and may forfeit the hope for enduring peace.
But a crisis may likewise be deadly when inert men — ^unsure of
themselves and their cause — are smothered in despair. Then,
grasping at any straw of appeasement, they sell a thousand tomor-
rows for the pottage of a brief escape from reality.
But a crisis is also the sharpest goad to the creative energies of
men, particularly when they recognize it as a challenge to their
very resource, and move to meet it in faith, in thought, in courage.
418
Dwight D. Eisenhower, IQ55 Q 79
Then, greatly aroused — ^yet realizing that beyond the immediate
danger lie vast horizons — ^they can act for today in the light of
generations still to come.
The American people, one hundred sixty-four million of us,
must recognize that the unprecedented crises of these days —
packed with danger though they may be — are in fullest truth
challenges that can be met and will be met to the lasting good of
our country and to the world.
Two great American objectives are mountain peaks that tower
above the foothills of lesser goals. One is global peace based on
justice, mutual respect and cooperative partnership among the
nations. The other is an expanding American economy whose
benefits, widely shared among all our citizens, will make us even
better able to cooperate with other friendly nations in their eco-
nomic advancement and our common prosperity.
The fundamental hazard to the achievement of both objectives
is the implacable enmity of godless communism. That hazard
becomes the more fearsome as we are guilty of failure among
ourselves; failure to seek out and face facts courageously; failure
to make required sacrifices for the common good; failure to look
beyond our selfish interests of the moment; failure to seek long-
term betterment for all our citizens.
Recognizing the ruthless purposes of intemational communism,
we must assure, above all else, our own national safety. At the
same time we must continue to appeal to the sense of logic and
decency of all peoples to work with us in the development of some
kind of sane arrangement for peace.
But when a nation speaks alone, its appeal may fall on deaf
ears. Many nations must combine their voices to penetrate walls
of fear and prejudice, and selfishness and ignorance.
The principal objective of our foreign policy, therefore, as we
search for peace, is the construction of the strongest possible coali-
tion among free nations. The coalition must possess spiritual,
intellectual, material strength.
In things spiritual, the common effort must be inspired by f air-
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^ 79 Public Papers of the Presidents
ness and justice, by national pride and self-respect. It must be
based on the inalienable rights of the individual who — ^made in
the image of his Creator — ^is endowed with a dignity and destiny
immeasurable by the materialistic yardstick of communism.
In things intellectual, the coalition must manifest such common
sense and evident logic that all nations may see in it an opportu-
nity to benefit themselves. Certainly, it must proclaim the right
of all men to strive for their own betterment — and it must foster
their exercise of that right.
In things material, the friendly partnership must be sinewed by
expanded economies within all its member nations, mutually
benefiting by a growing trade volume that must be joined in
realization that their security interdependence is paralleled by
their economic interdependence.
By sound economic thinking and action, we Americans can
hasten the achievement of both our great goals — ^peace among the
nations; a widely shared prosperity at home.
We have an unmatched production system. But even our
economy will not thrive if confined to our own land. So to sus-
tain our own prosperity and economic growth we must strengthen
the economic bonds between us and others of the free world.
Thus we confront the communist with a vast and voluntary
partnership of vigorous, expanding national economies whose
aggregate power and productivity, always increasing, can never
be successfully challenged by the communist world.
The issue is clean-cut. Either we foster flourishing trade be-
tween the free nations or we weaken the free world and our own
economy. Unless trade links these nations together, our foreign
policy will be encased in a sterile vacuum; our domestic economy
will shrink within its continental fences. The enlargement of
mutually beneficial trade in the free world is an objective to
which all of us should be fully dedicated.
Ours is the most dynamic economy yet devised by man, a prog-
ress-sharing economy whose advance benefits every man, woman
and child living within it.
420
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^s ^ 79
Last year, our Gross National Product exceeded 357 billion
dollars. Twenty years ago few would have believed such an
achievement even a remote possibility.
Nevertheless, continuation of current rates of increase will
bring us by 1965 to 500 billion dollars or more as our Gross Na-
tional Product. This will mean a tremendous advance in the
living standards of the American people.
But a 500 billion dollar economy by 1965 can be achieved only
within the framework of a healthy and expanding free world
economy.
Trade expands markets for the increased output of our mines,
our farms and our factories. In return we obtain essential raw
materials and needed products of the farms and factories of
others. Likewise, the markets provided here for the products of
other free world countries enable them to acquire from us capital
equipment and consumer goods essential to their economic de-
velopment and higher living standards.
American agriculture sells abroad from one-fourth to one-third
of major crops such as wheat, cotton and tobacco. Without
these export markets there can be, under current conditions, no
enduring prosperity for the American farmer.
American factories and labor likewise have an important stake
in foreign trade. Last year this country sold over 9 billion dol-
lars of industrial products abroad. Over 3 million work-
ers— ^American workers — are directly dependent on exports for
their jobs. Jungles the world round are being tamed today by
American bulldozers; new mines are being opened by our drills
and equipment; fields that have been cultivated by hand for
centuries are yielding new harvests to our agricultural machines;
our automobiles, trucks and buses are found wherever there are
roads; and new industries to employ the teeming millions within
the underdeveloped nations are being equipped with our machine
tools.
The expansion of our foreign trade should proceed on an
orderly basis. Reductions in tariffs and other trade barriers,
40308—59 30 4^ ^
^ 79 Public Papers of the Presidents
both here and abroad, must be gradual, selective and reciprocal.
Changes which would result in the threat of serious injury to
industry or general reduction in employment would not
strengthen the economy of this country or the free world. The
trade measures that I have recommended to the Congress were
prepared in recognition of these facts.
Now, to abandon our program for the gradual reduction of
unjustifiable trade barriers — to vitiate the Administration pro-
posals by crippHng amendments — ^would strike a severe blow at
the cooperative efforts of the free nations to build up their eco-
nomic and military defenses. It could result in increasing dis-
crimination against our exports. It could lead to widespread
trade restrictions and a sharp contraction in world trade. This
would mean lowered production and employment at home. It
could mean a retreat to economic nationalism and isolationism.
It would constitute a serious setback to our hopes for global peace.
Two-way trade, I believe, is a broad avenue by which all men
and all nations of good will can travel toward a golden age of
peace and plenty. Your Administration is committed to help
building it. I personally believe it is to the common good of all
164 million of our people and I shall not relax my personal effort
towards its achievement.
We shall succeed, given the support of all who — ^unaffrighted
by crises — are prepared to act on today's problems while they
work for tomorrow's better and happier life. The accomplish-
ment of this goal is worthy of the best effort of all Americans.
Through you — ^you who gather here — and all your associates
dedicated to the mission of spreading the truth, a more rapid
progress can be made.
As we build a richer material world, we must always remember
that there are spiritual truths which endure forever. They are
the universal inspiration of all mankind. In them, men of both
the free world and the communist world could well find guidance.
Do we remember those words of our faith — "All things whatso-
ever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them"?
422
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig55
^ 79
Do we remind ourselves that a similar thread of peaceful and
lofty exhortation reveals itself in the words of every one of the
world's historic religious leaders? Every one of them — their
followers today people great nations.
The Far East, the Middle East, the Near East, the West— Asia
and Africa and Europe and the American hemisphere — all alike
possess in their heritage the same universal ideal. Why then
should we permit pessimism to slow our efforts; despair to darken
our spirits?
Cannot we convince ourselves and others that in cooperation
there is strength?
Cannot you, men and women of the pen, propagate knowledge
of economic truth just as your professional forebears spread the
truths that inspired our forefathers to achieve a national inde-
pendence? For when all people, everywhere, understand that
international trade — ^peaceful trade — ^is a fertile soil for the
growth of a shared prosperity, of all kinds of cooperative strength,
and of understanding and tolerance, the fruits thereof will be
another historic step on the road to universal peace.
I thank you. President McLean and ladies and gentlemen, for
the honor you have accorded me by allowing me to appear before
you.
note: The President spoke at the ning and Sunday Bulletin and Presi-
Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, New York dent of the Associated Press, and
City, at 2:00 p.m. His opening Mrs. Oveta Gulp Hobby, Secretary
words referred to Robert McLean, of Health, Education, and Welfare,
publisher of the Philadelphia Eve-
423
^ 8o Public Papers of the Presidents
80 ^ Letter to Harvey S. Firestone, Jr., Upon
Accepting Honorary Chairmanship of the United
Service Organizations. April 26, 1955
Dear Mr. Firestone:
I have accepted the honorary chairmanship of the USO be-
cause I know what a great contribution it has made, and is still
making, to the well-being of the men and women who serve in
our Armed Forces.
More than just a Camp Show or a chance for an hour's diver-
sion, more than just relaxation or warm hospitality, the USO
means to the men and women in the Armed Services that they
have a host of friends in the homes of America. No matter what
part of the country a serviceman comes from, no matter what his
race or religion, he wants to feel confident that what he is doing
is important to other human beings, and that they are grateful
for it.
Such assurance fortifies spirit and morale, strengthens the ties
in heart and mind which unite the individual serviceman with
his fellow citizens, which make him feel that he is part of America !
He must have such assurance, if he is willingly and ably to per-
form the vitally important duties which our times and our nation's
good demand of him.
For these reasons the work of the USO must go forward. The
continued support of our people through united community
campaigns will assure that it will go forward.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
note: Following his acceptance of this letter to Mr. Firestone, Chair-
the honorary chairmanship from a man of the Board. The group met
delegation from the United Service with the President in his office at
Organizations, the President handed 1 1 130 a.m.
424
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^s ^ 8i
8 1 ^ The President's News Conference of
April 27, 1955.
[ This is a complete transcript of the news conference of this date. All of
the President's replies were released for broadcasting or direct quotation at
that time. ]
THE PREsroENT. Good moming, ladies and gentlemen. I have
no announcements, so we will go right to questions.
Q. Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Mr. President,
between last Saturday and yesterday this Government seems to
have changed its mind some about insisting that Nationalist
China participate in any discussions between the United States
and Red China concerning the Formosa area, at least with
respect to a cease-fire. Can you tell us why the change, if you
regard it as a change?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think the change is far more apparent
than real.
Last Saturday it was stated we were not going to talk about
the affairs of Nationalist China except with them present. I be-
lieve that Mr. Dulles made this point clear also at his own press
conference, saying we would not discuss the affairs of the Chinese
Nationalists behind their back; but that as a test of good intent,
if the Chi-Com wanted to talk merely about cease-fire, we would
be glad to meet with them and talk with them, but there would
be no conferring about the affairs of the Chinese Nationalists.
So I think that the one statement may have erred in not being
as complete as it should have been, but I don't believe it was a
reversal of attitude.
Q. Robert E. Clark, International News Service: Mr. Presi-
dent, there have been reports that you have been in private com-
munication with Marshal Zhukov and have asked him, among
other things, to use his good offices to help obtain the release of
American flyers imprisoned by Red China; is that correct?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, it IS corrcct that I had some personal
425
^ 8 1 Public Papers of the Presidents
correspondence, but it was because of the nature of our two posi-
tions and based upon old friendship. It was absolutely personal.
I am not at liberty to say what was in it until he releases it.
I assure you there is nothing in it that was of such a great sig-
nificance that it ought to disturb anybody, but it was personal.
Q. David P. Sentner, Hearst Newspapers: Mr. President, do
your remarks in the previous question on Red China mean that
any discussion with Communist China will be limited to cease-fire
discussions, or possibly the release of the American prisoners?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, you are correct in making the observa-
tion. Anything that doesn't affect the Chinese NationaUsts, and
there seems to be an opportunity for us to further the easing of
tensions, the advancement of world peace, and certainly getting
back our prisoners, of course we would talk about it.
I merely meant to say that when it comes to talking about the
affairs that involve our ally bound to us by treaty we are not going
to talk behind their backs. That was the one caveat I put on
the answer.
Q. Laurence H. Burd, Chicago Tribune: Mr. President, do
we have any assurance or any indication that Nationalist China
would agree to a cease-fire if Red China did; and was that one
of the topics of the Admiral Radford-Robertson mission in
Formosa?
THE PRESIDENT. You opcu up a subjcct that every time a man
tries to make an answer he runs the risk of one word giving a
false impression.
But so far as I know, the Chinese Nationalists are not firing
now except in defense of the territories they are now occupying.
They are not attacking the mainland, so far as I know, except in
retaliation. Consequently, I believe that a cease-fire on their
side would be purely academic.
They are firing only in defense, as I understand. But that was
not any special item that had come up, so I can't give you any
more accurate answer than that one.
Q. Kenneth M. Scheibel, Gannett Newspapers : Mr. President,
426
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 8i
would you care to comment on the work of the Congress so far?
THE PRESIDENT. I talked about the matter with some of my
friends on the Hill within the last two days, and they said it was
too early.
They said you never know how a Congress is going to — ^what
is going to be its schedule and its rate of performance, and they
said you just can't really talk about it yet.
Q. Mrs. May Craig, Maine Papers: Mr. President, are you
saying that a cease-fire is not of interest to the Nationalist Chinese
or that you will talk with them separately about a cease-fire?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, Mrs. Craig, I didn't say that it was of
no interest to them. I did say they are not fighting at this mo-
ment. Therefore, a cease-fire is purely on the Chi-Com's part.
Therefore we can talk to the Chi-Coms about their own firing
without damaging the interests of the Chinese Nationalists; that
is all.
Q. Raymond P. Brandt, St. Louis Post-Dispatch: Mr. Pres-
ident, does the postponement of the administration's testimony
on the Bricker amendment mean that you are thinking in terms
of a substitute or a compromise?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, whcu you say "compromise," Mr.
Brandt, of course, you can mean anything, and it could mean
anything to anybody else.
I think I have made my position perfectly clear on this subject
before this group. I have not changed my mind one iota.
The Constitution had as one of its principal reasons for com-
ing into being the conduct of the foreign affairs of the United
States as a single unit, not as 48 States.
I believe I quoted something of one of the treaties, 1 783 treaty,
I believe it was, by which the British were going to evacuate cer-
tain of our forts on the Northwest Frontier.
Then some of the Colonies decided, because we were then
under the Confederation you will remember, that they just would
not obey those treaties. So the British didn't evacuate the forts,
and we were almost at war again.
427
^ 8 1 Public Papers of the Presidents
In foreign affairs the United States is a single nation meeting
with others. It is not 48 meeting with others, and we must
not forget it.
So we must never agree to any kind of arrangement that
would weaken this position vis-a-vis the other nations of the
world, which means weakening the provisions now in the Consti-
tution for conducting foreign affairs.
N0W5 on the other hand, I have equally said the United States
has gotten a great fear that treaties can be written that are in
violation of the Constitution. And if it would reassure the people
of the United States to have an amendment saying that any
treaty or executive agreement in conflict with this Constitution
shall have no force or effect, I am perfectly willing to say it. But
I will go no further.
Now, that is my opinion about the amendment.
Q. James B. Reston, New York Times : In the statement that
was issued, sir, on Saturday, the State Department said: "In
the Formosa region we have an ally in the free Republic of
China, and of course the United States would insist on Free
China participating as an equal in any discussions concerning
the area."
THE PREsroENT. That might be a touch of an overstatement
because I have agreed with what Mr. Dulles said. I agreed with
it before he said it.
I believe it is perfectly legitimate for us to talk to the Chi-
Coms about stopping firing.
Now, if we overstated the case Saturday, well, that was to that
extent an error in terminology.
Q. Clark R. MoUenhoff, Des Moines Register: Your informa-
tion policies in the Defense Department have been under some
rather severe criticism by editors in the last few weeks.
I wondered if you would like to comment on that and what
part you had, if any, in formulating those policies.
THE pREsroENT. Well, I havcu't formulated policies that are
administrative within any department. But I have insisted on
428
Dwight D. Eisenhower J ig^^ ^ 8i
this — I believe we have mentioned this before: anything that is
a technical military secret of the United States shouldn't be put
out before us, before any of us, that do not need to know, merely
because of a desire of one section of the department or another
to be first to make such an announcement.
A trained intelligence system can get a terrific source of in-
formation out of the combined documents that can be procured
on the newsstands and the libraries of the United States.
Now, that is as it should be because to inform ourselves, we
have to be ready to inform others. But we do not need to turn
out such things as an airplane able to fly straight up or to do some
other thing that seems to be a strange new principle. It is that
to which I object, and that only.
Q. Mr. MoUenhoff: Mr. President, there seems to be some
order that states that what information comes out must be to
the benefit of the armed services, and this creates some confusion
as to what information is to the benefit.
THE PRESIDENT. Of that I ucvcr heard. You will have to go
back to Mr. Wilson and question him.
Q. Joseph R. Slevin, New York Journal of Commerce: In
view of fears that declines in automobile production and home
building may cause a dip in business activity after midyear, could
you give us the administration's views of economic prospects for
the balance of 1955?
THE PRESIDENT. Of coursc, I meet with economists and others
of the administration on these subjects all the time.
The economist — his expert advice would be that you should
seek the highest rate of production and prosperity that can be
sustained, but don't get into a false rush and then fall back; that
unjustified rises are to be followed by immediate drops is not
true prosperity and doesn't bring about the feeling of confidence
we want.
So they watch them. All I can say is no one has uttered to me
the fears you express in terms of earnest warnings. They have
429
^ 8 1 Public Papers of the Presidents
said: "These are facts and it lcx)ks like we have got to be very
watchful and careful."
As you know, the Federal Reserve Board the other day, so far
as the stock market is concerned, raised the margin requirements
another lo percent, I think more as a red flag to the business
community and others than as any thought that it would have a
direct effect.
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Sir, are we correct in
assuming that you did approve this Millikin-Byrd substitute to
the Neely amendment which the Senate Finance Committee
approved last night?
THE PRESIDENT. Ycs. The ouc about the general authority of
the President in case — ^yes.
As a matter of fact, I think it was a very fine one.
Q. Mrs. McClendon: Yes, sir.
Well, now. Senator Lyndon Johnson interprets that to mean for
the first time in history we will have full authority in the Pres-
ident to decide if imports of foreign crude are interfering with
national defense and hurting the domestic oil industry. Is that
the way you would interpret it, not only to apply it to oil but to
all commodities?
THE PRESIDENT. I doubt whether I would answer it as a hypo-
thetical case,
I would say this: in everything that the President does in this
field he must take into consideration the standing of all America,
164 million people. One of the greatest fimctions of all that
164 millions is their own protection.
There is never any one of these cases that comes up in any
way where the question of national security doesn't enter.
Now, here they have merely mentioned specifically the ques-
tion of national security, but it is a matter that is almost inherent
in the function itself.
Q. Ray L. Scherer, National Broadcasting Company: Mr.
President, the broad picture. Do you see any signs, any tangible
430
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 8i
signs, of a general abatement of tension between East and West,
and if so, could you enumerate them?
THE PRESIDENT. George Patton used to say that no man is a
soldier unless he has a sixth sense, and then he would describe
that sixth sense. It was, I must say — ^for him it seemed to
work — ^it was suddenly to make your decisions on your own guess,
and throw all of the G-2 people out the window.
Now, I will confess I have the feeling that things are on the
upswing. But I can take every single favorable point and bal-
ance it by something that doesn't look too favorable. But I do
believe this : more of the world is beginning finally to have con-
fidence that the United States is not trying to establish a new
form of colonialism, doing it just through purchases, money, and
economic penetration.
I believe that they are beginning to understand the United
States is genuinely devoted to peace, that we are a peaceful peo-
ple who want full opportunity to develop ourselves, and that in
going along they are beginning to see that our efforts to help
others have had not only our own enlightened self-interest as
an inspiration, but also the knowledge that others must advance
if we are to continue to do so.
This you see coming out in a number of ways. Suddenly Rus-
sia says: "We are ready to conclude this Austrian Treaty now."
Or, the tension seems to die down in some other area. But,
at the same time, you will see a build-up of airplanes around the
Formosa area, on the Chinese mainland. You will see your
trouble in South Viet-Nam. So, as you sit and live with these
things you have a very difficult time proving anything either
way. But I do say, I still have my feelings.
Q. Charles S. von Fremd, CBS News: Mr. President, you just
mentioned, sir, the Russian move in Austria.
A few weeks ago you mentioned that as one of a series of possi-
bilities that might be a sign of Russian good faith of deeds not
words, which might, in turn, be a factor in a decisive meeting
431
^ 8 1 Public Papers of the Presidents
at the summit, or an eventual Big Four meeting. Do you feel
that way now, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. I dou't kuow whether it will lead to the Big
Four meeting in terms of the heads of states, or heads, at least,
of governments.
I do mean this : it is a step. Already there has been agreed
that the ambassadors will meet in Vienna. Assuming that meet-
ing will be successful, we will know then the Big Four will meet
then in terms of their foreign ministers. And if that leads to
something that might demand higher concurrence, it is possible.
But I say at this moment I see no reason for that summit
meeting. But, as I say, anything might grow out of it.
Q. Edward T. FoUiard, Washington Post and Times Herald:
Mr. President, the loth anniversary of V-E Day is coming up.
Do you have any reflections on that event?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, yCS.
Of course, I think we knew 6 weeks before that that victory
was certain and was coming very quickly. It merely became a
question of the day. But I think May 8th [gth] represented for
a great many people in Europe at that time practically the reali-
zation of all their dreams and, you might say, their ambitions.
Certainly I thought it marked for me, you might say, the end of
an active career. I saw a nice farm over the other side of the
ocean — and it still is a long ways away, isn't it? [Laughter]
After all, when you are my age, 2 1 months is still a long time.
[Laughter]
I do believe this: I believe that there was in the hearts of all
the fighting men, all of the people that were in uniform in Europe
on that day, I believe there was a genuine desire for peace and
the hope that there would be no more war.
That hope has not been realized. It has encountered its de-
feats, but I still beHeve it is a mighty force in the world, and I
favor it. I don't hesitate to write or communicate with old friends
that I knew in those days in an effort to get them to try to help
us advance one step along the road. To refer again to my old
432
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ igss ^ 8i
friend Marshal Zhukov, I believe he was intently devoted to the
idea of promoting good relations between the United States and
the Soviet Union at that time. As I say, I haven't seen him since
November of 1945. But in other instances, the Frenchmen and
the Britishers and the others that I knew, I still am in close contact
with them.
But I must say this: I wish that in this cold war we could now
get some victory that would make us feel as good as we did that
day of May 1945.
Q. Andrew F. TuUy, Jr., Scripps-Howard : Mr. President, are
you going to attend the U.N. meeting in San Francisco?
THE PRESIDENT. The auswcr has not been finally and com-
pletely developed, but I would say the chances for me going are
very, very poor.
Q. Mr. TuUy : Poor, did you say?
THE PRESIDENT. Very poor; because I have got other engage-
ments that are very pressing at that time.
Q. Roscoe Drummond, New York Herald Tribune: Mr. Presi-
dent, in a broadcast for use behind the Iron Curtain for radio
liberation, the Vice President expressed a view this week that the
greatest barrier to peace was the fact that the Soviet people are
still held in tyranny by their own government.
I wondered if you would say whether you share that view, or
would like to elaborate on it?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think it is a little speculative.
After men's minds have become persuaded of the truth of some-
thing, though it be wrong, they can support that idea if they
believe it to be true.
Now, we don't know how far the Soviet leaders have succeeded
in persuading their people that communism is, in fact, an ideal
existence. And I should say that if you had tried to establish in
this country communism as of 19 17, there would still be such a
seething unrest in this country, such a determination, that it
would long ago have disappeared.
So just how violent may be any mass resentment to this domina-
433
^ 8 1 Public Papers of the Presidents
tion we really don't know, and I think that it would be idle to
speculate.
Q. Robert J. Donovan, New York Herald Tribune: Sir, with-
out going into the substance of your letter to Marshal Zhukov,
could you tell us when it was sent and how and about, whether
it was very long or not?
THE PREsroENT. You souud to me like you ought to turn into
being a Sherlock Holmes. [Laughter]
Well, it was, I would say, recently. As a matter of fact, I don't
remember the exact date, but within the last three weeks.
Q. John Kenton, New York Journal of Commerce : Mr. Presi-
dent, while we are waiting for the details of your atomic ship
proposal to be worked out in detail, I wonder if you could tell
us a little bit about the background of how the plan came to be
worked out and, specifically, whether the idea originated with a
Government official or in a suggestion from private industry.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, uow, I havc warned you people plenty
of times that when you go to begin a search for the initiation of
an idea, the memory can play you very, very sad tricks.
I think that as far as bringing this thing forward as a proposal
to do something about it, I think it was mine. And any of you
people check me differently.
Mr. Hagerty : That is right.
THE PRESIDENT. But I really can't say that. I think it makes
little difference.
The administration learned, through its technical experts, not
only that it was possible — wt knew it was possible the second that
the test model for the Nautilus was successfully tested — but there
came the idea : now, suppose we had a merchant ship? And then
we made some studies what it would cost, and admitted it was
going to cost more than another kind.
But what value would this have, particularly in the effort to
get the whole world to understanding that the peaceful uses of
atomic energy could, under favorable circumstances, far over-
shadow its destructive force? Then it began to loom up as
434
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 81
possibly one of the finest ways, because when you think of the
great cities and the millions that live on the seacoast, this ship
could start out and visit almost every port in the world before it
came back.
Well, that sounded like a very good idea. And so we adopted
the idea one day at a meeting — I forget what meeting it was —
and they are going after the specifications. The plan will go
before the Congress as soon as it can be worked out in sufficient
detail,
Q. John L. Cutter, United Press : Mr. President, in connection
with this matter of Government information there have been some
complaints about the press not being permitted to cover a con-
ference at the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare.
THE PRESIDENT. I askcd about it, and they are covering one
this morning.
Q. Milton B. Freudenheim, Akron Beacon Journal : Mr. Presi-
dent, last week the Defense Department abolished the require-
ment that key workers in defense industries be required to name
friends and relatives who are members of Communist fronts; and
recently also Attorney General Brownell announced that the wit-
nesses, former Communist witnesses, would no longer stay on the
payroll as consultants.
This looks like it might be a change in emphasis in the internal
security field. Would you comment?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I wiU havc to defer the question. You
will have to hunt up the facts. I haven't heard of that, and it is
brand new to me.
Q. John Herling, Editors Syndicate : This has to do, Mr. Pres-
ident, with the minimum wages.
Since the administration bill for 90-cent minimum was intro-
duced several months ago, all bills introduced since by Republi-
cans and Democrats — there have been about nearly 50 on the
same subject — call for at least a dollar minimum.
In view of this development, do you see any possibility of the
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administration changing its position, or do you think it will re-
main inflexible on the subject?
THE PREsroENT. The subject was studied a long time, brought
up before the Cabinet, of course, by the Secretary of Labor,
and with all of the charts showing the reasons for changes.
Since the minimum wage was fixed at 75 cents, the cost of
living has gone up sufiiciently to justify a rise in the minimum
wage to, I believe it was, 86.4. Now, I am not going to take my
oath on that, but it was close to that.
So we decided that go cents was a good round figure, would be
over and above that.
We said it should go higher, but we wanted to put our empha-
sis, if this were possible, on the spreading of this minimum wage
rather than raising it, because the minimum wage today in any
covered industry affects very, very few people. But there are
many, many thousands working who are not covered by the
minimum wage field at all.
We would like to see a spread rather than just the rise, because
we don't think the rise is so meaningful.
Q. Edward P. Morgan, American Broadcasting Company:
Mr. President, what can you tell us, sir, of this Government's
views now towards the sticky situation in Viet-Nam and, par-
ticularly, whether the Government thinks there may be the neces-
sity to change the policy of recognition of Premier Diem?
THE PRESIDENT. I Can't givc you any final answer because, as
you know, it is still under discussion.
We have called General Collins back here, a man in whom
we have the greatest of confidence and who has been right in the
thick of things out there, and who has been supporting, of course.
Premier Diem.
Now, there have occurred lots of difficulties. People have
left the Cabinet, and so on. You know what most of those diffi-
culties are. It is a strange and it is almost an inexplicable situa-
tion, at least from our viewpoint. But he has come back because
we have up not only the need to clarify ideas as to future policy,
436
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 8i
but there is the question of aid for Asia. His testimony, of course,
would be valuable not only to us, but he will testify before com-
mittees on the Hill. What the exact terms of our future policy
will be, I can't say.
Q. Elie Abel, New York Times: Could you give us your re-
action, sir, to the recent statement of former President Truman
that the press is treating you with special tendemess and granting
to you an immunity which some of your predecessors
THE PRESIDENT. I cau ouly Say if you are, thank you.
[Laughter]
Listen, I am not above saying that I often need friendly
treatment.
Q. Benjamin R. Cole, Indianapolis Star: Mr. President, could
you tell us what role you believe the Federal Government should
play in the polio vaccine program?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think that they have tackled it cor-
rectly. I believe very greatly in the power that can be developed
by the humanitarian agencies of this country when they work
together in cooperation. And if they have the direction which
is to be given them through the Advisory Committee set up in
Mrs. Hobby's Department, I believe that we will get the most
rapid possible distribution of this vaccine.
Now, the reason I opposed — originally at least — any compul-
sory role for the Federal Government, I believe it would slow it
up. By the time you established more bureaus and all of the rest
of the stuff, I believe you would be in trouble.
I believe it is going just as fast as it can. I get the reports — I
think by August first, as I recall, they believe a hundred percent
of the children from i to 9 will be vaccinated. And by Novem-
ber first, I think, a hundred percent of those up to 19. There
will be six companies producing this. They will put it into a
pool, and this Advisory Committee will lay out the priorities in
which it is to go out, and I suppose with a careful eye — I know
with a careful eye for any threatened emergency or anything of
that sort. We will certainly do the best we can.
437
^ 8 1 Public Papers of the Presidents
I would not hesitate to use any power of government, if neces-
sary. I just believe that others can do it better.
Q. Cabell Phillips, New York Times: Mr. President, I have
two questions on the refugee program.
THE PRESIDENT. YcS.
Q. Mr. Phillips: First, sir, would you express whether or not
you are satisfied with the way the refugee program is now oper-
ating? And, second, whether or not you will support proposed
revisions of the Refugee Act which have now been introduced in
the Senate — I am not sure of the House.
THE PRESIDENT. The auswcr to the first question is no. The
next one is yes.
Q. Joseph Chiang, Chinese News Service : Do you think Chi-
nese Communists now realize America sincerely believes in peace
so that she humbly came to America for help to seek peace?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, you are asking me to interpret people
who are a very long ways away and with whom I am not too well
acquainted.
I would say this: I take their words with reservations, but with
hope. Does that answer your question?
Q. John M. Hightower, Associated Press: Mr. President, can
you tell us whether you initiated your correspondence with Mar-
shal Zhukov and whether you had an answer from him?
THE PRESIDENT. I believc I shall say no more about that at
the moment, and for a very definite reason.
Ladies and gentlemen, if someone abroad writes to me on a
personal basis he expects to have that confidence observed. Now,
I think every person in this room would want that correspondence,
if it were humanly possible, to lead to some betterment of the
world situation.
I don't know whether it ever can, but it is a slim hope. It is
one of those points we must preserve. I am not going to violate
his confidence in saying who initiated this correspondence.
Q. Lloyd M. Schwartz, Fairchild Publications: Mr. President,
in regard to the trade bill, as approved by the Finance Committee,
438
Dwight D. Eisenhower y ig^^ ^ 8i
I wondered whether you found anything objectionable in the
revision of the escape clause provision.
THE PRESIDENT. I havcn't read it. But I did have time this
morning for one brief conversation with one of my staff who said
there were a couple of amendments put on that will take a little
bit of study to see whether we can accept them entirely.
Now, I didn't even have time to find out what they were, I am
sorry.
Q. Roscoe Drummond, New York Herald Tribune : Mr. Presi-
dent, may I ask a brief question about this matter of making
military information easy or too easy for an enemy to get?
May I ask whether you feel entirely relaxed about the
pamphlet issued by the Republican Policy Committee of the Sen-
ate detailing information about new weapons and related military
information?
THE PRESIDENT. I heard about this pamphlet just before I
came over. They gave me some idea that made me think that
there had been a blunder that occurred. Now, for the past 2
years — I say "a blunder" ; somebody, I think, gave out information
that I wouldn't have given out, at least.
For some 2 years and 3 months I have been plagued by inex-
plicable, undiscovered leaks in this Government. But we mustn't
be too astonished when we recognize the great numbers of people
in this town who necessarily know details of one kind or another.
I just don't believe that it is justifiable for any governmental
official to release anything that applies to the secret war plans,
war policies, war purposes and war equipment of this Govern-
ment. That is the kind of thing that foreign intelligence systems
spend thousands and thousands of dollars to get, unless we give
it to them for nothing. And since we don't get it for nothing, I
just don't believe in that kind of a trade.
Now, this is what I believe in giving away: I think today to
hold secret any document of the World War, including my own
mistakes, except only when they are held there by some past agree-
439
^ 8 1 Public Papers of the Presidents
ment with a foreign nation that has not yet been abrogated, it
is foolish.
Everything ought to be given out that helps the public of the
United States to profit from past mistakes, to make decisions of
the moment; that is current information. But this is one thing.
I say it doesn't help any of us to make a decision merely to know
that a plane can fly 802 miles instead of 208. That is a secret we
should not be giving out. That is the kind of thing I am talking
about, and that only, I assure you.
John L. Cutter, United Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
note: President Eisenhower's sixty- 10:31 to 11:06 o'clock on Wednes-
sixth news conference was held in day morning, April 27, 1955. In
the Executive Office Building from attendance: 189.
82 ^ Special Message to the Congress Concerning
a Program for Low Income Farmers.
April 27, 1955
To the Congress of the United States:
In this wealthiest of nations where per capita income is the
highest in the world, more than one-fourth of the families who
live on American farms still have cash incomes of less than one
thousand dollars a year. They neither share fully in our economic
and social progress nor contribute as much as they would like and
can contribute to the Nation's production of goods and services.
This human problem is inadequately pictured by charts and
figures. Curtailed opportunity begets an economic and social
chain reaction which creates unjustified disparity in individual
reward. Participation diminishes in community, religious and
civic affairs. Enterprise and hope give way to inertia and apathy.
Through this process all of us suffer. This problem calls for
understanding and for action.
440
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ 1Q55 Q 82
We must open wider the dcwDrs of opportunity to our million
and a half farm families with extremely low incomes — for their
own well-being and for the good of our country and all our
people.
Recommendations to achieve this end have been made to me
by the Secretary of Agriculture. I transmit them to you, with my
general approval, for your consideration.
The Secretary's recommendations for starting the program are
based on the accompanying Report prepared for him by the
Department of Agriculture, entided "DEVELOPMENT OF
AGRICULTURE'S HUMAN RESOURCES, a Report on
Problems of Low Income Farmers." This report, more than a
year in preparation, emphasizes the long-range nature of the low-
income problem in agriculture and will serve to stimulate con-
tinuing study and action. Nevertheless, an immediate start is
extremely important.
The essential cooperative nature of the undertaking is clear.
The recommended program is cooperative as regards individual
and group action, as regards private and public agencies, and as
regards agencies at local. State and Federal levels.
The Secretary's fifteen point program recognizes that this is
not exclusively an agricultural problem but that opportunities for
off -farm employment are a part of the solution. Recommenda-
tions emphasize the voluntary approach, the importance of work-
ing with young people, and the desirability of broadening the
program as experience is gained. In all matters, the urgency of
the problem is recognized. The proposed program, however, is
one of prudence as well as zeal.
A many-sided attack is essential. We need an integrated pro-
gram in which each part contributes to the whole. Each will be
more effective if the others are adopted. Together, they will help
toward a solution within the framework of freedom for the indi-
vidual, respect for his rights as an American citizen, and opportu-
nity to participate more fully in the economic life of our Nation.
441
^ 82 Public Papers of the Presidents
Proposals for enabling legislation and the necessary appropria-
tions shortly will be presented to the Congress for consideration.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
note: Secretary Benson's recom- report, entitled "Development of
mendations, in the form of a letter Agriculture's Human Resources," are
dated April 26, were released with printed in House Document 149
this message. The letter and the (84th Cong., ist sess.).
83 ^ Remarks to the Committee for a National
Trade Policy Following Congressional Action on
the Proposed Trade Agreements Extension Act.
April 28, 1955
SINCE you people already know what I think about this, I see
very little reason in saying anything except "Thank you," saying
that in every language that I know, using every word and every
expression, because I am truly grateful. There, of course, have
been encouraging developments. The bill having just passed the
House, and, after long study and examination in Senate Commit-
tee to have come out 13 to 2 — at least in its general features — I
thought was a tremendous victory. And I know how much you
people have had to do with it.
Whatever we do in this regard, though, we must always re-
member that in projects affecting human affairs, victories are
never really won because life is an unending fight, and everything
that applies to the welfare of humans is something that goes on
and progresses. We never wholly conquer disease. We never
wholly conquer ignorance. We will never have perfection. So
that there will always be a struggle going on to balance against
the hope of immediate and sometimes selfish gain the long-term
good of a great nation and of a whole world. That is the kind
of thing in which you have engaged yourselves and along which
you have come so far already.
442
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^s ^ 84
But it will continue. I merely beg of you not to look at any one
skirmish as a victory in a campaign or in a war. As you know,
the administration is dedicated in many ways not only through
H.R. I but through other plans and methods to breaking down
barriers — tiresome and burdensome customs procedures and all
the rest of it — around the world. The administration is dedi-
cated not only to promote trade between ourselves and another
country, but between those countries as among themselves, so as
to increase our prosperity and make them better customers of
ours.
I really believe that in this whole field of international trade,
we must think of it as the greatest instrument or weapon in the
hands of the diplomat as he strives to promote peace. We must
think of it also as the connecting link, really, between a prosper-
ous economy here at home, widely shared, and a growing and
stronger free world capable of marching without fear of attack,
fear of any kind of interference on the part of potential enemies,
toward a better and a brighter future for all of us.
So, believing those things so deeply in my heart, you can under-
stand that I don't really have the words in which to say "thank
you" adequately. But I do assure you I mean it.
Good luck to all of you.
note: The President spoke in the Rose Garden at 3:00 p.m.
84 ^ Remarks at the Cornerstone-Laying
Ceremony for the American Federation of Labor
Building. April 30, 1955
President Meany, ladies and gentlemen:
I take it as right neighborly that you, President Meany, and
your associates should ask me to come across from the other side
of Lafayette Square, where I have a temporary leasehold, to visit
you on this historic occasion at the place which we hope will be
443
^ 84 Public Papers of the Presidents
your permanent home for many, many years to come.
I came for a number of reasons, among which were an oppor-
tunity again to salute that great and vast army of Americans who
with their hands produce our material wealth; to return friendly
calls that have been made to my office by leaders of the labor
movement; and likewise because I read this in the letter of Pres-
ident Meany asking me to be here.
He said, "We have constantly observed the principle of placing
our responsibilities as American citizens above our obligations and
duties as members of labor unions."
So far as I am concerned that is the philosophy that should
guide the American of every calling, no matter what it is — to
place the long-term good of America, all America, above any
immediate and selfish reason. And in that spirit, I salute this
group of leaders and every single individual that belongs to the
labor movement, and indeed all labor in America.
President Meany, in his address, adverted to the previous occa-
sion of the laying of a cornerstone for the American Federation
of Labor, and he spoke of President Wilson being here. President
Wilson said, among other things, on that occasion: "If you come
at me with your fist doubled up, you will find that I will double
mine no less swiftly than you do yours. But if you come to me
in the spirit of friendliness and negotiation, you will find that I
will say, 'Come let us sit down together and there, I assure you,
we shall find that our differences are far more imaginary than
real.' "
Now again I believe that on that occasion, Mr. Wilson spoke
something that all Americans should well heed. Because we shall
never be rid of strife in this world — intemational and, in some
degree among ourselves, so long as humans are human and the
millenium has not arrived. But the character of men and the
character of nations will be determined by the method in which
they meet to solve their differences. If we acknowledge that the
difference is honestly agreed, then let us meet in what we like to
term the Christian spirit and reach an answer that is for the good
444
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig55 ^ 84
of all. It seems to me that Mr. Wilson spoke something that was
worthy then of the great man, Samuel Gompers, who as your
President, was worthy of the entire movement that we call the
American labor movement.
For myself 5 1 should like to tell you again, I am no stranger to
work. Mr. Meany referred to a terrible 60-hour week. I re-
minded him several times that when I finally was fortunate enough
to enter the Army, my workweek just before that was 84 hours,
and it was 52 weeks a year. I certainly can appreciate what the
labor movement has done for the men and women of America and
what we must continue to do to make certain that this growing
and advancing prosperity is widely shared so that all may
participate in it.
Finally, President Meany made a pledge. And he used the
words of Samuel Gompers in a great pledge to President Wilson.
In return, I can say only this : so far as the Almighty will give
to this administration and to me personally the ability to discern
the proper tasks, we shall do nothing but devote our efforts to try
to lead this world — this Nation of ours — toward enduring peace,
toward a better prosperity and equal justice for all here at home.
Now in conclusion, may I say I am not only pleased, I am very
proud that this great assembly — ^this great association — ^soon to
become greater by its junction with another great organization,
will by that measure have still greater responsibilities in carrying
out the kind of pledges that have been made by your leaders of
the past, and I am sure are earnestly followed by your leaders at
this moment.
I am proud to be here, and to participate in this ceremony.
Thank you all very much.
note: The President's opening the dedication of the headquarters
words "President Meany" referred on July 4, 1916^ and repeated by Mr.
to George Meany, President of the Meany, follows:
American Federation of Labor. "Let us do all that we can to help
The pledge made by Samuel Gom- the man at the head of the affairs
pers, first President of the AFL, at of our country, the President of the
40308—59 31 445
^ 84 Public Papers of the Presidents
United States, to see to it that we tions and the flag of our country,
are kept out of actual war with any which we shall uphold at all times
Nation. Be true to yourselves, true and against all obstacles no matter
to each other, true to the organized from which quarter they may come."
labor movement, true to the institu-
85 ^ Remarks at the Annual Meeting of the
United States Chamber of Commerce.
^^y 2, 1955
Mr. President y ladies and gentlemen:
It is indeed a great honor to welcome you here to the Capital
City and to have the privilege of spending with you these few
minutes.
The very word "commerce" is filled with connotations
characteristic of our problems of the day. Commerce based
upon the productivity, the energies, and the brains of men like-
wise provides that material base to satisfy the material and physi-
cal wants of man and on which are built those opportunities for
cultural and spiritual advancement so necessary to his well being,
his progress, and his happiness.
Commerce here at home has made us what we are. As I was
driving over here a few minutes ago, there crossed my mind a
speculation. A hundred years ago today, Franklin Pierce was
President. Had he been invited to a body with similar functions,
aspirations, and purposes as yours, what would he have talked
about?
Well, railroads were beginning to come in. We knew some-
thing of steamships, but largely even our farms and certainly our
communities were self-supporting. Commerce as such had not
attained for people the tremendous significance that it has in this
modem day, when almost every man and every community are
specialists. The man is a machinist, the city is a steel city such
as Gary or Pittsburgh, or an automobile city such at Detroit, or
446
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 85
an agricultural town such as Abilene, Kansas. But everybody
does something and produces something in the way of services
that must go to someone else, or they have no value and bring
no profit to the producer.
Commerce, its free propagation and progress in this country,
has brought today the great organism — this great institution that
we call modern America.
Now it has done that without the desertion of the basic
principles that were applicable 100 years ago — as well as 177
years ago when our documents — our founding document was
written. We still believe that, in the aggregate, the initiative of
the individual, his aspirations and his hope of bettering himself
and his family — ^his ambitions — ^if directed equally toward the
common good as toward his own betterment, will produce the
greatest good for all of us.
And though today we talk about a greater need for govern-
mental relationships with the private individual, and with busi-
ness, and with our various localities, yet we forget that basic
principle at our peril, and we must not — ever — ^no matter what
we hope for in the way of advantage from governmental regula-
tion or direction, or any kind of regimentation, we must never
accept it if it means the surrender of this vital principle : of living
by our own initiative and our individual freedoms to develop
ourselves physically, intellectually, and spiritually.
Now the point I should like to make is this. We have proved
these things here at home. We understand them thoroughly.
The point I want to make, then, is they are just as vital interna-
tionally as they are nationally.
It is true we do not accept and need not accept any overall
governmental structure that will take the place in international
life that our Federal Government takes in our own living. But
think of the things you do by cooperation and by working to-
gether. That is the kind of thing we want in the international
world, where the central fact of our existence is that we and our
system are challenged.
447
^ 85 Public Papers of the Presidents
We are challenged by a doctrine that holds us to appeal to and
act under all of those things most selfish in man. The Commu-
nists say: "You people boast that you say what you please, you
think what you please, you worship as you please, you earn as
you please." And they say they appeal to all that is idealistic in
man; appeal to him and say: "Forget yourself, build up the
state."
But to do that, the Communists have to make the state not only
the ruler; they have to substitute for our convictions as to an
Almighty — as to religious faith — they have to substitute likewise
that state organism. That we flatly reject.
In any event, that communistic international dictatorship is
seeking to destroy our way of life. If we then will apply among
our friends in the world — the independent nations — the same
principles in thinking, in cooperation, respect for common values,
and in trade, in commerce, that we have among ourselves, we
are as certain of defeating communism as we are that we are all
in this hall this moment.
My friends, an enlightened trade policy in the international
world for the United States means only this: we are trying to
build a bridge, a permanent bridge, that will connect a growing
and widely-shared prosperity at home with international peace.
And that's all there is to it.
We hope to do this intelligently and wisely. But here and
there we are going to uncover some dislocations in our economic
development and in the economic developments of others, and
we must make some concessions. And some of them — for people
here and there — ^will be a bit painful. But if we keep in sight
that underlying aspiration of all America — to continue to grow
under the blessings of Almighty God with the tremendous oppor-
tunities that have been ours because of individual liberty — as
long as we cooperate together for the common good, we cannot
lose; we simply cannot lose. And we will soon adjust all local or
painful experiences of the moment into a greater benefit for all,
including those temporarily inconvenienced.
448
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1Q55 ^ 86
So I say: as this country was born in the self-sacrifice of its
patriots, in their determination to work together, in their respect
for one another — if we apply those principles today to ourselves
at home, and to our tackling of our relationships with our friends
abroad, we can dispel fear from our minds, and we can, as we
achieve success, lead happy and full lives in perfect serenity and
security.
I feel that the aspiration for global peace based on justice and
on decency and respect for others means that we must continue
to prosper at home, and those two goals are worthy of the best
efforts of any American.
I thank you again for the honor of your asking me here. It has
been a great pleasure to see you all. Good morning.
note: The President spoke at Con- f erred to Clement D. Johnston,
stitution Hall at 11:30 a.m. His President of the U.S. Chamber of
opening words "Mr. President" re- Commerce.
86 ^ Special Message to the Congress on United
States Participation in the International Finance
Corporation. May 2, 1955
To the Congress of the United States:
The establishment of the International Finance Corporation
and our participation in it will strengthen the partnership of the
free nations. In my message to the Congress, January 10, 1955,
on the foreign economic policy of the United States and in my
annual Economic Report transmitted to you January 20, 1955, ""•
stated that I would recommend at the appropriate time legislation
to permit United States participation in the Corporation as part
of our effort to increase the flow of United States private invest-
ment funds abroad.
I now forward to you the Articles of Agreement of the Inter-
national Finance Corporation and an Explanatory Memorandum
449
^ 86 Public Papers of the Presidents
approved by the Executive Directors of the International Bank
for Reconstruction and Development. I recommend that the
Congress enact legislation authorizing me to accept membership
in the Corporation for the United States and providing for the
payment of our subscription of $35,168,000 to the $100 million
capital stock of the Corporation as set forth in the Articles of
Agreement. The subscription was included in the Budget.
The entire free world needs capital to provide a sound basis
for economic growth which will support rising standards of living
and will fortify free social and pohtical institutions. Action to
that end by cooperating nations is essential.
In its own enlightened self-interest, the United States is vitally
concerned that capital should move into productive activities in
free countries unable to finance development needs out of their
own resources.
Government funds cannot, and should not, be regarded as the
basic sources of capital for international investment. The best
means is investment by private individuals and enterprises. The
major purpose of the new institution, consequently, will be to help
channel private capital and experienced and competent private
management into productive investment opportunities that would
not otherwise be developed. Through the Corporation, we can
cooperate more effectively with other people for mutual pros-
perity and expanding international trade, thus contributing to
the peace and the solidarity of the free world.
Economic recovery, notably in Western Europe, enables nations
other than the United States to participate substantially in fur-
nishing capital to the less developed areas. The International
Finance Corporation is an undertaking in which all nations, as
members of the International Bank for Reconstruction and De-
velopment, will be able to pool some of their resources to spur
such investment. All subscriptions to the Corporation will be
paid in gold or dollars.
The Corporation, as an affiliate of the International Bank, will
serve as an intemational agency, which will provide, in associa-
450
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ igss ^ 86
tion with local and foreign private investors, risk capital for
financing the establishment, improvement, and expansion of pro-
ductive private enterprises in member countries when other
sources of funds are not available on reasonable terms. This
type of risk or venture capital is most urgently needed.
By providing the margin of capital needed to attract other
funds, the Corporation will help expand private investment
abroad. It will make its investments without guarantee of re-
payment by the member governments concemed. Accordingly,
it will complement the activities of existing international
investment institutions.
The Corporation will not duplicate the operations of the Inter-
national Bank for Reconstruction and Development, for the in-
vestments of the International Bank are guaranteed by its
member governments and are of fixed-interest nature in projects
not usually attractive to risk capital.
Since the Executive Directors of the International Bank would
serve ex-officio as Directors of the Corporation, and the President
of the Bank would serve as Chairman of the Corporation's Board,
effective collaboration between the two agencies and operating
economy is assured.
Nor will the Corporation's operations duplicate the work of
the Export-Import Bank. That Bank, an agency of the United
States Government, is an instrumentality of our foreign and trade
policy. It is not designed to provide venture capital; its loans
are at definite interest rates with fixed schedules of repayment.
The Corporation will not hold capital stock nor participate in
operating control but will rely on private management. It will
not be a holding company retaining its investments on a long-
term basis, but will dispose of its holdings to private investors as
opportunity offers so that it can reinvest its funds in new activities.
Since its main mission is to supply risk capital where it is needed,
its investments will be highly flexible.
In some cases the Corporation may take fixed interest obliga-
tions, in others it may receive obligations bearing a return related
451
^ 86 Public Papers of the Presidents
to the earnings of the enterprises, and in others its holdings may be
obligations convertible into stock when sold by it to private
investors. Thus, the Corporation will supplement private invest-
ment, and will operate only in association with private interests
which are willing to carry a large share of the total investment
in each enterprise. In no event will it supply capital for an
enterprise which could reasonably be expected to obtain the funds
from private sources.
United States participation in the International Finance Cor-
poration will be a step forward in our foreign economic policy
in cooperation with the other free nations. It is, however, only
one step among several which we must take. In my message to
the Congress on January i o, 1 955, 1 outlined other important steps.
These actions — such as extension of the Trade Agreements Act,
United States membership in the Organization for Trade Co-
operation, simplification and improvement of customs valuation
procedures, increased tourist allowances, changes in the law con-
cerning the taxation of income from foreign sources and further
developments in tax treaties designed to encourage private invest-
ment abroad, continued technical cooperation with other coun-
tries, and necessary programs of foreign assistance — are essential
to a sound and foresighted foreign economic policy for the United
States.
I urge the Congress to enact promptly the legislation permitting
the United States to join with the other free nations in organizing
the International Finance Corporation — an important part of
our foreign economic program which will foster more rapid ad-
vance by free people everywhere as they strive to improve their
material well-being.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
NOTE : The Articles of Agreement The International Finance Corpo-
and the explanatory memorandum ration Act authorizing United States
referred to in the second paragraph membership in the International
are printed in House Document 152 Finance Corporation was approved
(84th Cong., ist sess.). August 11, 1955 (69 Stat. 669).
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 87
87 ^ Citation and Remarks at Presentation to
Field Marshal Pibulsonggram of Thailand of the
Legion of Merit, Degree of Chief Commander.
May 2, 1955
citation to accompany the award of
the legion of merit
(degree of chief commander)
TO
FIELD MARSHAL P. PIBULSONGGRAM
ROYAL THAI ARMY
For exceptionally meritorious conduct in the performance of
outstanding services to the United Nations and to the cause of
freedom as Prime Minister and Minister of Defense, Kingdom of
Thailand. Following the outbreak of hostilities in Korea on 26
June 195O5 military forces from the Kingdom of Thailand were
among the first to respond to the call of the United Nations to
meet the challenge of enemy aggressor forces with armed resist-
ance. With the approval of his Council of Ministers, Field
Marshal Pibulsonggram directed the organization, training and
equipping of a regimental combat team in Thailand, establishing
a forward headquarters in Korea. Immediately upon their at-
tainment of operational readiness he placed an infantry battalion,
two frigates, an air force transportation detachment, and a Red
Cross medical unit at the disposal of the Commander in Chief,
United Nations Command, to support active military operations.
Throughout the uncertain months which followed, he worked
untiringly to further the spirit of cooperation within the United
Nations' first great international fighting force. A resourceful
and inspiring leader, he was instrumental in expanding the activ-
ities of the Joint United States Military Advisory Group to Thai-
land to include continuing training programs, thereby insuring
the maximum mobility and combat effectiveness of the Royal
40308—59 32 453
^ 87 Public Papers of the Presidents
Thai Armed Forces. By his outstanding professional skill, sound
judgment and keen foresight, Field Marshal Pibulsonggram con-
tributed significantly to the missions and objectives of the United
Nations Command, reflecting the highest credit upon himself and
the Royal Thai Armed Forces.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
[ Remarks of the President ]
Your Excellency, it is a great privilege for me to present to you
the highest award that this Government can give to anyone not a
citizen of this country.
It is a special privilege, because in this way we can take note,
we hope, of the cooperation of one who has done so much to
stand by our side as all of us attempt to defend human freedom,
dignity, and liberty in the world.
My earnest compliments to you, sir.
note: The President spoke in the have an audience with you, Mr.
Rose Garden. Field Marshal Pibul- President, and now I receive this
songgram's response follows : decoration from Your Excellency. I
I am very grateful to you, sir, that feel very honored. I try as forcibly
when I arrived in your great country, as I can to lead my country to secure
everywhere I received a very cordial peace in the world. They will be
welcome — a treasured welcome. And always at your side — ^in any way — to
this morning I had the occasion to create the peace of the world.
88 ^ Remarks at the Governors' Conference
Dinner. May 2, 1955
Governor Kennon^ ladies and gentlemen:
It scarcely seems a year since at least a number of you and I
were privileged to meet over at the White House. I assure you
that I truly appreciate the invitation that Governor Kennon tells
me is a return engagement of that party.
Washington is a great city of precedents, and you do something
454
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 88
or you don't do something because Abraham Lincohi did it, or
McKinley, or Grover Cleveland, or somebody else. I was very
anxious to meet the Governors back in 1953 and they looked up
the record, and I believe somewhere around 1908 and another
time in 1 925 all the Governors had been invited in.
Well, I wanted to see them, so I asked them in. The next year
it seemed more necessary than ever to ask them back, and they
came back. And then I was certainly astonished but still highly
honored they should come back again.
I hope we have started a precedent, because there are a number
of things wrong with Washington. One of them is, I think, almost
everybody here has been too long away from home. But the
duties of an official here being what they are, it is very difficult
indeed for him to keep in touch with the people who bear com-
parable responsibilities back home. And so it is probably a very
salutary experience for the people in Washington for the Gov-
ernors to come in; they being so perfectly aware of the affairs in
their own States they report what is going on, talk and think over
and tell us something of their convictions, their opinions, the facts
as they know them, in any State from Maine to California.
Now Governor Kennon said that you people came in to be
oriented. As far as I am concerned, that is a very secondary
purpose — possibly even less. This meeting is to bring us back
closer to the people of your States.
I cannot imagine a body of greater dignity anywhere than the
assembled body of Governors. Our forefathers readily under-
stood the need for diffusing power, and they diffused it not only
functionally but geographically. And if ever we lose that part
of the system they set up, we will lose the United States as we
know it.
The assembled body of Governors is, without official power,
still one of the most important bodies that I could possibly
imagine. And certainly I am honored to meet with them, and I
hope that you, like myself, can say "I have profited" by each of
your meetings here.
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^ 88 Public Papers of the Presidents
Now, it doesn't particularly bother me whether or not all of
you agree with me. In fact, I have heard something more than
rumors, I should say, that two or three of you, at least, disagree
violently with most of the things in which I believe. And I
should say this : they are just as welcome as anybody else, because
America is a place of differing convictions, and if anyone wants
to sit in an ivory tower and hear only from those people who
believe with him, again, America will not be what he would
hope it would be.
Honest sharpening of our wits in dealing with honest men,
differing with them, and thrashing out of troubles is the best
assurance that our country will stay in the pattern that was laid
out for us 1 78 years ago.
And I should say that the only requisite other than that we be
honest is that we try to be informed, and that is not always easy.
We know the world is complex. We know that our own daily,
local lives become more complex in everything from distributing
of a vaccine to the handling of problems dealing with Iran or
Formosa or China, or anything else.
All along the line, different factors come to bear, the problems
become very complex and no clean-cut simple answer is obtain-
able. But as we do meet with as much energy as each of us can
marshal and we meet in all honesty, we are certain that the great
composite opinions and convictions of this country, as represented
unofficially in a body of Governors, will be a decision that will
see America through any crisis.
So that you can understand how proud I am that the Gover-
nors have for three straight years met here in executive, off-the-
record sessions, doing their best to give us the facts from their
own particular areas — their convictions — their opinions.
I am not going to take up any of your time, or burden you this
evening with any of the problems now bothering me. This is
scarcely an occasion to turn into one of your executive or business
sessions. I do want to assure you that I am honored to be your
guest. I want to present to you Mrs. Eisenhower's deep regret
456
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig55 ^ 89
that she couldn't come, but she does have a doctor who has or-
dered her to take it easy for a while. She asked me especially
to say to all of the ladies of this group that she is deeply sorry
that she couldn't be with you. Among you, of course, are many
of her old friends as well as mine. She would love to have greeted
you.
When I got here I was told I didn't have to talk at all. When
I said, well, if I did, what shall I talk about, he said about a
minute. I have exceeded my time. Ladies and gentlemen, good
night, good luck, and I hope to see you again.
note: The President spoke at the non" referred to Robert F. Kennon,
Mayflower Hotel, Washington, D.C. Governor of Louisiana.
His opening words "Governor Ken-
89 f[ Statement by the President on Approving a
Proposed Agreement With Turkey for Cooperation
in the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy.
^ay 3. 1955
ON THE recommendation of the Atomic Energy Commission
I am glad to approve this proposed agreement between the Re-
public of Turkey and the United States for cooperation in the
unclassified scientific study of atomic energy and development of
its peaceful uses.
This historic occasion signalizes the completion of negotiations
for the first agreement for cooperation in the peaceful uses of
atomic energy under the new Atomic Energy Act. It is another
example of the vision of the Congress in enacting this law to meet
the needs for peaceful atomic development at home and abroad.
This occasion also marks another among the many instances of
friendly exchange and mutual cooperation between our two
nations.
Over a year ago, President Bayar of Turkey when visiting the
457
q 89
Public Papers of the Presidents
United States made specific reference to the atoms-f or-peace pro-
gram and stated that "we who are dedicated to the security of
the free world have no choice but to give this plan our total
endorsement". The initialing of this proposed agreement marks
the first major step in a new field of United States-Turkish
cooperation which gives promise of wide benefits to mankind.
It augments the many evidences of mutual trust and teamwork
in scientific and technical development such as the educational
and other training programs we have carried on with Turkey for
several years.
The proposed agreement will promptly be sent to the Joint
Committee on Atomic Energy of the Congress as required by the
Atomic Energy Act of 1954.
NOTE : A White House release of the
same day stated that the President
gave his formal approval to the pro-
posed agreement in a letter to Dr.
Willard F. Libby, Acting Chairman
of the Atomic Energy Commission,
signed at the conclusion of cere-
monies at which the agreement was
initialed and notes were exchanged.
The release further stated that
under the proposed agreement the
AEC would lease to Turkey up to 6
kilograms of uranium 235. It added
that this fissionable material would
be drawn from the 100 kilograms of
U-235 approved by the President for
use in construction of small scale re-
search reactors and for other research
purposes in foreign countries as a
part of the United States atoms-for-
peace program.
The text of the agreement and of
the President's letter to Dr. Libby
are published in Senate Report 572
(84th Cong., 1st sess.).
458
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1Q55 ^ 90
90 ^ The President's News Conference of
May 4, 1955.
[ This is a complete transcript of the news conference of this date. All
of the President's replies were released for broadcasting or direct quotation
at that time. ]
THE PRESroENT. Plcasc be seated.
Good morning. Ladies and gentlemen, before we start the
questioning this morning, I want to talk a little bit about a subject
close to all our hearts ; that is Dr. Salk's vaccine.
It is a very emotional subject because we are dealing with
human lives, the lives of children of tender age; therefore, I think
it is very incumbent upon all of us to proceed very carefully.
We should neither make the problem look too easy, and we
shouldn't try to do anything here except to get out the facts and
give people the very finest understanding that it is possible to give.
First of all, it has been assumed, I think, too often, that the
entire problem is one of distribution; this is not true.
I have talked in one or two instances directly to scientists them-
selves— the question of safety — wc must be absolutely sure that
we are doing something that is safe and good.
One of the questions that comes up is the methods of actual
testing of this vaccine. If you may test it in one way it can be
done in a relatively short time. As quickly as you go to a system
that may be more accurate, you run into a group of new technical
problems that might delay the production of this vaccine for a
good many weeks.
There has been suspected on the part of the scientists a re-
action or a development that you might call the provocative effect
of this vaccine.
You or I or a little child, which would be important, might
have latent polio virus in his system, and in normal cases might
pass through this period with no serious effects. He would have
a few slight symptoms, but it would amount to nothing more.
459
^ 90 Public Papers of the Presidents
Now, the actual puncture of the skin to give this shot might —
they have not proved this, but it is just possible that it might
cause some trouble.
All of these things are being studied by our scientists daily,
almost on a 24-hour basis, and with all of the scientists we can
mobilize to it to make certain as we proceed that the one thing
that we must be careful of is that saving lives on a wholesale
basis is achieved.
Now, the first great quantities of this material to come out of
our laboratories have been purchased in advance by the national
poliomyelitis society, and that is being distributed free to our
children of the first and second grades.
They contracted for this material before it was known that it
could really be produced. But in order to encourage the labora-
tories, the scientists, to go ahead with this system so that we would
have it available this summer, the Foundation did so, and is
making it available free. It is being distributed according to the
plan that they laid out, a plan approved by the national advisory
commission that Mrs. Hobby has collected.
Now, one thing has been the determination of the Government
from the start, as far as its part of it is concerned, there will never
be a child in the United States denied this emergency protection
for want of ability to pay. Of that we are absolutely certain, and
no difficulty along that line is anticipated.
In the distribution of this material, you have to deal with the
amounts that are to become available as quick as the amounts
taken off by the national society have been supplied.
There have been constant meetings, and the plan or the organ-
ization procedure is something of this sort: first, the national
advisory committee decides upon the allocation, and the alloca-
tion, in general, is to each State according to its number of young-
sters from 5 to 9. That is the basis for distributing these amounts
until that day comes when it is plentiful and anybody can have it
anywhere, as long as there is a priority to be observed.
Then, they also get the agreement and have gotten the agree-
460
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ 1Q55 ^ 90
ment of each of our producing companies that this will be shipped
to the States in exact accordance with the ratio thus decided upon.
The State then informs the Secretary of Health, Education,
and Welfare as to the places they want this shipped in order to
get this vaccine used. And they name the hospitals or the schools
or whatever are the public facilities they have for getting the
injections accomplished.
These are sent to the producing companies who make the ship-
ments. The reports then again come back to the Secretary, so
that we know that the actual amounts allocated by this whole
system have been shipped out, and are available in the State.
And there is where the State picks up the authority for the actual
giving of the vaccine to the children of the State.
Now, that is a rough approximation. Let me see if I have
looked over any — the matter has already been discussed with the
Governors of the States by the Secretary of Health, Education,
and Welfare. And the Secretary is giving me a report which I
may get this week covering every single detail, factual and
planning detail, of the whole matter. As quickly as I get it, I
will make it available to the public. You people will have it as
soon as I can get hold of it.
Now, I think that covers the situation. I want to emphasize
again that the matter of inability to pay is never going to have
the slightest thing to do with this, and that it is going to be dis-
tributed equitably to every State in the Union, according to the
standards set up by this advisory committee.
Q. Robert E. Clark, International News Service: Mr. Presi-
dent, are you giving any active consideration at this time to com-
pulsory Federal controls on distribution?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, ycs. I havc given all sorts of considera-
tion to it. As a matter of fact, I can't tell you the number of
conferences.
We believe that the system we have just laid out is the very
best plan for getting this to the children in the quickest possible
time and on the most equitable basis, because, in the long run, the
461
^ 90 Public Papers of the Presidents
States must enter this problem in some way or other. There is
no other way to devise the machinery.
Q. Kenneth M. Scheibel, Gannett Newspapers: Mr. President,
do you have any evidence that there is racketeering going on in
the distribution of this vaccine?
THE PRESIDENT. No. There was a — ^it is a rather laborious
explanation.
At one time apparently our producing companies thought that
methods for producing and testing were all in hand; it was all
ready. Over and above what they were preparing for their orig-
inal contract with the society, they were preparing a small
amount for commercial distribution.
Some of that, and a very small amount apparently, got out.
There was no black marketing about it at all. It was a legitimate
transaction, and here and there a few people, not of the groups
I have described, the youngsters I have described, got it; but that
was apparently something of a very transitory character.
Q. Walter Kerr, New York Herald Tribune: Mr. President,
granted that it is a legitimate operation, do you care to comment
on the propriety of that distribution while the vaccine is in short
supply?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I dou't waut to comment without know-
ing somewhat more of the facts than I do. But I do say this:
apparently they thought they had the problem all solved. This
was going along swimmingly, everybody was going to have all
they wanted, and they were getting into the commercial field.
I am not going to comment on it at the moment because that
is all I know. The report of Mrs. Hobby may bring up that
particular point.
Q. Martin S. Hayden, Detroit News : Mr. President, in describ-
ing this process you mentioned it goes to the States for hospitals,
schools, and so forth.
Is there anywhere in this process a point at which a private
doctor can get it for distribution to children in this level?
THE PRESIDENT. I am Certain the States will have to do it
462
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 90
through private doctors. If we don't use all of the 100,000-and-
some private doctors in this country, I don't see how this could
be done. But I mean the States themselves will have to establish
the systems under which the private doctors do this service for
the children.
Q. Mr. Hayden: In other words, sir, you would assume that
in addition to the children who get it free under planned pro-
grams, that other children in that age group whose parents are
willing and able to pay will be able to?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, uow, Ict's dou't go too fast. This is one
of these cases where you had better be safe than sorry.
All of the vaccine now coming out has already been contracted
for. We are talking about the vaccine that is going to come
out as long as there is a shortage. People within these critical
age groups need, I believe it is, the first two shots, because I
believe the booster shot doesn't come along until 7 months later.
Now we are talking about that time. If the States want to
handle it entirely, let us say, through a medical association, it
would sound to me all right. But the State will have the re-
sponsibility that the amount allocated to it under this formula is
used properly to serve the interests of that State.
Q. Martin Agronsky, American Broadcasting Company: Mr.
President, I don't want to get you into an area, sir, in which you
may not be expert. But I would like to go into some of the medi-
cal points that you made.
You said that if this injection were given, and the person who
got it had latent poliomyelitis germs, that there was a possibility,
according to the doctors, that they might develop a case of
poliomyelitis.
Now, under those circumstances, sir, considering the experi-
ences out in California, out West, is it still considered wise by the
doctors to go ahead on a national scale?
THE PRESIDENT. You mean now?
Q. Mr. Agronsky: Yes, sir.
THE PRESIDENT. In a general case, yes.
463
^ 90 Public Papers of the Presidents
Now, they are checking up on a number of things. For
example, in the time of highest incidence, when apparently these
germs are everywhere, each of us may have some of them. It
may be that they will decide there is a certain period of this
year when they shouldn't give this at all. Remember this : never
has there been such a rush job as this done, and scientists are
watching it day and night.
I think I can comment no further on the strictly medical possi-
bilities. But they are going ahead with the distribution under the
present system.
Q. Mr. Agronsky : They consider it safe and wise still to do it?
THE PRESIDENT. That is right. Under those amounts and, I
think there is one company that has not yet been cleared.
Q. Frank van der Linden, Nashville Banner: Mr. President,
just to change the subject a little bit, the Governors of Tennessee
and Kentucky spoke for about an hour yesterday with your gen-
eral counsel and with Labor Secretary Mitchell, asking for some
help to settle these telephone and railroad strikes. I wonder
what the administration is doing to settle those two strikes?
THE PRESIDENT. Of coursc, wc havc set up a Mediation and
Conciliation Service for settling of strikes. The law does not
intend that the executive department, as such, intervene except
only in the case where national emergencies occur.
Now, from the beginning of this strike I have been kept in
almost daily touch with the Secretary of Agriculture [Labor].
He has kept in touch with the Mediation Service, and in some
cases with the principals.
I understand that these parties in this strike have come very,
very close together, and the prospects for settlement are bright
indeed. And I know these two Governors talked yesterday with
the Secretary ; I had a report on it this morning.
I am told I said "Secretary of Agriculture." I meant Secretary
of Labor, I am sorry.
Q. Robert W. Richards, The Copley Press : The Govemors of
Illinois and Wisconsin said that an overwhelming majority of the
464
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 90
Governors attending the conference in the last 2 days favor your
highway program over the Gore bill. Can you comment on that,
sir?
THE PRESIDENT. As you wiU rccall, last year I couldn't attend
the Governors' Conference up in New York. Vice President
Nixon delivered my message, in which I asked the Governors'
Conference to establish a transportation road committee and to
work with the committee I would set up, and we would devise a
program.
Now, the program that that committee of Governors set up
for building the highways of this country is almost identical with
the plan brought up by the Clay committee. And so it is what I
stand behind. So far as I know, there never has been any rescis-
sion of the Governors' action, of their approval at that time.
Q. Nat S. Finney, Buffalo News: Mr. President, some new
agricultural legislation is pending on the Hill, and I wonder if
you could refresh us as to your views on that farm problem gen-
erally, and the legislation.
THE PRESIDENT. I am delighted to do so. [Laughter]
Last year we finally had passed a farm bill. It is good legisla-
tion. But it has not yet had an opportunity to be in effect. It
will not go into effect until the crops of the 1955 year begin to
come to market. So all of the farm squeeze which has taken
place, and it has taken place, has been under the old law, the
90-percent rigid parity price supports.
Now, the law that we have is designed to bring production and
consumption as nearly into line as we possibly can.
It was passed with bipartisan support. And right now Senator
Eastland, I noticed — I think it was yesterday or the day before —
made a talk in which he said one of the contributory causes, the
difficulties, in the cotton industry is the old price law, 90 percent
rigid. Senator EUender so much feels this way that he says he is
not even going to hold hearings in the Senate on this new proposal.
This plan that was devised last year should have its full opportu-
nity to work and see whether we can't bring about a better pros-
465
^ 9^ Public Papers of the Presidents
perky in the farm area that will really be permanent and sound
economically.
Q. Irene Albert, Clearwater Sun: Mr. President, I wanted to
ask one more thing about the Salk vaccine.
In Florida we have a high polio incidence, and the parents
there are much disturbed for fear there will not be sufficient polio
vaccine to inoculate the children in the 5-to-9 age group.
THE PRESIDENT. I havc bccu assurcd that even with this one
company out, there is still enough to reach all the 5-to-9 group
before August first.
Q. Miss Albert: Before the heavy polio season sets in for the
summer?
THE PRESIDENT. That is right.
Q. Miss Albert: Thank you, sir.
Q. Donald H. Shannon, Los Angeles Times : Secretary of the
Air Force Talbott last week told reporters that you knew about his
opposition to further expansion of the aircraft industry in southern
California, and that you were all for it, were the words he used.
Mr. Talbott's policy has caused alarm in California and in
Congress here, and it is on the ground that the aircraft industry
is being singled out for dispersal, although no such policy is being
applied to other industries. Would you comment on it, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, this is the first time I have heard this
charge, because for the past 2J/2 years, I think, almost every time
the subject of dispersal has come up, it has been dealt with on a
generalized basis. Everybody that I know of in the administra-
tion, and particularly the head of the office of ODM who is
principally concerned, is in favor of dispersal of industry of all
kinds.
This is the first time I have heard that the Air Forces would
be particularly singled out.
Q. Lloyd M. Schwartz, Fairchild Publications: Mr. President,
there seems to be some confusion in the Senate Labor Committee
as to whether you agree with Secretary of Labor Mitchell that
the Fair Labor Standards Act ought to be extended to cover
466
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 90
employees of interstate retail chains. I wonder whether you
could say whether you share this opinion?
THE PRESIDENT. Of what law?
Q. Mr. Schwartz: It is the wage-hour law. He suggested
that it cover interstate retail chain employees.
THE PRESIDENT. I am uot goiug to try to answer that in the
detail in which you have asked it, because I don't know that much
about it.
I do believe, and I have been through study and through con-
ferences with Secretary Mitchell, that there are areas to which a
minimum wage should be extended, where the people are not
covered now and they should be.
Now, I am not going to try to pin it down as you did.
Q. Garnett D. Homer, Washington Star: Mr. President, Sen-
ate and House conferees have agreed on a compromise postal
pay raise bill which calls for an average raise of 8.8 percent.
There have been predictions that you would veto such a bill.
Can you tell us what your reaction is?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, there may have been predictions, but
you remember I have never predicted it. In just a few days I
will have to study that very carefully, and my answer will be
apparent at that time.
Q. Charles S. von Fremd, CBS News: I hesitate to ask this
question, sir, because it is a very personal one, and I hope it will
not offend you, and that you realize I ask it only because of the
nature of the position you hold in the world today.
It was brought up some weeks ago by the Chairman of the
Democratic National Committee, who said he did not think you
would seek reelection, and gave as one of the primary reasons the
health of your wife. And over the weekend Dr. Snyder indi-
cated that, unfortunately, Mrs. Eisenhower has not completely
recovered from her recent illness. And I wonder, sir, at the risk
of intruding into your private personal life, if you could com-
ment on this to enlighten us a bit in this matter.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think it is a legitimate question.
467
^ go Public Papers of the Presidents
With respect to anybody else's comment about such things, I
haven't a word to say.
With respect to Mrs. Eisenhower's health, I would say that
her general health for the past 2 years has probably been better
than normal, if we go back for a period of the last lo years.
She did have a very serious virus infection a good many weeks
ago, and it seemed impossible for her to throw it off.
She also has an allergy to some of these drugs that some of the
rest of us can take without any great difficulty, and it has been
a real problem for the doctors to bring her back to her accustomed
state of health.
Now, that is the situation. She is, of course, not as robust and
strong as some people, but she is a good healthy person, I think,
in the general meaning of that word.
She has had — this spring — difficulty which, unfortunately, a
number of my other friends have had, too.
Q. Alan S. Emory, Watertown Times: Sir, the Republican
National Committee late last week put out a publication and a
covering press release which said that corollary evidence showed
that Governor Harriman of New York, who, at the time, was our
Ambassador to Moscow, was the real architect of the Yalta
agreement.
Does the information that has reached you through military,
public, and private channels tend to substantiate that remark?
THE PRESIDENT. I ucvcr heard of that remark. Of course, I
knew nothing about the Yalta agreements; it would be futile for
me to attempt to comment.
I was never asked during the war to give my opinion on a
single postwar prospect of a political character, never; so I
know nothing at all about this matter.
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Sir, of course you know
that many farmers, small farmers, are having a very hard time
now because of their limiting cotton acreage allotments
THE PRESIDENT. YcS.
Q. Mrs. McClendon: and there is some concern been ex-
468
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 90
pressed by civic leaders and even ministers in some parts of Texas
that these small farmers are being urged now by some subordinate
officials of the Department of Agriculture to sell out to large
landowners.
What do you think about Government officials urging hard-
pressed small farmers to sell out to big dealers?
THE PRESIDENT. Well again, of course, I have never heard of
such a thing. Frankly, I don't believe it. I don't believe that
governmental officials — ^unless someone who thought they were
on a friendly basis might say, "Well, you are not doing too well
here, why don't you sell out?" And you might say that to me or
I might say that to you — [laughter] — but I wouldn't
Q. Mrs. McClendon : Sir, I wouldn't dare.
THE PRESIDENT. 1 wouldu't nccessarily assume that is the
official position of your newspaper because you said it.
[Laughter]
Q. Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Mr. President,
has there been any progress toward arranging any kind of nego-
tiations with the Chinese Communists on a cease-fire since we
talked to you last week?
THE PRESIDENT. No. As a matter of fact, as far as this coun-
try is concerned, we are sort of in a wait-and-see attitude.
There are, as you know, a number of countries that are inter-
esting themselves in this, and conducting explorations. But there
is really nothing new to report.
Q. Joseph R. Slevin, New York Journal of Commerce: Mr.
President, with respect to the farm legislation, do you anticipate
that the decline in farm prices and farm income will stop as the
administration's flexible support program is allowed to become
effective?
THE PRESIDENT. WcU, I think it will eventually.
As I have insisted from the beginning, the farm program is like
so many other things. You get into a great trend in this country —
we piled up these billions of dollars' worth of surpluses — ^you can't
cure that in a minute.
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^ 90 Public Papers of the Presidents
There are all sorts of laws and pieces of laws that will help to
reduce these surpluses and get things back on a better balance
between supply and demand. But as of now, you couldn't pass
any law that just suddenly would turn this around.
Q. John M. Hightower, Associated Press: Have you consid-
ered, sir, setting up a United States military base on Formosa?
THE PREsroENT, Well, you know we have a MAAG and
things of that kind there now. There are small elements of Amer-
ican forces there. But there has been no suggestion made that
we would put in a big major base on Formosa.
Q. Robert J. Donovan, New York Herald Tribune: Sir, com-
ing back to the Salk polio for a moment, under this system that
you have outlined for distribution allocation to the States, how
can you be sure, sir, that the polio in that system — that the vaccine
will reach the schoolchildren as it is intended? And what will
be done if it did not?
THE PRESIDENT. Of coursc, I am going to assume that States
are responsive to the needs of their people. I am going to assume
that they will follow the technical advice just exactly as this
administration would.
If they are going to give it to others, I would think that the
people of that State would make short shrift of that kind of a
decision.
Now, as quickly as you say the Federal Government will pass
a law, and that down in a certain State such and such a person
will do so-and-so, or do such-and-such to another person, you get
into constitutional questions of the gravest kind.
What we are assuming that this country does want is to elimi-
nate poUo as rapidly as possible among its children. And I think
we have got a right to assume that.
Q. Laurence H. Burd, Chicago Tribune: Mr. President, have
you had any additional communication with Marshal Zhukov
since our last meeting?
THE PRESIDENT. No.
470
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 90
Q. Mr. Burd: Is there anything more you can tell us since our
last meeting?
THE PRESIDENT. No, nOUC.
Q. William H. Lawrence, New York Times: Mr. President,
the military manpower reserve program is coming up in the
House either today or tomorrow, and I was wondering, sir,
whether events in the last few months have caused you to increase
or lessen your own desire for such a program?
THE PRESIDENT. Mr. Lawrcncc, I have been working for a
proper reserve program for the United States certainly since
1929, and I am not going to stop now.
Now we are making progress at last. There seems to be a
widening understanding of the need for this kind of thing. And
it looks to me like the bill that is now coming out shows that we
are really making progress. I applaud it.
Q. Edward P. Morgan, American Broadcasting Company:
Mr. President, you have issued an order rather strictly restricting
conditions under which congressional committees can get income
tax returns. Can you tell us why this was done and whether it
was to cover some specific situation?
THE PRESIDENT. No. It is a matter of the most delicate char-
acter. But the orders that I issued were completely coordinated
with the chairmen of the committees that were affected by the
order .^ And so far as I know, they are completely satisfied with
them.
Q. Donald J. Gonzales, United Press: Mr. President, has con-
sideration been given to the placing of some additional ground
forces, as such, on Formosa, even though we aren't going to put
in a big base?
^The White House indicated after the news conference was completed that the
coordination had been effected specifically with Senator Lyndon B. Johnson, Senate
Majority Leader, Senator Harry F. Byrd, Chairman of the Senate Finance Committee,
Representative Sam Rayburn, Speaker of the House, and Representative Jere Cooper,
Chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee.
471
^ 90 Public Papers of the Presidents
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I havc thought of everything out there
that might be needed. But to make it a permanent station for
American ground forces, I have not had such a recommendation
from anybody yet.
Q, Charles E. Shutt, Telenews: Mr. President, Western Ger-
many is about to become a member of the free nations, sovereign
nations, once again. Would you comment on that, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, of coursc, it is something for which this
Government has been working for a long, long time. We are
delighted, and we hope that it goes forward smoothly and without
a hitch.
Above all, we do hope that this development will bring about
an elimination at long last of some of the principal causes of one
of the most tragic things that has afflicted Europe for a long time;
that is, that apparently implacable mutual hostility between the
French and the Germans.
I believe that with removal of some of the causes for that
friction, Europe will be on a new era of prosperity and security.
Q. Elie Abel, New York Times: We have been told time and
again, sir, that in the event of an attack on the coastal islands of
Quemoy and the Matsus, that you would make the decision about
whether we resisted — the United States, that is.
Now, could you tell us, sir, could you discuss, rather, the cri-
teria that could be applied to distinguish a local attack on those
islands from one that appeared to be a preliminary to an attack
on Formosa?
THE PRESIDENT. Really you are asking for a staff study. But
if there were accumulated in that area, and the attack were
started with, material that would seem to be far in excess in its
types and kind of what was needed to take the islands, why, you
would be justified, I think, in assuming it had a broader purpose.
Moreover, I should like to point out that in all of the statements
made by the Red Chinese never have they talked about their
purpose of capturing the offshore islands. They have said, "We
are going to capture Formosa."
472
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^s ^ 90
Q. Chalmers M. Roberts, Washington Post and Times Herald:
Mr. President, last week you startled some of us with your pre-
cision reference to 21 more months. Are we to infer, sir, that
you have a calendar on the White House wall that you are check-
ing off? [Laughter]
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I am aware of what month it is, at least;
I am still aware of that. [Laughter]
Q. Samuel S. Wilson, Cincinnati Times-Star: Mr. President,
my question concerns your nomination of John HoUister as your
new foreign aid chief.
THE PRESroENT. YcS.
Q. Mr. Wilson : Could you tell us whether you have had any
assurances from Mr. HoUister that he favors the administration's
foreign aid program?
THE PRESIDENT. Did I havc what?
Q. Mr. Wilson : Did you have any assurances from Mr. HoUis-
ter that he favors the administration's foreign aid program?
THE PRESIDENT. No — that is pcrsouaUy, no.
Q. WiUiam M. Blair, New York Times: Mr. President, aside
from the economics involved in the farm debate on the Hill at
the present time, the supporters of the administration program are
charging that this is a political maneuver.
Do you agree that it is a political rather than an economic
maneuver?
THE PRESIDENT. I think that you people probably know those
individuals and some of that maneuvering as well as I do. I will
let you make your own deductions.
Q. A. E. Salpeter, Haaretz (Tel Aviv) : There have been re-
ports that the administration this year intends to ask Congress for
a global sum of military aid instead of undertaking in advance
the specific sums to be allocated to each country.
Is this report correct? And if, yes, could you explain the reason
for it?
THE PRESIDENT. The program itself wiU be before the Congress
473
^ 90 Public Papers of the Presidents
in — I thought it was before there now — ^soon, anyway, and that
will explain it.
Never do you ask merely for a global sum. Of course you have
to explain to Congress what you are doing it for.
Now, there has always been retained also in these programs a
certain flexibility, left to the discretion of the President in order
to meet emergencies. But, in general, the sums for each country
are laid out in the bill.
Q, Francis M. Stephenson, New York Daily News: Mr. Presi-
dent, I would like to ask two questions. One is on your plans on
dealing with the Hoover Commission reports and recommenda-
tions, and I also would like to ask the status of the transportation
report.
THE PRESroENT. YcS.
On the Hoover Commission report, it comes to our attention,
you see, in segments. And as each segment comes up, why, it is
studied and either something is done about it at the moment or
it may be referred to Congress, because it has to go to Congress,
as you know.
There is no set procedure where a special committee is set up
to handle that. It affects the several departments, and they make
their recommendations to me.
The transportation report is a brilliant piece of work in its
analysis of our difficulties and in the purposes it announces that
it wants to achieve.
It was seven, I believe, stvtn Cabinet officers before whom
appeared the transportation experts of the United States.
The purpose, of course, is to make competitive influences more
governing in our whole transportation system. It looks forward
to that kind of a result.
The person to remember, of course, here, is the general consum-
ing public. They are the people who use the transportation, both
the personnel transportation and the freight.
474
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 91
There are details of that report ^ that will be most argumenta-
tive, and will give rise to, I think, a very lot of discussion, probably
heated discussion. And it should be so. But I think the basic
principles are commendable; certainly I approve of them and
the purposes they announce.
John L. Gutter, United Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
note: President Eisenhower's sixty- 10:58 to 11:32 o'clock on Wednes-
seventh news conference was held in day morning. May 4, 1955. In
the Executive Office Building from attendance: 188.
9 1 ^ Letter to the President of the Senate and to
the Speaker of the House of Representatives on
Revision of the Philippine Trade Agreement.
^^y 5. 1955
Dear :
The President of the RepubUc of the Phihppines, in a letter to
me dated March 7, 1953, requested examination and adjustment
of the 1946 Trade Agreement between the United States and the
RepubUc of the PhiUppines as being vital to the economic stability
of his country and to its permanent trade relations with the
United States. Discussions on specific Philippine proposals for
revision began last September between a United States Delega-
tion and a Philippine Mission designated for the purpose, and
^On April i8, the report prepared by the Presidential Advisory Committee on
Transport Policy and Organization (15 pages, mimeographed) was released by the
White House. The report includes recommendations on (i) a national transporta-
tion policy; (2) increased reliance on competitive forces in rate making; (3) the
maintenance of a modernized and financially strong system of common carrier trans-
portation. In addition the Committee made recommendations concerning the special
problem of Government rates.
Members of the Advisory Committee included the Secretary of Commerce, Chair-
man; the Secretary of Defense, and the Director of the Office of Defense Mobilization.
Ad hoc participating members were: the Secretary of the Treasury, the Postmaster
General, the Secretary of Agriculture, and the Director of the Bureau of the Budget.
475
^ gi Public Papers of the Presidents
culminated in the signing on December 15, 1954, of a Final Act
of Negotiations in which each agreed to recommend to its Gov-
ernment the revisions contained therein.
A copy of the Final Act, with corrections agreed to in an ex-
change of letters between the Chairmen of the United States
and Philippine Delegations, and a copy of a memorandum from
the Secretary of State on this subject, are transmitted herewith.
Revision of the 1946 Agreement cannot be effected without
the authorization of the Congress. I believe that the revision,
as proposed in the Final Act of Negotiations, would be beneficial
to both the United States and the Philippines and would contrib-
ute materially to the improvement of the already friendly politi-
cal and economic relations between them. I earnestly urge,
therefore, that appropriate legislation be enacted at this session
of the Congress to permit revision of the 1946 Agreement in
accordance with the recommendations contained in the Final Act.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
note: This is the text of identical Representatives,
letters addressed to the Honorable The documents transmitted with
Richard M. Nixon, President of the the letters are published in House
Senate, and to the Honorable Sam Document 155 (84th Cong., ist
Raybum, Speaker of the House of sess.).
92 ^ Remarks at the Dedication of the
Washington Hebrew Congregation Temple.
May 6, 1955
Ladies and gentlemen:
A few moments ago, before this service began, I was privileged
to meet some of the distinguished members of this congregation in
the Hbrary. Several of them voiced a word of amazement that
the President of the United States should attend a service of a
476
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig55 ^ 92
faith not his own and, in spite of other preoccupations, come both
to the reUgious service and to the dedication of this great
Temple.
I personally think that this is natural. There is nothing
unique or particularly extraordinary about it. This country is
a spiritual organism. Let us go back for a moment to its found-
ing. The men who led the revolution against England well un-
derstood that they were fighting for spiritual values.
Do you recall such words as "Taxation without representation
is tyranny"? They did not say taxation was wrong. Indeed,
they knew its need — possibly as well as we do. But without
representation, without being a part of the authority that levies
those taxes, it became tyranny. "I know not what others may
do," said Patrick Henry, "but as for me, give me liberty or give
me death."
Liberty — a spiritual value. They claimed these. They
fought for them. They died for them. And they gave us this
nation.
Now, wherein was their claim for these rights, these spiritual
rights of man? You find them in the Declaration of Inde-
pendence. "We hold that all men are endowed by their Creator
with certain inalienable rights," said they.
These rights, then, come not because we have emigrated to this
great and glorious land, crowded with God's resources, not be-
cause we have been more fortunate than our brethren elsewhere,
but because each is a child of God. And any true American must
recognize in another American those rights endowed by God, be-
cause if we don't, we are not true to the concepts of the men who
wrote the Declaration of Independence.
Consequently, today the President of the United States, the
official head of the country, is after all the official head of a great
nation that is religious in its background and has a spiritual
foundation on which to stand. Therefore, it is entirely fitting
and in keeping with his Office that he should come to such a great
4030S— 59 33
477
^ 9^ Public Papers of the Presidents
and significant event in the lives of one part of the great faiths that
have made this country what it is, to pay his respects to that faith,
and to this event and to the people who have made it possible.
This building — a house of worship — ^will bring to many thou-
sands in the future and through the years a renewed appreciation
of the fact that they do have the rights that this country confers
upon them, because that country was born and has existed in the
knowledge that God is the source of all power.
If this great Temple continues to serve in that way, if its of-
ficials— its rabbis — continue to bring home to the hearts of all
people who here come to worship that we owe all in the end to the
Almighty and not merely to the good fortune of our birth, then
it will indeed have served a noble purpose and one that we may
all salute with great joy — ^with great satisfaction.
One more word about the rights that we enjoy. It is not enough
to know that God gave those rights to you and to your neighbor.
It is well to remember this also: you may not protect those rights
only for yourself. You must protect them for all, or your own
will be lost.
The Boston Tea Party took place, of course, in the Boston Har-
bor, and Massachusetts was the scene of the first outbreak of our
Revolutionary War. But had not the other Colonies recognized
that if Massachusetts went under, they also went under; that if
the rights of Massachusetts and her citizens could be destroyed
and trampled under foot, theirs also would suffer a like fate, then
there would have been no successful war and no eventual United
States.
And so I say I come here in great pride in the capacity of
official head — temporarily — of this country, to pay my respects to
all who have built it, to all the good that shall come out of it, and
to offer my felicitations to each member of this congregation who
will have such an inspiring place hereafter to come for their
worship.
So my little part in the dedication of this Temple is merely to
478
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ 1Q55 ^ 93
say it is a most gratifying thing to me, both personally and
officially, that it is a completed building.
Thank you.
note: The Washington Hebrew Capital. Its charter was signed by
Congregation is the oldest institution President Franklin Pierce,
for Hebrew worship in the Nation's
93 ^ Remarks to Delegates to the General
Assembly of the Organization of World Touring
and Automobile Clubs. May lo, 1955
IT IS indeed a pleasure, ladies and gentlemen, to invite you here
to the White House grounds and give me an opportunity to say
a word to you. If there is one enthusiastic booster for interna-
tional travel in the world, I would certainly be numbered among
those who come close to the top. Having traveled a bit myself,
I am quite certain that it is a very, very useful thing, in bringing
to each of us an understanding of those things we need to know
in the world, if we are going to achieve any progress whatsoever
toward this great goal of peace.
In this country, for one reason or another, we have, possibly,
been more backward in the building of roads we need than we
should have been. We have a plan that is now before our legis-
lative body to develop the kind of roads that will make it most
convenient for you people to come over and visit all parts of this
great country very easily, and we would hope with a great deal of
increased convenience over what you would now experience.
But on top of that, we are interested in getting the entire Pan
American Highway completed so that travel north and south is
easier. We like to see roads springing up everywhere because we
are certain that as you people from all countries come to visit
us, and we come to meet you, there is going to be nothing but
good come out of it.
479
^ 93 Public Papers of the Presidents
Just as people are afraid of the dark, they are afraid of people
they don't know — they think they must be strange creatures.
But as they get to know each other, we see that they respond to
the same kind of impulses, the same kind of needs and ad-
miration, and respect the same kind of values. So that is the
sort of thing that must underlie this search for peace.
I think you people are doing not only a useful but an indispen-
sable part of the task in bringing it about. I realize that these
representatives here really represent some 20 million people, and
I am told there are 31 countries here represented, which makes
it a truly significant body, one that is certain to carry back
when you go back to your own homes much of value from your
associations here together, in the exchange of ideas. For my part
I wish you every kind of good luck and success in the work you
are doing. I can't tell you how I would really like to walk up and
down Pennsylvania Avenue carrying a banner and cheering for
you because I think you are on a job that needs to be done, and I
know you will do it well. I thank you a lot for letting me have
a chance to talk to you.
NOTE : The President spoke in the Rose Garden at 1 1 : 00 a.m.
94 ^ Remarks at the Republican Women's
National Conference. May 10,1955
Miss Adkins and ladies:
I realize there have been a number of speakers in front of you
this morning, and there possibly may be some question in your
minds as to what I could add to the information already given you.
Not long ago I was at one of Miss Adkins' breakfasts for ladies.
It is her custom to have each one of these Republican ladies pre-
sent whatever ideas are in their minds. Finally it happened that
before it got around to the very last lady and my turn, that the
last lady on deck was a Negro lady. She felt a little bit in the
480
Dwight D. Eisenhower, IQ55 ^ 94
position that I do now: most of the things had been said. But
she looked these people in the eye, and she said, "Well, since each
of the prior speakers have referred to this most auspicious and
enjoyable occasion, you must admit that I add to this most
auspicious occasion, a touch of color !" Well, I tell you, she took
over the meeting — ^but I don't have her advantage.
But these people who have spoken this morning to you have
given you a series of facts, plans, convictions that are the basis of
the confidence and optimism that we feel today.
There is one generalization to make as we proceed in our think-
ing about the Republican Party as an agency for serving this great
country and that is that the public must be an informed public,
if a republic or a democracy is to be a success.
There are certain decisions that people — the people as a whole
must make. If they are not informed, they cannot make those
decisions intelligently. They will be hit and miss, and therefore
only accident will make a decision a correct decision.
We must be informed. Consequently, these people, in trying
to present to you the facts, are doing a service but no greater serv-
ice than you yourselves are doing by gathering together and in
meeting with these people of your government, informing your-
selves, so that in turn you can carry these facts — these truths —
back to the localities from which you came.
The twin objectives of this Administration are a widely shared
increasing prosperity at home, and peace abroad.
I think you have heard much on both these subjects this morn-
ing. With prosperity at home we must not forget that prosperity
can never be the product of a static organism. There must be a
growth : there must be an expansion that keeps up with and even
exceeds the expansion of our population as we achieve a new
number of two-and-a-half to two-and-three-quarters of a million
more people a year.
Among other things we need are road programs, health pro-
grams, all of those things give to our people the right to enjoy
every kind of spiritual growth to which they aspire, to achieve
481
^ 94 Public Papers of the Presidents
new intellectual heights and to have a greater material standard
of living.
If each of our citizens has a right and an opportunity to work
for those three things — and to achieve them in some measure
each year — then we are getting what we call a growing pros-
perity widely shared. And that means roads and schools and
hospitals and factories, wide employment and an increasing in-
come for agriculture and the industrial worker — everybody.
There is no class, no group, no individual that may be omitted
and still have this objective achieved.
Now, peace abroad.
The central fact of our time, of course, is the implacable hos-
tility of a doctrine which heads up into the group in the Kremlin
which has announced its intention of conquering the world, be-
lieving in the overthrow of other forms of government by force,
and substituting its own dictatorship of the proletariat for
representative and free forms of government.
I shall not bore you with all of their claims about the weak-
nesses of capitalism and free democracies and free republics. We
know that to be a fact.
In this struggle, they have one thing that is important. They
have unity. It is the unity that is achieved by force — a knife in
the back. People must conform or they are eliminated.
That is not the kind of unity we have, nor which we seek. But
we do know we must have a unity among those nations that do
not want to fall prey to this kind of existence — to fall prey to the
spreading threat of communism. So we must have a community
of interest that brings about the spontaneous unity that we want.
That is, if we are to present a unified strength in the free world
against a unified strength of the Communist world, there must be
a great spiritual basis, an intellectual basis, a material basis, that
leads people and nations to want to hold together and to oppose
this evil.
That, my friends, is really the basis toward which we work in
order to gain the strength that will oppose communism so firmly
482
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 94
at every critical point in the world. Its progress will be stopped
gradually as people everywhere become informed and under-
stand the appeal that freedom has for the human soul as opposed
to slavery. Then it will begin to atrophy — to dry up — and finally
go the way of all dictatorships.
But to achieve that material, intellectual, and spiritual com-
munity of interests among the free world — the peoples of the free
world — is a difficult task. It is one that engages your govern-
ment, both branches — legislative and executive — all the time,
every day.
We must make certain that people can make a living; that they
can satisfy natural human wants; that they understand what they
are working for; that they are to see a brighter day by working
spontaneously with the free nations of the world as against this
great communistic threat. That is the basis for all the things
you hear called foreign aid — ^mutual security. Everything we do
is to achieve the solidarity of partnership with our neighbors,
recognizing their rights, recognizing their right to express their
opinions and convictions and influence decisions as we move
ahead. That will make that solidity of communion and partner-
ship that can achieve success from a position of strength.
I think it entirely possible that Secretary Hoover has spoken to
you some of the events of the past two years— those things that
give reason to believe that we are somewhat on the upswing in
this great, age-old effort of man.
Here I might pause just to say that always the United States
has been a peace-loving nation. We have never wanted to fight
wars. And in recognition of this fact, I thought it well, some-
time back, to appoint a man of national stature to a specific
position, to look into all questions of disarmament — ^which means
also the promotion of peace. There can be no true disarmament
without peace, and there can be no real peace without very
material disarmament.
And so Governor Stassen's position, to study and devise plans
and ways of implementing them in this great field of disarma-
483
^ 94 Public Papers of the Presidents
merit, is in fact a sort of secretarial position for peace. We give
one man in the Administration the job of thinking of this and
doing nothing else. I believe that nothing else is symbolizing in
this form the effort and purpose of the United States — it can be
nothing but beneficial both at home and abroad.
As for myself and for the Secretary of State and others in-
volved, including those in the Legislature, we stand ready to do
anything, to meet with anyone, anywhere, as long as we may do
so in self-respect, demanding the respect due this Nation, and
there is ^ny slightest idea or chance of furthering this great cause
of peace. We will not stand on minor questions of protocol or
any other inconsequential question, if that opportunity of ad-
vancing the cause of peace is presented and there is the slightest
chance that it may bring for our children and those that come
after us a better world in this respect.
So it is, then, that these facts have been presented before you
this morning, before the backdrop of two great purposes — a wide-
spread prosperity at home and peace abroad. We are pursuing
them tirelessly and energetically. It is the methods and the im-
plementation of these purposes that constitute the governmental
facts that must be carried back to our people.
Personally, in such a problem, in such a purpose, I believe that
women are better apostles than men. Men are engrossed in many
kinds of activities. They earn the living. They are engaged in
business all day, and they are very apt, at times, to lose that great
rounded concept of man that women almost always have before
them : that he is a spiritual, and intellectual, and a physical being.
He is not merely someone trying to get a higher wage. He wants
a higher wage for a purpose, to give greater opportunity in all
three of these fields to his family. Because women think of these
things in their process of homemaking, think of them in terms of
children and the family, I believe that their influence in spreading
the basic doctrines of this kind is more profound than that of men.
Consequently, it is always an honor to come before you and
urge a group like this really to get at it and let us go.
484
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^§ ^ 94
Now certainly I would be remiss if I left this platform without
talking for a moment about the word "Republican." I read in
the papers that the Republicans are a minority party. Now I
will venture one thing, that the people who believe as we do, who
will follow along in the paths marked out by the two great objec-
tives, in the programs of implementation that have been described
to you by certain Cabinet officers and will be furthered in large
measure later in your meetings — these people that want to do as
we do are the vast majority of the American people. This means,
my friends, that real evangelical work in the business of educating,
of informing, will make the Republican Party the majority party,
and keep it that way.
A very great early President of the United States said that if he
was forced to choose government without schools or schools with-
out government, he would unhesitatingly choose schools. He
meant, of course, that if he had to have a government over an
ignorant people, or an informed people who would later find the
necessity of having a government, he would of course take the
informed people.
That is what we need to do now. We do not need to go out
merely to exhort. We merely need to go out and show what the
facts of this day and time are — ^what it is that the United States
wants, what it is that the people of the world want. The people
of the world want exactly what we do. They want opportunity
and peace. They want security.
All right: let us go out and show that is exactly what the
Republicans are bringing to the people, offering it in full measure
richly and with everybody entitled to his share. No one can ask
more than to do his share in bringing about such a great objec-
tive, such a great purpose.
Ladies and gentlemen, there are some gentlemen here — I
thought I made a mistake there, for a moment — if I could make
one simple request of you, it would be this : that as you go back,
each to your own purposes and efforts in your own localities, it
is not that we try to teach and preach Republicanism just be-
40308— 59^ 34 4^5
^ 94 Public Papers of the Presidents
cause we worship the word. Let us go back to RepubUcanism
and find the great purposes for which it stands, the great pro-
grams that have been brought forward by the consultation of
people throughout this land — advisory bodies of citizens, govern-
mental officials, professionals, everybody that could help. That
great program is there to help achieve the purposes that we state.
Then we can talk "Republicans" because almost everybody will
be Republicans.
Thank you a lot.
note: The President spoke at the "Miss Adkins" referred to Bertha
Mayflower Hotel, Washington, D.G., Adkins, Assistant to the Chairman of
at 1 2 : 00 noon. His opening words the Republican National Committee.
95 ^ The President's News Conference of
May II, 1955.
[ This is a complete transcript of the news conference of this date. Those
portions of the President's replies which were not released for broadcasting
or direct quotation at that time are enclosed in brackets. ]
THE PRESIDENT. PlcaSC sit dowil.
Only one short announcement this morning, ladies and gentle-
men.
This morning I am going to have the opportunity to see Mr.
McElroy, who is chairman of the White House Conference on
Education that will meet this year. It is a conference to which
I attach the greatest hopes.
For the first time in history, as preliminary to that conference,
every one of the 48 States and our Territories are having State
or Territorial conferences on education. We will bring together
their experiences, their ideas, and plans; and certainly the whole
field of education should get a tremendous boost from the work
of these people. The reason I mention it is because a little later
in the morning I may have a formal statement to make after I
meet with him.
486
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 95
All right.
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press : Mr. President, could you
tell us, sir, your preferences for time and place for a Big Four
meeting? I ask this question against the background of
rumors,
THE PRESIDENT. YcS.
Q. Mr. Smith: or reports from Europe that this country
favors a meeting in July in Switzerland.
THE PRESIDENT. Actually I have no preference except to the
extent that I should like to see the meeting held, if held at all,
in one of the so-called neutral countries.
You must understand this whole idea is still in the exploratory
stage. We have issued an invitation because of reasons that finally
seemed to us to be cogent, and such a meeting would probably
result in at least some clarification of the air.
But our foreign ministers will now meet in Vienna in connec-
tion with the Austrian Treaty, presumably. They will decide
whether the invitation is acceptable in its terms, its ideas, and
then they will discuss such things as place and timing.
As I have said often, I will go anywhere anytime if any good
is to be done, and this earlier meeting ought to determine whether
it seems useful.
Q. William H. Lawrence, New York Times: Could you tell
us, sir, some of the reasons why you did change your mind about
the feasibility and desirability of a summit conference now and
in advance, so to speak, of a protracted foreign ministers' meeting?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, of coursc, this business of foreign af-
fairs, things change from day to day.
The mere fact that it appeared that the Austrian Treaty was
to be signed did not in itself seem to me, as I think I told you in
April some time, a reason for a meeting at the summit. But I
said of course that situation can change rapidly.
Now, there has been a growing sentiment discernible through-
out the world that from a meeting like this something might come.
There has been clear evidence presented through the press,
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^ 95 Public Papers of the Presidents
through correspondence, through our contacts through diplo-
matic sources, that there is a vague feeling some good might come
out of such a conference.
When, then, to hold such a conference : just to put a stamp of
approval on something that may have been done by foreign
ministers? Or to try to stimulate thought, and possibly even to
define the areas in which you would expect your foreign ministers
to work so that something might be accomplished?
Finally, I felt this : this business of trying to reach a clarification
of issues, if such a thing is possible, is so important that you can't
stand on any other principle except do your utmost as you pre-
serve your own strength of position, as long as you are not sacrific-
ing it, as long as you are not expecting too much. Don't be just
stubborn in your refusal to expect anything, but go ahead and see
what you can find about it.
Now, it does also do this: it gives a personal opportunity to
sense an atmosphere in that circle. However, I think those
vague, rather generalized reasons are really lying behind this.
There is no expectation on my part that in a few hours, a few
days, or a few weeks this world is going to be turned around. By
no means, and I am not going, if I do go, under any such thought.
But I would hope that my own mind will be clarified a little
bit. Maybe the platform from which we may later work will be
a little clearer even to ourselves.
Q. Charles E. Shutt, Telenews : There has been much specula-
tion, sir, as to what might be discussed at this meeting. Would
it be proper for you to tell us what you feel would be the most
important topic that could be discussed?
THE PRESIDENT. I would think the most important thing that
could possibly be done at such a meeting would be to define the
lines or directions in which we commonly would want our foreign
ministers to work to see whether there is any opportunity to re-
lieve the tensions in the world. Beyond that, I don't even
possibly say what the subject would be. Certainly there would
be no agenda except in the most generalized form, to talk about
488
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ^955 ^ 95
a general group of subjects; no agenda in the sense that foreign
ministers would normally meet.
Q. Chalmers M. Roberts, Washington Post and Times
Herald: Mr. President, to follow that question, do you have in
mind the idea of working on specific matters, such as the German
unification problem, or are you thinking now that it may be
possible to have a larger framework of discussion, such as some
general East- West settlement in Europe?
THE PRESIDENT. I dou't think that either of your assumptions
is quite correct as I now visualize it. I think that we merely,
I repeat, could define the areas in which people would start to
work.
Now, when they start to work in any area, you find it affects
every other area. I think there could be no limitation, and at
the same time you couldn't possibly give an exact description of
what you are going to do. You are going to meet, try to discover
whether you believe the other people are sincerely hoping to re-
lieve tensions. If so, what are the areas of greatest tension and
what can these people do?
Q. Mr. Roberts: Sir, may I ask a further point. You spoke
yesterday to the Republican Women about disarmament, for
example.
THE PRESIDENT. YcS.
Q. Mr. Roberts: Would that be included in this type of
discussion?
THE PRESIDENT. I wouldu't scc any possibility, if you are going
to relieve tensions, that you didn't have to discuss disarmament.
But what I say is you would neither limit it, you wouldn't exclude
it, nor would you necessarily put it down as a particular agenda.
I don't believe that such a conference could design a specific
agenda for your foreign ministers. You could only describe
lines that they would take, the attitudes we have, and the general
areas they would explore.
Q. Raymond P. Brandt, St. Louis Post-Dispatch: Mr. Pres-
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^ 95 Public Papers of the Presidents
ident, can you give us any idea of how long the meeting at the
summit would take?
THE PRESIDENT. I cau ouly tell you what it is I've been guess-
ing. I would think that, oh, if you met a matter of 3 days, I
think it would completely cover the issues, as far as I am con-
cerned. All the issues could be raised.
Q. Mr. Brandt : How long would the foreign ministers meet,
can you guess on that?
THE PRESIDENT. Oh, I WOuldu't gUCSS 1 WOuldu't gUCSS.
Q. Mr. Brandt: Would that be a matter of weeks or months?
THE PRESIDENT. Could be; I wouldn't guess. And of course,
after the foreign ministers meet, then you can establish if any
progress was made at all. What you would probably establish
would be numbers of meetings of experts in particular fields.
There is no use really of speculating as to what the outcome of
a chain of events can be. This is certainly experimental.
Q. Mr. Brandt : Would you go back to your old plan after the
foreign ministers had come to some agreement, the Big Four
would then meet again to formalize it?
THE PRESIDENT. I wouldu't kuow, I wouldu't kuow. It would
certainly in that case have to be a — ^we would have to have de-
veloped sufficient confidence in what had been done, and it would
have to have sufficient significance to us and to the world that
it would be worthwhile to make a formal signing to be — some-
thing, let us say, historical.
Q. John Herling, Editors Syndicate: Down from the summit
for a moment, sir, this has to do with a domestic problem. As
you predicted last week, the Louisville and Nashville Railroad
strike was settled through the appointment of an arbitrator, and
I wonder whether you would care to comment on the role of
arbitration in labor-management disputes generally, sir.
THE PRESIDENT. Oh, I dou't think it would be profitable to
launch into a discussion of my ideas about it, except I would ex-
press the greatest gratification that both sides here finally ac-
cepted arbitration, that the Mediation and Conciliation Board
490
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 95
was successful in bringing them together, and the strike has been
settled. It is a very great boon to the South, and I am very
gratified.
Q. Mr. Herling: Sir, there is a strike still going on, the
telephone strike.
THE PRESIDENT. Ycs. I wiU be just as happy when that is
settled.
Q. Mr. Herling: Through arbitration, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, they are working, the Mediation Serv-
ice is still in contact.
Q. Mr. Herling: And therefore the pattern of arbitration will
be just as useful?
THE PRESIDENT. In my opinion, yes.
Q. Elie Abel, New York Times: Sir, could you give us your
views on whether you would favor a congressional delegation or
a small group of congressional leaders going to this meeting at
the summit with your party?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I wouldu't kuow yct. You must re-
member that there was an invitation issued, and we sort of de-
scribed in our note what we thought would be a good procedure.
We don't know whether that is going to be accepted.
I would say this: when it comes down to anything definitive
that is going, possibly, to result in any kind of formal agreement
or treaty, then I would say it is always profitable to have a
congressional committee with them.
Q. Mrs. May Craig, Maine Papers: Mr. President, I had un-
derstood you to say that you would require deeds from the Com-
munists before you would meet with them, to show their specific
attitude. Have you had any deeds of that description?
THE PRESIDENT. One of them I described was the signing of
the Austrian Treaty. Now, it is true I talked about others, but
if this one indicates what they are apparently trying to make it
appear to indicate, well, then, I am going to try to find out
whether it is absolutely sincere.
Q. Laurence H. Burd, Chicago Tribune : Mr. President, would
491
^ 95 Public Papers of the Presidents
you regard it as possible or likely that the Far Eastern situation
might come up at such a conference, that is, that there wouldn't
be any geographic limits?
THE PREsroENT. It might be an agreement to limit it, in order
to look for success, to limit it to certain areas. I would say at
this top one, if you had the heads of government at the one con-
ference, I would think the general conversations would tend to
go around the world, be global in character.
Q. Lucian C. Warren, Buffalo Courier-Express: Speaker Ray-
burn on Monday raised the question about the way you make
appointments, and it was in connection with your nomination of
William Kern, an Indiana Democrat, to replace Jim Mead, a
New York State Democrat, on the Federal Trade Commission;
and Speaker Rayburn said on Monday that he thought it was
cruelly handled, and a cruel thing to do. He also said he had not
been consulted about any appointments for minority jobs, that
is Democrats in Government, and also Majority Leader
McCormack said that he had not been consulted.
I wonder if you have any comment on that?
THE PRESIDENT. [No, I havc uo commcut on that.]
Q. Andrew F. TuUy, Jr., Scripps-Howard : Mr. President, the
Hoover Commission has reported a number of wasteful shopping
practices on the part of the mihtary; for instance, the 6o-year
supply of hamburger, and up on the Hill they are complaining
that they can't seem to find anybody in the military to take re-
sponsibility for these things. I was wondering, sir, if you have
any plans to hold anybody's feet to the fire about this?
[Laughter]
THE PRESIDENT. Am I getting a bad reputation around here?
Q. Mr. TuUey : As commander in chief.
THE PRESIDENT. I do kuow that Secretary Wilson and Mr.
Hoover themselves have been in conference. I believe they ex-
changed letters and are getting together so that they can together
study these things in detail, and see where difficulties are.
I think there can be a lot of misunderstanding arise about just
492
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ 1Q55 ^ 95
a bare fact. You may have a lot of hamburger. I understand
this is for emergency purposes, used by the Navy and the Marines.
I am told that if you actually fed it out to all the messes, that you
could consume it in 5 days. But you don't do that. It is held
for emergency purposes; and therefore, at the amount that you
consume it, I don't know how many years it would last.
Q. Mr. TuUy : Do you think that is not too much, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I havcu't examined what they have, but
I will tell you this: if you kept in your emergency ammunition
supplies only the amounts that you use yearly for practice, you
would be in an awful defensive fix. Now I don't know, I haven't
looked up the details. I don't intend to, because Secretary
Wilson ought to be capable of doing that, and I think you can
get an answer from him.
Q, Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Mr. President,
Senator Margaret Chase Smith is telling the Republican Wom-
en's Conference today that she hopes with all her heart that you
will run again, but that her present impression is that you will not
do so. Do you have any idea where she got such an impression?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, of coursc I would like to thank her for
her complimentary opinion of me; but as for the rest of it, I
haven't the slightest idea where she got that impression.
Q. James B. Reston, New York Times: Mr. President, in view
of the confusion over the polio vaccine, sir
THE PRESIDENT. YcS.
Q. Mr. Reston : ^would you give us your view as to where
the responsibility lies in this situation? Is there a Government
responsibility here?
THE PRESIDENT. There is certainly a Government responsibil-
ity to take leadership in this thing and see the thing goes ahead
as fast as it possibly can. Now, every conference I have had has
been that the firms have cooperated perfectly — the firms making
this. They have no complaint whatsoever.
The entire amount of this product is contracted for by the
Foundation. There will be no other orders filled of any kind until
493
^ 95 Public Papers of the Presidents
that contract is completely fulfilled. I believe it is either until all
children from 5 to 9 are vaccinated, or until a given date some
time in the future, whichever is earlier, I think.
I would say this: during the week, I will have the final report
of all the agreements, all the recommendations of the advisory
board and the Secretary of HEW. By Monday or Tuesday I
ought to be in shape to determine if there is any more action of
any kind that I am expected to take.
Q. Mr. Reston: The question that is being asked, certainly the
question that our mail reflects, is why many of these things that
are now being done were not done before all the hoop-la about
the original announcements in April.
THE PRESIDENT. I think it was merely because of two things :
the great pressure to bring this out as quickly as they had any
reason to believe it was a useful and effective product ; and there-
fore, some of the exhaustive tests through which such a product
normally goes, probably they tried to shortcut a little bit. I don't
know; the report will have to show. I am not a scientist, as you
well know.
Q. Edward P. Morgan, American Broadcasting Company : On
that same subject, sir, during the last week of June 1949 the Cutter
Laboratories of Berkeley, California, was convicted in Federal
court in San Francisco on a 1 2-count indictment, alleging viola-
tion of the pure food and drug laws.
In your opinion, sir — two questions — in your opinion, is that
a matter that should have been taken into consideration by the
Government in licensing Cutter for the production of Salk vac-
cine; and if so, would a situation of this kind be more easily han-
dled by a situation such as Canada seems to be doing so success-
fully with government controls?
THE PRESIDENT. [Well, I ucvcr heard of the incident that you
bring up, and certainly I wouldn't be in position at this moment
to comment as to whether that has any possible effect on the
current situation.
[It would seem to me that the people in it, the experts and
494
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 95
doctors in HEW and the advisory commission brought in, would
certainly be aware of all pertinent facts that you bring up; and if
that had any influence, they would have taken it into consider-
ation. I don't know.]
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press: Mr. President, you used
a phrase two questions back on that, "they probably tried to
shortcut a little bit." To whom are you referring, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. I meant that the scientists in putting this out
probably thought that they had used all of the regular methods,
but probably didn't use some of the more exhaustive ones that
they may think now should be doublechecked.
Look, I am speculating on that particular point. I say I
haven't got my report, and I am not making any statement that
is to be taken as authoritative on that point, but they have stopped
the vaccinations while they take a doublecheck on something.
Now, what that is, I am not sure.
Q, Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Sir, I believe you re-
ceived a letter from Congressman Bell the other day, setting forth
the great social as well as economic effects of the drought on
people in small towns, as well as farms and ranches. The Agri-
culture Department has set June 15th, I believe, as the end of
much of the temporary relief to people in the drought area — in
the hay program and other forms.
I wonder if you had given any thought to a long-range program
that would take into consideration the economic and social effects
of the drought in the Southwest?
THE PRESIDENT. I dou't kuow of any time that the matter isn't
under discussion. Certainly for the 2 years and more that I
have been here there has always been some area that is in drought.
We have taken up this matter with Congress. We have done
what we can, and I don't know how you can take up really long-
range plans of such kinds, because you hope that the drought
doesn't last forever. A drought is supposed to be an emergency.
Q. Mrs. McClendon: Sir, I believe Mr. Bell set forth that
495
^ 95 Public Papers of the Presidents
these people are going to need some works projects plans in a
long-range way as well as temporary relief.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I am not prepared to talk about it this
morning.
Q. Martin Agronsky, American Broadcasting Company: Mr.
President, considerable misgivings seem to have arisen as to the
efficacy of the Salk polio vaccine in a medical sense. Gould you,
from your knowledge and your conversations with the experts on
this, tell us whether the U.S. Government still regards the Salk
polio vaccine as able to do what everyone originally thought it
would do; that is, prevent polio with 80 to 90 percent of those
who are injected with the vaccine?
THE PRESIDENT. I belicve it absolutely. I can't say what the
Government — that's a lot of people. I know what I believe, I
believe these experts. They are very competent and I believe it
can do it.
Now there have been, I think, something like 52 cases of polio
out of more than five million injections. Now, they want to find
out merely whether these 52 cases had any relationship at all to
the fact that they were injected. They are trying to be doubly
safe, and I applaud their caution in this matter. But I believe
it just implicitly that this will, within a measurable time, really
eliminate polio in this country.
Q. Mr. Agronsky: Mr. President, it is not the medical theory
that is in question here at all, it is merely the manner that the
vaccine is being manufactured.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, that is what I think.
Q. James A. Reynolds, Gongressional Quarterly: Mr. Pres-
ident, what kind of progress would you say your legislative pro-
gram has been making in Gongress so far this year, and what
kind of support would you say Republican Gongressmen have
been giving this program?
THE PRESIDENT. The qucstiou is too generic, too broad, for
me to discuss this morning.
I'd say this: anyone that would attempt to predict or to com-
496
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig§§ ^ 95
merit very much on progress of Congress at this time has forgotten
the Congress is capable of doing an awful lot, sometimes in a
week, and then seems to have a period of inaction almost for a
month. It is rather erratic in its output. [Laughter] I mean,
erratic in the rate of output. I would say this : as far as I am
concerned, things are coming along pretty well.
Q. Richard L. Wilson, Cowles Publications: Mr. President,
has a decision been reached to allow Russian agricultural
specialists to come to this country and study agriculture here?
THE PRESIDENT. I would like to auswcr definitively, but I am
not certain. We have discussed it, and, generally speaking, I
think it has. But I am a little bit uncertain whether I am talking
about something that has yet been finally crystallized; that is my
difficulty. Actually, I think it has been straightened out.
Q, Mr. Wilson : Do you still favor it?
THE PRESIDENT. YcS.
Q. Matthew Warren, DuMont Television: Mr. President, yes-
terday the House apparently killed the hopes for Hawaii and
Alaska for statehood, for some time to come. I wonder if you
would comment on that, sir.
THE PRESIDENT. I havc always favored, as you know, the sep-
aration of these two bills and handling each one on its merits.
Now, if you put them together you instantly accumulate for
your bill the opposition that applies to either one and to both.
You take the aggregate and apply it to each one.
I would like to see the bills separated, and always have stood
for that. And I would still like to see it.
Q. Clark R. MoUenhoff, Des Moines Register: Mr. President,
I wonder if you would have any comment on Zhukov's statement
over the last weekend, in the light of your letters to him.
THE PRESIDENT. No, uonc. They have no connection whatso-
ever, the two incidents.
Q. Walter Kerr, New York Herald Tribune: Mr. President,
I wonder if you have had an opportunity to see a report on the
latest Soviet disarmament plan.
497
^ 95 Public Papers of the Presidents
THE PRESIDENT. On what?
Q. Mr. Kerr: On what has been described as the recent
Soviet disarmament plan submitted to the summit.
THE PRESIDENT. You mcau the one submitted through the
Disarmament Commission in London?
Q. Mr. Kerr: Yes, sir.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I havc just had a chance to glance at it.
Q. Mr. Kerr : Do you care to comment on it, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. No, uot at the moment. The whole question
is so confused. It has still some of the elements they have always
had in it. They want to get rid of one kind; we would like to
get rid of everything. It is something that has to be studied
before you can really comment on it.
Q. Charles S. von Fremd, CBS News: Over the weekend, sir,
photographs of the May Day celebrations in Moscow indicated
that ex-Premier Malenkov has now risen somewhat within his
party again, and now ranks third, directly behind Bulganin and
Khrushchev. I wonder, sir, on whatever indications you may
have received through our intelligence people, whether this does
indicate that there is still an unsettled thing going along in Mos-
cow as to who actually is the supreme ruler.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I dou't kuow whether this has any sig-
nificance about it, but it certainly seems to be the case that the
situation is not what it was when Stalin was alive. He seemed
to have the situation in personal control every minute of the day.
In other words, he was a true dictator. This is a somewhat
different system.
Q. Ray L. Scherer, National Broadcasting Company: Have
you had a chance to examine General Sarnoff 's recommendations
on cold war strategy?
THE PRESIDENT. He camc to see me about it. We had a long
talk.
Q. Mr. Scherer : I was wondering if you looked at the report.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, he discusscd some of the things that he
498
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 95
was going to put in it, and he went around and talked to various
members of the Government.
I beUeve thoroughly in General Sarnoff 's general proposition,
that when you are spending all the money we are for direct de-
fense through security establishments, it is just unthinkable to
limit ourselves too much in this whole field of information service
that is necessary to a cold war.
Q. Mrs. May Craig, Maine Papers: Mr. President, I didn't
know I could ask two questions. In reference to your reply on
Austria, do you regard that as a satisfactory treaty or are we
agreeing to it because we cannot get better?
THE PRESIDENT. Oh, wc agreed to this treaty way back in
1949. Section 16 has been eliminated completely, which had to
do with repatriation, and there are still some details to be ironed
out. But as far as we are concerned, this Government has agreed
to that treaty for many, many months.
Q. Robert G. Spivack, New York Post : Last week you told us
that no child would be denied the vaccine because of inability to
pay, and afterwards there seemed to be a little confusion about
just what sort of plan of operation you had in mind.
As I understood, the Federal Government, if necessary, would
buy up all the Salk vaccine, but could you tell us how indigence
would be determined, and also whether it would be administered
free of charge.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, of coursc I Can't tell you all the details
of how we would do it, but I will tell you this : the second I find
out that any child in the United States is denied this by reason
of lack of money to pay for it, I am going to move as hard as I
can, and I will certainly make someone listen to me very earnestly
before there is any defeat on that one.
Q. William M. Blair, New York Times: Mr. President, over
the weekend the Surgeon General of the United States changed
his position on going ahead with the Salk vaccine. Was that
purely a medical decision, or was that a decision of policy within
the administration?
499
^ 95 Public Papers of the Presidents
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I don't understand any such question.
I have discussed that two or three times this morning.
That was the doctor's opinion and his decision. The Govern-
ment would know no more about the factors in this than this
body would. What would you know what to do with such
technical things? I wouldn't.
The doctors have to decide what to do in such a case. They
decided it wasn't fair to go ahead until they checked more.
That's all there was to it.
Merriman Smith, United Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
note: President Eisenhower's sixty- 10:33 ^^ 11:02 o'clock on Wednes-
eighth news conference was held in day morning, May 11, 1955. In
the Executive Office Building from attendance: 211.
96 ^ Statement by the President Concerning
Community and State Conferences on Education.
M(iy 11. 1955
MR. NEIL H. McELROY, Chairman of the Committee for the
White House Conference on Education, and I discussed with the
Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare, the Commissioner
of Education, and Mr. Roy Larsen the State Conferences to be
held in the forty-eight states, the four Territories, and the Dis-
trict of Columbia prior to the White House Conference to be
held this November in Washington.
Tens of thousands of our citizens will participate in these State
Conferences. They seek to develop improved measures for the
provision of adequate classrooms and teachers, the effective and
economical organization of our school systems, and the increase
of public interest in education.
These conferences will, I know, make a vital contribution to
the welfare of all our people by developing programs of action to
improve education.
500
Dwight D, Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 97
I am particularly glad to hear that the National School Boards
Association and the National Citizens Commission for the Public
Schools, both of them private, nongovernmental organizations,
have been encouraging additional community conferences on
education. Both of these groups, as well as the Advertising Coun-
cil, which is assisting them, are to be congratulated on this
important effort.
I hope that every community will hold such a conference.
The community. State, and White House conferences — taken
together — ^will strengthen the continuing public interest in
education which is the cornerstone of our free society.
97 ^ Message Recorded for Use in Conjunction
With Observance of Armed Forces Day.
May 12,1955
My friends here at home and overseas:
We Americans have constantly pledged that we will never per-
mit aggression. But we must always be prepared to defeat it.
On May 21st the Armed Forces of the United States will hold
"open house" to give our own and other peace-loving people the
best possible opportunity to see how ready we are, in military
terms, for any threat to our security or to the peace of the free
world. As Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the
United States I earnestly hope that all who can will accept this
invitation to become better acquainted with the armed compo-
nents of our National power for peace.
501
^ 9^ Public Papers of the Presidents
98 ^ Message to President Koerner of Austria on
the Signing of the Treaty Restoring Austrian
Independence. May 15, 1955
[Released May 15, 1955. Dated May 13, 1955]
THE AMERICAN people join me in rejoicing with you and the
Austrian people on the historic occasion of the signing of the
treaty restoring Austrian independence. This moment of su-
preme satisfaction to Austria, for which we Americans have
worked so diligently, would not have been possible without the
staunch determination of the Austrian Government and its
citizens and their devotion to democratic principles.
The conduct of the Austrian people during the ten long years
they have labored under the heavy burden of foreign occupation
has commanded the profound respect of all the American people.
I am confident that the many ties which bind our two peoples
together will continue to constitute the basis for ever friendly
relations between Austria and the United States.
As a country dedicated to the fundamental principles of free-
dom and liberty, the United States will ever maintain an interest
in the independence of Austria. The American people are proud
and happy at the prospect of Austria being able to play her full
part in world affairs with dignity, self-respect, and freedom.
note: The President's message was Koerner by Secretary of State John
presented to President Theodor Foster Dulles on May 15 in Vienna.
502
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ Q 99
99 ^ Remarks of the President During Secretary
Dulles' Television Report on His European Visit.
^^y 17. 1955
[ Broadcast from the President's Office at 7 : oo p.m. ]
FOSTER, it is good to have you here to tell us something of the
significant events that took place during your recent visit to
Europe. You realize that through the cameras in this room your
report will go to the entire nation. And so I hope that in addition
to the details of that trip, you will tell us something about the
developing scene in the international field as you see it, and some-
thing of the prospects for real progress in our incessant search for
peace.
[At this point Secretary Dulles stated that the week was so
crowded with events he hardly knew how to start. The President
then resumed speaking.]
Well, I will tell you, Foster, I think that it might be well to
go clear back to 2 years ago. Then you will remember with our
colleagues in the legislative branch in both parties the adminis-
tration was developing the policies intended to produce, and basic
to that policy was the belief — the conviction — that only through
cooperative strength developed in the free world could we really
face up to this threat that the communist dictatorship posed to all
free men. We believed, as you know, that until Western Europe
had been united, until there were some German forces joining the
NATO organization, and until we had some confidence in the
Russian word through deeds rather than mere protestation, that
it would do little good to have talks with them. And you will
realize that you and I finally decided that I should make some
pronouncement along this line, and did so, on April 16 of 1953.
Now we agreed at that time that if we could through the kind
of steps I have just mentioned, arrive at the point where we had
a real basis for going ahead, even if only with faint hope of real
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progress, that we might finally develop between ourselves and
with the Soviets a new relationship that would at least allow some
hope of progress toward this great goal of peace that is of course
the great dream of every American.
So, against that kind of backdrop, I think you could relate the
events of recent times and on your — ^just your recent trip to
Europe, to tell us about the story as you see it.
[At this point Secretary Dulles discussed Germany's member-
ship in NATO, his talks with NATO Council members regarding
Asian problems, and the signing of the Austrian State Treaty, He
also discussed the proposed 4'power talks and the dangers as well
as the opportunities in such a meeting, in particular the danger
that hope would be raised so high that it couldn't be realized. The
President then resumed speaking.]
Foster, I don't believe that danger is quite so great as it was
once, because my mail shows this : that the American people are
really pretty well aware of what is going on. They realize this is
merely a beginning and not an end. I have taken tremendous
hope and confidence from the tenor of the remarks I have seen in
our newspapers, and commentators, and everybody else — I am
sure that there is greater maturity than we would have expected
several years ago.
[At this point Secretary Dulles discussed the implications of
the Soviet policy shift, and spoke again of the proposed summit
meeting. He stressed the need for adhering to established policies
having bipartisan support in undertaking the solution of problems
at the meeting. The President then resumed speaking.]
In a word, we want to stay strong and will stay vigilant, but
we are not going to extinguish the hope that a new dawn may be
coming, even if it rises — the sun rises very, very slowly.
Thank you very much, Foster. It has been a real privilege
to hear such a brilliant report on a very significant two weeks.
NOTE : The full text of the broadcast the American Society of Newspaper
was published in the Congressional Editors, referred to by the President,
Record (vol. loi, p. 6605). is published in the Department of
The address of April 16, 1953, to State Bulletin (vol. 28, p. 599).
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig§§ ^ loo
lOO ^ The President's News Conference of
May 1 8, 1955.
[ This is a complete transcript of the news conference of this date. All of
the President's replies were released for broadcasting or direct quotation at
that time. ]
THE PRESIDENT. I havc HO Statement, ladies and gentlemen. We
will proceed to questions.
Q. Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Mr. President,
Senator Morse yesterday accused Mrs. Hobby of gross incom-
petency and said she should be removed from office. That was
criticism in connection with the handling of the Salk vaccine
program.
Do you have any comment on those remarks or do you care
to say how you feel Mrs. Hobby has been handling the program?
THE PRESIDENT. I wiU take the second part of your suggestion
and talk about that. I don't think I would waste my time on the
first part.
Mrs. Hobby, in my opinion, has proved in her office that all
of the good opinion built up about her in her work during the
war as head of the WAC corps was fully justified. She has been
highly efficient. Her counsel in the places of Government has
been eagerly sought — a person of great character.
In this whole Salk vaccine business, I think America is for-
getting one thing: the thanks we owe to tremendous groups of
scientists, devoted doctors, people that have worked night and
day, including the people in the Public Health Service, 20 hours
a day, to bring to us this great boon for the protection of our
children and grandchildren.
Now, she herself has been, when you come down to it, merely
the agent of these great scientists and doctors, to work out the
plans through which they thought that their findings, and this
vaccine, could be brought to our people in the earliest possible
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^ lOO Public Papers of the Presidents
point of time, and so directed that those people who need it
most, the children, would get it first.
In this great anxiety to do the thing rapidly and broadly, there
were certain scientific facts that weren't quite, let's say, wholly
satisfactory to these scientists themselves. They were not sure
that their test methods were as accurate as they should like.
When they found certain evidence appearing, they went back to
the job of testing again, and temporarily held up the distribution
and administering of this vaccine.
Now, the vaccine, I believe, of two companies — Parke, Davis
and Lilly, I believe, are the names — have been released; and they
are going ahead with this process so as to get it in full flow again.
Mrs. Hobby has been at the center of this whole business of
agreeing with the advisory committee how was the way to do it,
how we can speed it up. But they always have held up this stand-
ard, safety, making certain that they are not doing something that
would work against the life of the child, but to protect the life
of that child.
So I think that we really ought to remember at times the debt
we owe all of those people for the devoted work they have put into
this thing.
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press: Mr. President, Senator
Symington wants to know whether this country has lost control of
the air to Russia. Do you think so, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, that is a very generalized statement
"lost control of the air."
As anybody who is experienced in warfare knows, control of
the air is a relative thing, and anybody with a certain amount of
air force in action can gain control over a place where he chooses
to concentrate his air, for a temporary space of time, even in the
face of quite great general superiority on the other side.
The Germans did it to us as late as January i, 1945. Those of
you who were in the European theater on that day will remember
what a drenching our airfields got even though we later destroyed
a great deal of that attacking force.
506
Dwight D, Eisenhower y 1Q55 ^ 100
Now, as of today, most of you people are rather familiar with
the character of our Air Force, including its scientific character.
Back in about 1948-49, we began to build heavily these B-36,
well knowing it was a transition aircraft. It was an aircraft that
did give us a big intercontinental bomber at the same time that
we knew that the day of the big jet bomber was coming along.
But you have to standardize at different periods on particular
types. Now, those B-36 planes were good planes for their day,
and they are now being phased out as others will come along.
So in the very new ones, since with this possession of this inter-
mediate bomber we had a chance to work for a really fine type in
the B-52 and its successors which will certainly come along, we
may not have as many B-52's as we should like at this moment.
I don't know the exact number, but to say that we have lost in a
twinkling all of this great technical development and technical
excellence as well as the numbers in our total aircraft is just not
true.
Q. Charles E. Shutt, Telenews: Mr. President, in his report to
the Nation last night. Secretary Dulles favored a cautious ap-
proach on the Big Four meeting. Some observers on Capitol Hill
feel that that might be too timid an approach. Would you com-
ment, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, uo, becausc I can't — I don't quite under-
stand the — I can't understand the question, really.
Of course you are going to be cautious. "Cautious" means to
proceed at something no matter how hopefully, with caution for
your own, let's say, safety, security, or other interests.
Now, as I say, and, as Secretary Dulles said, we are approach-
ing this thing now from a greater position of strength than we
ever had before.
We have the unity of Western Europe more nearly assured than
before. We are now, by treaty, going to have German forces.
We have the Austrian Treaty completed. We are in a better
position than ever before. We are stronger. But that does not
mean we will be less vigilant.
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Now, I don't mean to say that the search for evidences of good
faith and the chances to, let's say, lower the burden of armaments
and to bring about some progress in peace, they won't be any the
less intensive. Of course, they will. But it does not mean, cau-
tion, that you are not going to hunt for peace, it means you are
going to look out for yourself.
Q. Martin S. Hayden, Detroit News: Mr. President, going
back to this airpower question, apparently Senator Symington
was aroused because of a report that in Moscow they had seen a
flight of new intercontinental bombers or something of the sort.
I would like to ask you, sir, has there been any Russian air de-
velopment reported that has thrown off your previous planning
as to Russian air strength? In other words, have you been greatly
startled by any of this.
THE PRESIDENT. I belicve this: that from time to time, in sev-
eral lines of scientific endeavor, aircraft and others, there has
come in evidence that exceeded predictions of where they would
be at any particular moment.
I remember approving the statement that was issued on that
aircraft. I have forgotten the details of it, so I want to be a little
bit guarded in my speech. But we do know that they flew past —
they didn't fly past on May Day, you know, it was bad weather —
but in practice for the May Day they flew past several times, a
number of airplanes, among which were a few items which,
by the size of their engines, the size of the airframe, would
certainly be capable of long-distance flight, carrying heavy loads.
Now, what their condition is inside, what their readiness of
technical perfection and all the things that we know go into one
of these things, nobody knows.
Q. James B. Reston, New York Times : Sir, you told us 2 weeks
ago, I believe, that you were proceeding, or the Government was
proceeding, with direct conversations with Communist China
about the situation in the Formosa Straits.
Where do we stand on that now?
THE PRESIDENT. Proceeding, did you say?
508
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ loo
Q. Mr. Reston: Well, I thought, I got the impression that the
Government was looking into the possibility of direct negotiations.
THE PREsroENT. I think the Secretary of State announced
shortly after he came back from Asia, as I recall, that if there
seemed to be projfitable chances for talking on the one subject
that he said, the cease-fire in the Straits, he would be quite ready
to do it.
I think there is nothing additional to add since then. I know
of nothing that has occurred that would change his readiness or
his receptiveness to that idea for that one purpose only. But I
do not know of anything else on this day.
Q. Robert E. Clark, International News Service: Mr. Presi-
dent, this is a double Big Four question: do you think you might
visit any other European city, as London or Paris, en route to or
from a Big Four conference; and if it were possible, would you
like to have Marshal Zhukov present at the Big Four conference?
THE PREsroENT. Well, I hadn't given any thought, Mr. Clark,
to either question.
As you know, I have a tremendous number of friends in both
those cities, and on a friendly basis I would like to drop in. But
there might be a lot of protocol questions that would make such a
visit a very difficult affair.
I couldn't say, to answer your second question, who the Soviets
should choose as the personnel of their delegation. But if Mar-
shal Zhukov were there, he and I at least would have a chance
to talk personally and, I think, to talk over events since 1945
among ourselves. We might just get some item of value out of
it; I am not sure.
Q. Pat Munroe, Salt Lake City Deseret News: Mr. President,
we hear reports on Capitol Hill that both Russia and Great
Britain will steal the show from American businessmen at the
United Nations Atoms for Peace Conference in Geneva in
August.
Some say that our Atomic Energy Commission is actually
40308—59 35 5^9
^ loo Public Papers of the Presidents
discouraging industry in this country from putting its best foot
forward.
I wonder if you have any comment, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I should Say someone is very badly mis-
taken in two ways.
First, as to our purpose in going to this meeting, we are not
going to this meeting to conduct a contest. As long ago as
December 9, 1953, I asked publicly other nations of the globe
to cooperate with us in placing before the entire world the knowl-
edge concerning the possible peaceful uses of atomic energy.
If anybody comes there ready to follow up along that line, and
to show concretely and constructively that they are ready to
devote the atomic science to the betterment of man and not to
his destruction, I will applaud just as loudly as I know how, and
particularly if that is an effective thing.
Now, when it comes down to the discouragement by the AEG,
the AEC then must be doing two things, because they are the
ones that come to me and hold out in front of me the great
opportunity we have here.
The reactor that we are to put there — ^while it is a simple one,
and one of the relatively less expensive — ^it is an actual operat-
ing reactor that we are putting in there, in cooperation with the
Swiss Government and the Secretary General of the United
Nations.
We asked, I believe, 1 100 scientists to prepare papers on this —
no, we asked American scientists, I believe iioo American
scientists responded with papers that could be presented there
on this business of peaceful uses.
I forget the number of American industries that are cooperat-
ing. I expect it really to be a very splendid exhibition of what
America, an aroused America, in this line can do.
And, therefore, I can say this: I sincerely hope that others
put their best foot forward because ours is going to be something
that no one can laugh off. [Confers with Mr. Hagerty]
Seventy-five industrial firms, I am given to understand.
510
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 100
Q. William H. Lawrence, New York Times: I wonder, sir,
as a military man yourself, and as Commander in Chief, if you
could give us your opinion as to the effect on both morale and
the re-enlistment rate in the military forces, if all the commis-
saries and PX's were to be shut down as the Hoover Commission
now suggests?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I am sorry you added the last two or
three words, because
Q. Mr. Lawrence: I will withdraw them, sir. [Laughter]
THE PRESIDENT. The rcasou being this, Mr. Lawrence : I have
not read that report, and they may put in some qualifications.
I have never believed in the uncontrolled spread of the Post
Exchanges of the United States Army. But I believe that to
take away the commissary privileges and the Post Exchange
privileges from military, uniformed personnel, wherever they may
be, when those are really needful things in order to give them
the normal business of living, and give it to them at a decent
price, I believe it would be a terrible injustice to those people.
On the other hand, it is one of those things in which just
judgment must come in, in order that a privilege is not abused
and becomes something that is intolerable.
Q. Edward J. Milne, Providence Journal: Mr. President, in
connection with the NATO Council visit — some of us were at
Norfolk the other day — ^Admiral Wright was not himself doing
any griping, but there was some suggestion that, perhaps, the
forces assigned to SACLANT are not adequate for the mission.
I wonder if you, in connection with the visit, would care to
comment on your views on the adequacy of this strength.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, uo, I Can't because I have not heard the
complaint, and the Navy Department has not brought up to
me lately detailed reports of the strength of SACLANT.
Q. Mr. Mibie : Would you feel from what you do know, sir,
in general, that we are relatively better off in terms of a new
battle of the Atlantic than we were during the opening of World
War II?
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fl 100 Public Papers of the Presidents
THE PRESIDENT. I think SO, by all odds.
Q. Robert J. Donovan, New York Herald Tribune: Mr. Presi-
dent, I wonder if I could ask these two questions: it was reported
last week that Mrs. Hobby, for purely personal reasons and not
because of the Salk controversy, would leave the Government in
a few months. One, I wondered if you had heard of that and,
two, I wondered, sir, if you could comment on the supply of this
vaccine. It seems to be shorter than we had expected; and I
wondered if you had had any report and knew how much was
available or whether you are going to ask for
THE PRESIDENT. Mr. Douovau, I will do my best to answer
both questions. But you must realize that as much as I do my
homework to keep up with the business of this Government, there
are details that really could be best answered in some of the
departments rather than to come to me.
First, Mrs. Hobby placed me on notice some many months
ago that conditions might arise that would compel her to leave
Government.
Now, the only thing I will say about it is this : if she has to go,
I will be very, very disappointed. I think she has not only
proved her own worth, but I think she is a symbol of something
in which I very deeply believe : that properly trained women of
this country are just as capable of carrying heavy executive jobs
as are the men. And I think she has done a mighty magnificent
job.
Now, as to supply, the report I had this morning was that —
what time was it? [Confers with Mr. Hagerty]
Yes. They have enough in their hands for the first go-around,
that is, the first shot of all the people that they had calculated
on, that is, the first and second grades.
If some of those shots are not given by the time that school is
out, particularly in the South, their plan is to set up days for
meeting either at the schoolhouses or other places where these
shots will be given. So the only estimate I was given this moming
512
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ 1Q55 ^ 100
on amounts was that they had enough on hand and in sight to
do that.
Q, Ray L. Scherer, National Broadcasting Company: Mr.
President, can you shed any light on the report that there is a
plan for Mr. Nixon to make a good will trip to Europe, including
a possible stopoff in Moscow?
THE PRESIDENT. No such plan has been mentioned to me.
Q. Andrew F. TuUy, Jr., Scripps-Howard: Mr. President,
have you had any correspondence lately with Marshal Zhukov?
THE PRESIDENT. No.
Q. Mr. TuUy : Do you plan it, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. What?
Q. Mr. TuUy : Do you plan to?
THE PRESIDENT. Not at the momcut.
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Sir, the military reserve
manpower bill was changed somewhat, as you know, by the
House Armed Services Committee, and there was quite a talk
yesterday in the House by Congressman Brooks of Louisiana
about the buildup of the Red Forces, in addition to other reports
on the airpower we have been getting.
I wonder if you still think, in view of these changes, that this
bill will be sufficient to give this country, if passed, the protection
it needs?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, this bill, of course, I would not claim is
perfection in the sense of getting our military manpower trained
and prepared as I should like to see it, but it represents a very
great step forward. Consequently, I support it not only passively,
I support it very actively, and urgently hope that it will be passed;
although later, unquestionably, we will find features in which we
will want to improve it even more.
Q. Gamett D. Horner, Washington Star: Mr. President, can
you tell us yet your views about the postal pay raise bill which
Republican leaders in Congress predict you will veto?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I havcu't been studying more earnestly
for a long time than I am studying on that bill. As a matter of
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^ 100 Public Papers of the Presidents
fact, I have studied a couple of hours this morning. I am still
studying that bill.
Q. Alan S. Emory, Watertown Times: Mr. President, on Mon-
day Secretary Hobby told the Senate Labor Committee that no
one could have foreseen the public demand for the anti-polio
vaccine.
What do you think was the difficulty in foreseeing the great
public demand for the vaccine?
THE PRESIDENT. I dou't kuow to what shc is referring. You
have to go and ask her the question.
Q. Lawrence Fernsworth, Concord (New Hampshire) Moni-
tor: Mr. President, the plight of the American Indians has re-
cently been discussed in a certain sector of the press. Look maga-
zine, and a church publication. One of these articles talks of the
Indians from South Dakota as being obliged to haul water in
rusty barrels from 30 to 100 miles; talks of disease, poverty, and
high infant mortality. It describes the plight of the average
American Indian as being little better than was the plight of the
refugees in Korea.
One of the proposals suggested in one of these articles is a
4-point program for the American Indian. Another is a relocation
program.
Now, it has been noted that one of the pledges during the Re-
publican campaign was that this matter, the welfare of the Ameri-
can Indians, would receive attention. Could the President tell
us whether any progress has been made in that direction?
THE PRESIDENT. I uotc that there has been progress made with
the Indians in the progressive granting of citizenship, where this
has been applicable, and so on.
The particular case you bring up, I don't know about. I will
look it up, because I agree with your implicit criticism, if such
conditions exist, it is high time they were stopped. I think it can
be stopped.
Q. Walter Kerr, New York Herald Tribune: Mr. President,
in its recent note
514
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ^955 ^ loo
THE PRESIDENT. Would you identify yourself?
Q. Mr. Kerr: I beg your pardon, sir, Walter Kerr of the Her-
ald Tribune.
THE PRESIDENT. Thank you.
Q. Mr. Kerr: In its recent note to the Soviet Government pro-
posing Four Power talks, the United States, like Britain and
France, has suggested an exchange of views on the great problems
of the day.
I wonder if you would care, either today or perhaps at an early
conference to come, if you would care to discuss what you regard
as what great problems you had in mind when you approved the
text of that note.
THE PRESIDENT. I think that Mr. Dulles pointed out last
evening that the purpose of this one conference would be to try
to discover directions or paths for searching for solutions to these
great problems. I think he enumerated some of them, such as
the problem of the satellite states, the unification of Germany,
the — I forget the adjective he used, but at least the penetration
of so many nations supported by the Cominform, the interna-
tional communistic organization. He named a few of that kind,
and that is the kind of thing, I think, that would probably be
mentioned as you search for ways that these should be
approached.
Would you set up special groups? Would you turn it over to
ordinary diplomatic exchanges, or what could you do? That is
the kind of thing I think would be talked about.
Q. Chalmers M. Roberts, Washington Post and Times Her-
ald : Mr. President, last night you used the phrase that you felt
there was a greater maturity among the American people now
than some time ago when you were discussing the possible
THE PRESIDENT. If I uscd the word "maturity," I probably
meant knowledge or understanding, in that sense.
Some years back, I was struck by the fact that we were prob-
ably going to extremes in this thing. It was either black or
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^ loo Public Papers of the Presidents
white. You either had a war right now, or peace that was
wonderful, and you would get it.
I believe that people have learned through a dozen attempts,
through rebuflFs, through the reading in the newspapers and hear-
ing on the television and the radio about the process and progress
of these conferences, that you don't expect too much.
But, on the other hand, you don't ignore any chance to reach
some agreement that may represent one tiny step toward this
great aspiration of men.
Now, I should possibly not have used the word "maturity,"
but I do mean knowledge and understanding of these facts.
Q. Mr. Roberts: I was wondering, sir, whether that phrase or
thought covered this aspect: there have been some people in
Congress, including members of your own party, who appear to
take the position that even to go to such a conference is an act of
appeasement. And I wondered if you felt that that attitude was
really not expressive of the American people today.
THE PRESIDENT. I dou't bclievc it for a minute. May I be
personal? I have met with these people through months, and
there is no appeasement in my heart that I know about.
As I understand, appeasement is selling out rights or other
people to gain some fancied immediate end of your own. I just
can't believe that America in general either wants it or that they
suspect their government in general is apt to fall into that trap.
Q. Edward P. Morgan, American Broadcasting Company:
Following up Mr. Roberts' question, and referring somewhat to
both your and Mr. Dulles' observations last night about maturity
and sophistication of American thinking, as reflected in your
mail, and so forth, do you think, sir, that we may have to make a
rather deep adjustment in our thinking under the light of present
developments abroad on such things as East- West trade, and
what neutrality for Germany means in both Russian and other
terms?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think this : certain sectors of our popu-
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Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 100
lation unquestionably will have to make adjustments, because
they have not thought these things through.
You can say one thing: trade is the greatest weapon in the
hands of the diplomat.
Now, how he uses it, whether it is in negative fashion or in
positive fashion, to gain the legitimate ends of his government,
that is great statesmanship and, particularly, international
statesmanship.
So, just to adopt a policy and say, "We won't trade," and
think that only good will come out of that is, I think, false.
We have to say "When does trade in what things benefit us
most and our friends."
Remember, we have got friends in this world; this business
of trade is a very complicated business. So I would say as long
as we are not helping the war-making powers directly of other
people, we should study the question objectively and what it
means to us, and not just go by preconception.
Q. Mr. Morgan: Could you just
THE PRESIDENT. I am trying to get around as far as I can.
Q. George H. Hall, St. Louis Post-Dispatch: There have been
some suggestions that the Hoover Commission wants to make
some changes or rather the Hoover Commission task force wants
to make some changes in the setup of the TVA. Would you like
to see any change whatever in the setup as it is now constituted?
THE PREsroENT. WcU uow, that is a question I couldn't say,
because as much as I have been in this TVA in question-and-
answer periods, I certainly don't know all the details of its
organization.
I think that the Hoover Commission has served a very great
purpose for this country. And this time, you remember, the
second time, it not only had strictly organizational problems, it
had organizational and functional problems to take up.
In other words, was the Government in business it shouldn't
be in, or should it get into something that it wasn't in, or was it
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^ 100 Public Papers of the Presidents
doing it in the right way or in the right places? It has had a very
broad charter under which to operate.
As its subcommittee reports come up to the committee itself,
they will be studied by the combined brains of some very great
Americans. Finally, they come to the executive department and
to the Congress simultaneously. Some answers are reached.
Now, just exactly what they proposed here, I don't know.
But I would say this: as you will recall, we will never wreck the
TVA. It is a going historical concern. It's served a useful pur-
pose. It was put up for particular purposes and, actually, if
you go back to the original bill, I don't think many people can
quarrel about the purposes for which it was originally set up.
Q. Henri Pierre, LeMonde (Paris) : Mr. President, would you
care to comment about the next visit of the Soviet leaders in
Yugoslavia and, generally speaking, about the idea of a neu-
trality belt of states between the two worlds?
THE PRESIDENT. WcU, uo, I cauuot cvcu say what is behind
this visit, except, obviously, there is hope of rapprochement of
some kind, that we don't know the details about at all.
And I do say this: that there seems to be developing the
thought that there might be built up a series of neutralized states
from north to south through Europe.
Now, remember this : in the agreement of the neutralization of
Austria, it does not mean a disarmed Austria. It is not a blank,
it is not a military blank. It is on the order of Switzerland.
Switzerland is committed to the sustaining of its own neutrality
and, I believe, would fight to the death for it.
All right. That kind of a neutrality is a far different thing from
just a military vacuum.
Merriman Smith, United Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
NOTE : President Eisenhower's sixty- to 11:02 o'clock on Wednesday
ninth news conference was held in the morning, May 18, 1955. In attend-
Executive Office Building from 10:32 ance : 202.
518
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ loi
1 01 ^ Memorandum to Federal Agencies
Directing Participation in a National Civil Defense
Exercise. May iS, 1955
[ Released May i8, 1955. Dated May 16, 1955 ]
To the Heads of All Departments and Agencies:
On June 15 and 16, 1955, a national Civil Defense test exer-
cise will be held. The forty-eight States, the District of Colum-
bia, and the United States Territories and Possessions will
participate.
Vigilance and preparedness under all circumstances all of the
time is essential to the civil defense of our country. Every com-
munity and every citizen must be ready to act swiftly and with
confident knowledge of what they are about. Not only will such
vigilance and preparedness minimize the effects of any disaster,
it can powerfully deter aggression itself.
Therefore, I hereby direct each department and agency of
the Executive Branch of the Government, both at the national
and field level: To cooperate fully with Federal, State and local
civil defense authorities; to take part in this civil defense exer-
cise; and to the extent feasible under the terms of Executive
Order No. 10529, dated April 22, 1954, to authorize the release
of Federal Employees who are enrolled in local civil defense
organizations to perform such civil defense duties as are assigned
during this exercise.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
519
^ 102 Public Papers of the Presidents
102 ^ Veto of Postal Field Service Compensation
Bill. May 19, 1955
To the United States Senate:
I return herewith, without my approval, S. i "To increase the
rates of basic compensation of officers and employees in the field
service of the Post Office Department." I take this action for
three reasons. First, the bill creates new discriminations or in-
equities which would affect many thousands of postal employees.
Second, the bill creates grave administrative problems such as
the establishment of thousands of individual pay rates. It forces
awkward and unfair administrative practices in a government
department whose operations affect every person, every enter-
prise, every community in the country. Third, the bill imposes
a heavier burden upon the taxpayer than is necessary to estab-
lish salary rates throughout the department, which will compare
favorably with rates for similar work elsewhere in government
and in private industry.
At the outset of this Administration, the Postmaster General
began a comprehensive study of the entire postal system.
The principal purpose was to discover effective ways and means
by which the American people could be assured more speedy,
certain, economical and efficient handling of their mail. Ob-
viously, this purpose can be achieved only if firsts postal employees
are dedicated and satisfied in career service because of fair com-
pensation, good working conditions, adequate benefits in vaca-
tions, insurance, sick leave and old-age security; and second^
the Department's administrative structure, incorporating the best
management practices, is so designed that merit and responsibility
are recognized and rewarded.
In accordance with the findings of the comprehensive study, on
January ii, 1955, by special message to the Congress, I recom-
mended an increase in the salaries of postal employees which
would be composed of two elements — a general increase in postal
520
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ 1Q55 ^ 102
pay and a reclassification of postal positions that would eliminate
inequities. To accomplish these purposes I recommended a 5
percent pay raise and adjustments in classification to bring about
proper wage relationships among the various jobs in postal service.
The cost of the reclassification proposals would have brought the
total increase to 6^2 percent, with an aggregate annual cost of
$129 million.
Those recommendations, if adopted, would have placed the
salaries of postal employees in proper relationship to the salaries
paid for similar work in nearly all the larger cities. The pay
raises recommended were substantially greater than the increase
in the cost of living since the last adjustment in postal wages.
Subsequently, the House Post Office and Civil Service Com-
mittee, by a substantial bi-partisan majority, reported a bill —
H.R. 4644 — ^which, although approximately $30 million a year
more costly than my recommendations, embodied the essential
elements of a reclassification system. In the matter of reclassifi-
cation, that bill, as reported by the Committee, could have been,
and still can be, with certain corrections, the basis for legislation
which would establish fair relationships between the salaries of
various positions in the postal service on the sound principle of
equal pay for equal work and more pay for more difficult and
responsible work.
It has always been recognized that in the consideration of pay
legislation, there can be a reasonable difference of opinion as to
what constitutes an appropriate increase. But there can be no
compromise with the principle of fairness, and any pay legislation
must be fair to all to whom it applies. It must be workable
administratively and not be excessive in cost.
The bill before me fails to meet these criteria. Specifically:
( 1 ) It discriminates against large groups of postal employees
such as rural letter carriers, special delivery messengers, and many
supervisors and postmasters. These total tens of thousands.
(2) Aside from creating new and serious administrative prob-
lems, the total cost of the bill, approximately $180 million a year,
521
^ 102 Public Papers of the Presidents
is substantially greater than is necessary to adjust postal salaries to
a fair level, either from the standpoint of pay for comparable work
or from the standpoint of increase in the cost of living.
I regret the necessity of the action which I am taking. It is my
earnest hope and recommendation that the Congress will quickly
consider and enact postal pay legislation that will be in the public
interest and fair to all of the half million employees who man the
Postal Service. To meet this test, such legislation should provide
a reasonable increase in pay for all postal field service employees.
It should provide for reclassification of postal positions to bring
about proper wage relationships so as to eliminate inequities. It
should not discriminate against some groups in favor of others,
and it should be administratively workable.
Because the enactment of such legislation will substantially
increase the postal deficit, I wish again to emphasize the impera-
tive need for postal rates that will make the Postal Service self-
supporting and be based on service rendered to the user. We
can no longer afford to continue a costly deficit operation paid
for by millions of taxpayers in amounts out of all proportion to
the postal services that they as individuals receive.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
1 03 ^ Remarks to the President's Committee on
the Employment of the Physically Handicapped.
May 23, 1955
General Maas^ Judge Cathey^ Prizewinners in the Essay Contest^
and Ladies and Gentlemen:
It is a great privilege to meet again with this Committee, even
though my meeting with you is for a few brief moments only.
We have a country dedicated to equality of opportunity. We
make much in many Fourth of July speeches that this equality of
opportunity goes to all, regardless of race, color, religion, and so
522
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 103
on. It seems to me that we might extend it, at least within our
own hearts and minds, to include : "Or to any who may be some-
what physically different or handicapped so long as that person
can be made a useful member of society."
No one wants to be a ward of charity. Indeed, this word "op-
portunity" seems to me to contain much that means happiness
for the human — opportunity to expand and to be useful, to know
that he is contributing his share to the advancement of that great
society of which he is a part.
I think it even goes this far: we can differentiate between a
government that is based upon individual opportunity, and one
that is based upon regimentation, in this way: opportunity brings
that richness of productivity in which all may share. Individual
initiative, harnessed together for the good of the whole, is the
most productive inspiration and impulse we have.
Regimentation does nothing but distribute deficits — deficits
that occur when we don't take advantage of these great impulses
in the human heart and mind to produce what he can for himself
and for his society.
I repeat I believe, therefore, that opportunity — individual op-
portunity and freedom — enriches a whole society, and regimenta-
tion merely distributes the losses that have occurred.
So it seems to me we cannot afford for one moment to neglect
placing opportunity in front of all that are capable of doing any-
thing whatsoever with it. And the mere fact that a person may
be minus a limb or one of his senses, or anything else, has nothing
to do with it, any more than do the other differences among
humans that we conclude should not be allowed to sway us in
the government that is applied to all.
I could think of no greater service that this Committee over
the years has contributed to the United States than to bring to
each — not only the handicapped people themselves, but to all
of us — the fact that opportunity does truly belong to all. We are
not going to be satisfied until it is brought to them, and they are
523
^ 103 Public Papers of the Presidents
allowed to take full advantage for their own betterment and that
of our glorious country.
Thank you so much for the opportunity to be with you once
again. It is truly a great privilege. Good morning.
note: The President spoke at the Melvin J. Maas, Chairman of the
annual meeting of the Committee in Committee, and Sam M. Cathey,
the Departmental Auditorium at Judge of the Police Court of Ashe-
io:ooa.m. His opening words "Gen- ville, N.C., who was chosen as the
eral Maas, Judge Cathey" referred to "Handicapped American of the
Year."
104 ^ Remarks at a Dinner Sponsored by the
District of Columbia Republican Women's Finance
Committee. May 23^ 1955
Mr. Vice President^ ladies and gentlemen:
Had there been any doubt in my mind as to where I was coming
this evening, it would have been removed when I heard the cheers
and the yelling. I thank you from the bottom of my heart.
Anybody attempting a serious task cannot fail to have a very
heart-warming experience when he realizes that friends watching
him approve of the general course of action he takes and the de-
cisions he makes. So I simply could not overemphasize the feeling
of gratitude that I have for you here.
Now, permit me to talk for a moment about the Republican
Party and why I am so proud of being a member of the Repub-
lican Party. I believe that the greatest honor, the greatest dis-
tinction, that can come to any American is to feel that in his own
niche he has been of service to the United States of America. I
firmly believe that the Republican Party is today the finest polit-
ical organism we have through which the electorate can do its
part in preserving for the future the kind of America we have
inherited, and, at the same time, make of the American govem-
524
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ igss ^ 104
ment a dynamic sort of organism to make certain that every
man, woman, and child can remain proud, always, that he is an
American.
This country was founded on the theory that man has his origin
through a divine power. Our forefathers said "We hold that all
men are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable
rights." That was the explanation our forefathers gave to the
world, whose good opinion they understood was necessary at that
moment for the existence of this nation.
As we maintain and follow up that kind of thinking, we realize
that any party that purports to be useful in the support of America
must recognize that moral basis on which we are founded, and
support it in every possible way. Which means, in simple lan-
guage, that every individual among us has been created in the
image of his Maker. He has equal rights, equal opportunities.
He is not to be regimented or controlled unnecessarily, but to be
given every opportunity to live according to his concepts of
justice, decency, and right. That is America.
Now this kind of concept does not mean that we forget the
unfortunate, that we neglect the poor. On the contrary, it as-
serts that we are in a very definite sense our brother's keeper.
When in this modern world the incidents and the circumstances
of industrial production and mass production in our factories have
brought about conditions that were unknown to our forefathers,
we will never let those individuals, those free Americans — ^we will
never let them down.
We follow the great concepts of our forebears: that every
individual must remain free, that he must have his rights, that
government must be divided not only functionally but geograph-
ically, that our control of others is limited to that necessary for
the good of the whole. That is the kind of doctrine that the
Republican Party presents to America for its approval and is the
kind of thing that has been going on for the last two years and
more, and which you people have been so kind as to approve.
And I believe it is because the administration has tried to carry
525
^ 104 Public Papers of the Presidents
on in these basic concepts in accordance with your thinking.
Now we have been told that the RepubHcan Party is a
minority party. And I suppose by statistical records that is true.
But it is not true that the doctrine I have been so roughly ex-
pounding as belonging to you and to me and the administration
is minority thinking in this country — not by any means. That
is majority thinking.
We are not trying to go back to the horse cars; we are not
trying to fly to Mars. We believe that America is advancing
to many expanding eras of prosperity, a prosperity widely shared
among all our citizens. And in going to that place, we take the
principles of the past and apply them to the problems of the
moment. That's all there is to it. It is a very simple sort of idea.
And we are not doing it for the glorification of the Republican
Party, but for the benefit of 160 million Americans.
Now it is, to my mind, a rather appealing and inspiring party
this evening which has been brought together merely by women.
I believe that women are more apt than are we men to live by
strong convictions and spiritual values. They have the family to
keep together, the children to raise, and they recognize that all
our values are not material. And so, when they believe in some-
thing, they put their hearts into it. And I should like to express
my particular appreciation to the women who make such a party
as this possible — ^who have worked so hard to bring it about.
I would not want to say that we have not great leaders among
the men. We do. You have one on the platform — the Vice
President. And we have dozens of others of his age in the Re-
publican Party who bring inspiration to all of us by their dedi-
cated service to the United States of America. But to these
women who have made this party possible, my humble apprecia-
tion, my deepest thanks, and the thought that by doing this kind
of thing all over the Nation they will inspire thousands and mil-
lions of others who think as we do to join us, and finally to adopt
our label — Republicans.
526
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 105
Thank you very much.
note: The President spoke at the Sheraton-Park Hotel, Washington, D.G.
105 ^ Remarks to the National Association of
Radio and Television Broadcasters.
May 24, 1955
President Fellows ^ ladies and gentlemen:
It is a great honor to appear before this distinguished body.
In my mind there is some doubt as to the exact capacity in which
I do appear. I see some of my friends of the press here. They
know that I have been on Presidential press conferences where
there has been television present. So it raises a question — Do
I come as a co-worker or as a sponsor?
I understand that this is the first time in the history of your
organization that a President has appeared before you. Gov-
ernments notoriously move slowly, and sometimes this is a virtue.
But I think that after this length of time, it is safe to make a
tentative conclusion that radio and television are here to stay,
and a President, therefore, can afford to take them quite seriously.
Actually, not only here to stay but a mighty force in our civiliza-
tion, one that is certain to grow. And because it will grow and
be more powerful in its influence upon all of us, conventions such
as this have very deep social and professional problems to con-
sider, on which they must reach proper conclusions.
Nothing has been so important to us as an informed public. As
long ago as Jefferson's time he said were he forced to choose
between a government without schools or schools without gov-
ernment, he would unhesitatingly take a civilization in which he
had schools without government, well knowing that an informed
public would soon discover the need for government and estab-
lish a proper one among themselves. And in the reverse case, he
527
^ 105 Public Papers of the Presidents
apparently did not know what might happen, because govern-
ment with an uninformed pubUc can be, as we know, very vicious.
One of the things that has made us an informed pubHc is the
fact that we have had a free press, and now these great institu-
tions, the radio and the television, have moved in to take their
place alongside the older media of mass communications. And
this means, if we are to draw any lessons from the past, that they
in turn must be free.
It behooves you, then, I think, to discover the formulae and to
evolve them among yourselves and to announce them and to fol-
low them so that they will keep these great media free in the
truest sense of the word.
We must not wait for governmental regulation, or compulsory
governmental intervention in the form of suits and anti-trust
actions and all the rest. We must grow up with this great force,
assuring the freedom of people to express their proper opinions,
with the whole industry governed by the same rules that govern
newspapers, the normal rules of decency and good taste. As long
as those are observed, any proper opinion — any opinion — can be
expressed before the public.
There is a tremendous responsibility here — in some ways, I
think, transcending that that is placed before the publisher. The
publisher puts in your home a piece of print. It is essentially
cold — although, of course, we admit that some writers have an
ability to dress it up and make even disagreeable facts at times
look fairly pleasant. But with the television or with the radio,
you put an appealing voice or an engaging personaKty in the
living room of the home, where there are impressionable people
from the ages of understanding on up.
In many ways therefore the effect of your industry in swaying
public opinion, and I think, particularly about burning questions
of the moment, may be even greater than the press, although I
am sure that my friends here of the press will have plenty to
criticize in that statement. Nevertheless, it is something differ-
ent, and you do introduce personality as well as cold fact. I
528
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig5§ ^ 105
think, again, that places added responsibiUty to see that the news,
in those areas of the radio and television field that have to do
with the dissemination of facts, is truthfully told, with the integrity
of the entire industry behind it.
I once heard an expression with respect to newspaper stand-
ards: the newspaper columns belong to the public and the edi-
torial page belongs to the paper. And, for myself, I find that an
easy standard to follow and to apply as I examine a newspaper.
I should think that some such standard could be developed among
you. Of course you want to entertain. Of course you want peo-
ple to look at it, and I am all for it. And I think everybody else
is. But when we come to something that we call news — and I
am certain that I am not speaking of anything you haven't dis-
cussed earnestly among yourselves — let us simply be sure it is
news. Let all of the rest of the time be given to entertainment
or the telling of stories or the fanciful fairy tales that we sometimes
find in other portions of publications.
Now, to remain free, the government does have to interfere or
to intervene, possibly, in your industry more than it does in those
that deal with the printed word. After all, there seems to be only
one canopy of air over the United States and in the rest of the
world, and so there must be some means of deciding who is to
use the various channels available. We shall always hope, of
course, that that is done fairly and without any relationship of
partisan politics or any other inconsequential factor so far as this
great medium and problem is concerned. But beyond that one
necessary intervention and the enforcement, as I said, of the rules
of decency, my only plea is this: that you people take thought and
counsel among yourselves to insure that this medium — these two
great media — remain free — completely free of domination of any
unfair kind and they belong to the people. Thus, as I see it, you
will do a great and growing part in informing the public.
Now, just a moment on my favorite subject. I quoted Jefferson
to you but I think if Jefferson were alive today he would state the
proposition in language so much more emphatic than he then
529
^ I05 Public Papers of the Presidents
used that you would scarcely recognize the similarity. Never was
it so important as it is today that the American public is informed.
We have burning questions abroad that stretch from a four-power
conference around the world to the Indonesian crisis — the Indo
China crisis. It is absolutely essential that the Americans know
the actual facts of these problems. Moreover, that they be helped
to gain an understanding of the relationship between these facts,
because knowledge alone, necessarily — always remember — is not
sufficient. We must understand.
We must understand the relationship between the farmer work-
ing in Kansas in a wheat field, and the need for wheat in far off
Pakistan or some other country. We must understand these things
if we are to know why we have to promote trade, why we have
to promote truth about our country abroad, why we are so anxious
to take America in picture and in word and in printed form, and
indeed in our arts, in our entertainment of troops, to other coun-
tries, to let them see, insofar as we may: What is America? Why
are we so proud of it? Why has it brought the greatest standard
of living and given the greatest opportunity for intellectual and
spiritual development? This is the way that we must win the
so called cold war. This is the way that we must win our way to
peace.
I think everybody in the television and radio professions has a
right to think of himself as a man bearing a great responsibility
as a crusader and help to do this job of education, of ourselves and
of others about us, and to bring home here an imderstanding of
what goes on in the rest of the world.
I think today Jefferson's statement might be paraphrased to
say : If I had to have international free communications or some
kind of world government that could enforce the peace, I would
unhesitatingly choose complete, free, international communica-
tions. And then we would be sure that we would find ways for
sovereign nations to achieve man's age-old aspiration: peace
among men with prosperity fairly shared by all.
I repeat, my friends, it has been a great honor to appear before
530
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ io6
you. If I have started a precedent, I am very proud of it, and
I do trust that future Presidents will find it not only convenient
but practically necessary to appear before you and tell you, in
their turn, what is on their hearts at the moment.
Thank you, and good morning.
NOTE : The President spoke at the words "President Fellows" referred to
Sheraton-Park Hotel, Washington, Harold E. Fellows, President of the
D.G., at 11:30 a.m. His opening Association.
106 ^ Letter to Ross Rizley, Chairman, Civil
Aeronautics Board, Regarding the States-Alaska
Case. May 25, 1955
Dear Mr. Rizley:
I am returning herewith the decision and proposed order of
the Civil Aeronautics Board in the States- Alaska Case (Docket
N0.5756, etal).
I am in general agreement with the major aspects of the Board's
proposed action in this case and I approve of the Board's pro-
posed order except as it relates to the duration of the certificates
for Alaska Airlines and Pacific Northern Airlines. I am in full
agreement with the Board's view that a merger between Alaska
Airlines and Pacific Northern would be an important step for-
ward in strengthening air transportation between the States and
Alaska and at the same time reduce the need for Federal subsidy
support. While three-year certificates might well encourage and
facilitate such a merger, such certificates would create serious
problems for both carriers in the matter of financing new equip-
ment. I am convinced that there are other steps that the Board
can take within its authority to encourage and facilitate such a
merger, and I trust that the Board will take all such steps as are
reasonable and appropriate.
In view of the great importance of air transportation with up-
531
^ io6 Public Papers of the Presidents
to-date equipment to the people of Alaska and the future devel-
opment of the Territory, the certificates of Alaska Airlines and
Pacific Northern should be extended for five years. You have
advised me, through the Director of the Bureau of the Budget,
that in the opinion of the Board a five-year extension will enable
the carriers to finance the purchase of new equipment on a sound
basis with consequent benefit to the people of the Territory in
better service and more effective competition.
Accordingly, I request that the Board present for my approval
a revised order in this case that is consistent with the above
comments.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
note: On May 27 the President ap- years. The proposed order, referred
proved the revised order providing to in the first paragraph of this letter,
for renewal of the certificates for the and the revised order dated May 25
Pacific Northern and Alaska Airlines were made public by the Civil Aero-
for a period of 5 years rather than 3 nautics Board.
107 ^ Special Message to the Congress
Transmitting Conventions and Recommendations
Adopted at Geneva by the International Labor
Conference. May 265 1955
To the Congress of the United States:
In accordance with the obHgations of the United States of
America as a member of the International Labor Organization
I transmit herewith authentic texts of four Conventions and eight
Recommendations adopted at Geneva by the International Labor
Conference, as follows:
Convention (No. 99) concerning minimum wage fixing
machinery in agriculture, adopted June 28, 1951 ;
532
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ 1Q53 ^ 107
Recommendation (No. 89) concerning minimum wage fixing
machinery in agriculture, adopted June 28, 1951 ;
Convention (No. 100) concerning equal remuneration for men
and women workers for work of equal value, adopted June 29,
1951;
Recommendation (No. 90) concerning equal remuneration
for men and women workers for work of equal value, adopted
June29, 1951;
Convention (No. loi) concerning holidays with pay in agri-
culture, adopted June 26, 1952;
Recommendation (No. 93) concerning holidays with pay in
agriculture, adopted June 26, 1952;
Recommendation (No. 94) concerning consultation and co-
operation between employers and workers at the level of the
undertaking, adopted June 26, 1952;
Convention (No. 103) concerning maternity protection (re-
vised 1952), adopted June 28, 1952;
Recommendation (No. 95) concerning maternity protection,
adopted June 28, 1952 ;
Recommendation (No. 96) concerning the minimum age of
admission to work underground in coal mines, adopted June 19,
1953;
Recommendation (No. 97) concerning the protection of the
health of workers in places of employment, adopted June 25,
1953;
Recommendation (No. 98) concerning holidays with pay,
adopted June 23, 1954.
I transmit also the report of the Secretary of State with regard
to the several Conventions and Recommendations, together with
copies of letters from the Secretary of Labor to the Secretary of
State setting forth the coordinated view of the interested depart-
ments and agencies of the executive branch of the Government
with respect to the various instruments.
It is the opinion of those departments and agencies that the
Conventions and Recommendations cited above fall within the
533
^ I07 Public Papers of the Presidents
purview of Article 19, paragraph 7(b)5 of the constitution of the
International Labor Organization, which provides in the case of
a federal state that Conventions and Recommendations which
the federal government regards as appropriate under its consti-
tutional system, in whole or in part, for action by the constituent
states, provinces, or cantons rather than for federal action shall
be referred to the appropriate federal and state authorities for
their consideration. It is in accordance with the foregoing pro-
visions that ratification of the Conventions by the United States
is not deemed appropriate and that I submit the Conventions
and Recommendations to the Congress for such consideration as
it may wish to give.
I do not favor the enactment of Federal legislation with respect
to the subject matter of the Convention (No. loi) and corre-
sponding Recommendation (No. 93) concerning holidays with
pay in agriculture, the Recommendation (No. 94) concerning
consultation and cooperation between employers and workers at
the level of the undertaking, and the Recommendation (No. 98)
concerning holidays with pay, so far as it relates to private
employment.
Existing Federal legislation adequately covers the substance of
the Recommendation (No. 96) concerning the minimum age of
admission to work underground in coal mines and the Recom-
mendation (No. 98) concerning holidays with pay, as it relates
to employees of the Federal Government. Accordingly, I do not
advise the enactment of additional legislation by the Congress
with respect to those subjects.
I am sending texts of the Conventions and Recommendations
to the Secretary of the Interior in order that they may be trans-
mitted to the Governments of Alaska, Guam, Hawaii, and the
Virgin Islands for such action as may be deemed suitable. I am
also transmitting the texts of the Conventions and Recommenda-
tions to the Secretary of the Interior for appropriate action and
advice with regard to American Samoa, and, with the exception
of the Recommendation (No. 96) concerning the minimum age
534
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ io8
of admission to work underground in coal mines, to the Secretary
of the Interior and the Secretary of the Navy for appropriate
action and advice with regard to those areas of the Trust Terri-
tory of the Pacific Islands under their respective jurisdictions.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
note: The text of the conventions bor, transmitted with the message,
and recommendations, the report of are printed in House Document 172
the Secretary of State, and the copies (84th Cong., ist sess.) .
of letters from the Secretary of La-
1 08 ^ Remarks at Dedication of the Armed
Forces Institute of Pathology, Walter Reed Medical
Center. May 26, 1955
Mr, Secretary J General DeCoursey^ distinguished guests^ my old
friends of the Service ^ and ladies and gentlemen:
For the enUghtenment of this audience, it is indeed fortunate
that Dr. DeCoursey saw fit to tell us about pathology. Because
for myself, I assure you, I have learned more in the last five
minutes than I knew in my entire life before.
But I did not come here to talk scientifically and that is my
excuse for not being better briefed in that particular subject. We
are here today to dedicate a great building of stone and concrete
and other materials. This in itself is an important event, because
I am told that this building is arranged better and more efficiently
for the conduct of the work here to be done than any other that
this country has erected.
A good workman deserves good surroundings, and a good place
in which to work, and so if we had nothing more here to dedicate
than the building itself, it would still be an occasion worthy of
note.
But the true dedication is probably more to the impulses which
led to the erection of this building. Concern for human life, and
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^ io8 Public Papers of the Presidents
not merely to lengthen out the span of our years, although to
some of us here present this in itself is getting important, but to
ease man of sufferings and difficulties and the lengthening of life's
span so that he may yield to the common good more from the
God-given talents that are his, so that he can contribute more
to the spiritual and intellectual and cultural and economic devel-
opment of our time.
Another impulse is that of cooperative effort. The Secretary
spoke of an example of unification. I think some years ago those
of us who were advocating unification of the Services saw some-
thing of this kind in the offing, even though we were ignorant of
the exact form these developments would take. For that reason,
I couldn't be happier that all of the Services are combined in this
effort.
And then I think it gives us an example of how government
should operate in providing and doing its part in advancing the
welfare of our nation and our people. Lincoln said, you know,
"The function of government is to do for people those things
which they cannot do at all or so well do for themselves, but in
those things which people can do better, the government ought
not to interfere." Here is one of those typical partnership efforts
that bring government and science and individuals all together
to do a great job for humanity.
If we review only some of the accomplishments of the medical
services of the united services, we would have a very long list.
Following our armed units into the far corners of the globe, they
have brought back to us a knowledge of diseases, or they have
practically prevented them from ever reaching our shores. But
I remember very well in the days of my youth when the term
"yellow jack" was one of terror in the West and Southwest. Peo-
ple would not even venture into some of our coastal cities in the
South because of the fear of yellow fever. Yet Service personnel,
through their dedication, and their training, their devotion,
brought about a knowledge of that disease and began to stamp
it out, and finally practically eliminated it.
536
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^s ^ io8
So in the same fashion, other diseases coming under control
have each had as one of the contributing factors these great ded-
icated officers, doctors and technicians, nurses and others of the
Armed Services' Medical Corps.
So here we see people working in the conviction that man — ^man
himself — ^is important, his health, his ability to contribute. We
see also the conviction that man, under God, can conquer his
physical surroundings and make this place — this world — a better
place in which to live. All of these thoughts, all of these impulses
come together, as we think of the erection of this building and
the services it is going to perform; and indeed it inspires us.
And so I should first like to pay my tribute to the men who
thought of this building, the men whose work brought about here
a proper home for the people working in this pathology for the
united services. I want to pay tribute to all people who in any
way have had a part in the development of the whole institution
from the time of the Civil War, and to the accumulation here on
this spot of the combined assets that will do so much for us.
So we can hope that this will make men more productive, their
lives more rewarding, and in so doing, perhaps we will have a
more secure country, a more peaceful world.
And so I dedicate this building to the conquest of disease so
that mankind, more safe and secure in body, may more surely
advance to a widely shared prosperity and an enduring and just
peace.
Thank you very much.
note: The President's opening words tary of Defense, and Brig. Gen. El-
"Mr. Secretary, General DeCoursey" bert DeCoursey, Director of the
referred to Charles E. Wilson, Secre- Armed Forces Institute of Pathology.
537
^ log Public Papers of the Presidents
109 ^ Special Message to the Congress
Recommending Amendments to the Refugee Relief
Act. Ma); 27, 1955
To the Congress of the United States:
The Refugee Relief Act of 1953 has now been in effect for
almost two years.
It was enacted to enable the United States to participate with
other nations in a great humanitarian effort for the relief of
tragic victims of the postwar world, and for the reduction, in a
measure, of over-population stresses in friendly nations. Thus we
would promote friendly relations with the nations of the world.
Beyond this, it was our purpose to further the interests of the
United States by bringing to our shores an eminently desirable
immigration within the absorptive capacity of this country. The
immigrant has brought greatness to our land and a tremendous
love for his adopted country. The foreign-bom and their descend-
ants— which include all of us — have given devoted allegiance
to the United States, in war and in peace, and have helped give
to America a unique position of leadership among the nations.
During the last year and a half, substantial progress has been
made in setting up the complex organization required to ad-
minister the technical requirements of the Act. The necessary
cooperation of the various governmental agencies, including
those related to medical and security matters, has been enlisted.
Over 30,000 visas have actually been issued. Nearly 85,000
applicants are in various stages of processing.
Nevertheless, the purposes of the Act are not being achieved
as swiftly as we had all hoped. As a result of the experience
gained in administering the Act to date, important administra-
tive instructions designed to expedite the procedures under it
have already been issued. The men and women handling the
program are fully aware of the urgency of their mission. I am
538
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 109
assured by the Secretary of State that further administrative
improvements can and will be made.
Experience has demonstrated, however, that administrative
improvements are not enough. A number of the provisions of
the Act require amendment if the Act's objectives are to be fully
achieved. I urge upon the Congress the following :
(i) The Act, at present, contains specific categories of
eligibility with specific numbers allotted to each category. It
now appears that because of some of the technical requirements
of the Act and the growing prosperity in Western Europe, there
may not be enough applicants to fill the quotas in some categories.
I recommend that there be a provision for the use of unused
numbers. Such unused numbers might well be used, for example,
for orphans on a worldwide basis.
(2) The Act limits the term "refugee" to those who have not
been "firmly resettled." Experience has shown that this provi-
sion tends to exclude the hard-working and the adjustable, the
very people we want most as new citizens. Moreover, it appears
that "resettlement" is such a vague term as to create conflicts in
interpretation and delays in clearing applications.
I recommend that this limitation be withdrawn so that, where
the refugee otherwise qualifies on a selective basis, he will not be
barred because he is diligent and competent.
(3) A similar difficulty is presented by the terms of the Act
which require that an "escapee" or "expellee" also be a "ref-
ugee." Under the Act this unduly limits the escapees and
expellees who may be admitted. This, again, serves to exclude
some of the most desirable people who have, at great sacrifice,
at least temporarily resettled themselves. I am sure it is enough
that a person be a qualified "escapee" or "expellee" to meet
the standards on which we all agree. They should not also be
required to be "refugees" within the narrow definition of the Act.
(4) The requirement that a "refugee" be living away from
his traditional home has excluded many tragic victims of disaster
whom I am sure the Congress intended to admit. This includes
539
^ log Public Papers of the Presidents
Netherlands' farmers whose land has been ruined by floods of salt
water, Greek mountain people whose herds have been despoiled
by Communist invaders and many similar victims of catastrophe.
The restriction should be relaxed.
(5 ) The Act contains a salutary provision enacted by the Con-
gress for the benefit of aliens who are here in the United States
and who fear persecution if required to return abroad. There is
a limitation, however, within this section which has caused undue
hardship in some cases. It requires that the person show "lawful
entry as a bona fide non-immigrant", before he is eligible for this
humanitarian relief,
I recommend to the Congress that the section be amended to
permit the Attorney General to waive this requirement in merito-
rious cases where the person is otherwise qualified under the Act.
It is estimated that this would not involve more than a few hun-
dred cases, but in the case of each individual human being such
an amendment would satisfy the beneficent purposes of the
Congress.
(6) Obviously people who have risked their lives to escape
from totalitarian nations often have no passports. The Refugee
Relief Act, however, requires passports and in many cases this
has served to defeat the very purpose of the Congress. I recom-
mend amendment to permit waiver of the need for passports and
similar documents in the discretion of the Secretary of State and
the Attorney General as is already provided in the basic immigra-
tion and nationality laws.
(7) Under the Act, no escapee or refugee is entitled to a visa
unless there is available complete information regarding his his-
tory for two years past, except on waiver by the Secretaries of
State and Defense, if it is determined to be in the national interest.
No such requirement is applicable in the case of regular immi-
grants under the Inmiigration and Nationality Act of 1952.
This two year history, in the case of recent escapees, is often
impossible to obtain. Yet these are the very people who have
been actively stimulated to risk the perils of escape by our own
540
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 109
information program broadcast through the Iron Curtain.
I have faith in the competence of our security personnel, and
I recommend that this inflexible requirement be eliminated from
the law, leaving it to the sound discretion of the security officer
to make his recommendation on the basis of all the facts available.
If he is in doubt, he will not certify the refugee or escapee as a
proper security risk.
(8) Another obstacle to the achievement of the purposes of
the Act is the requirement of individual sponsorship and guaran-
tees of each application for admission. Where responsible, vol-
untary welfare organizations are prepared to give assurances with
respect to applicants by name, it is unnecessary to add the bur-
densome requirement that individual sponsorship of each such
applicant also be provided. I recommend that where such agency
assurances are given, individual assurances not be required in
addition.
(9) At present, special visas may not be issued to wives, hus-
bands or children of persons admitted under the Act unless they
all come to the United States together. If the members of the
person's family are following at a later time and are otherwise
admissible, then the special visas should be equally available to
them.
(10) There are many refugee families in Western Europe
whose members would make useful and productive citizens of the
United States, but who would face separation if they should
avail themselves of the provisions of the Refugee Relief Act. This
they are unwilling to do. They would face separation because of
the fact that one of their members is ineligible for admission to
the United States under the health standards of our general immi-
gration laws, particularly as respects tuberculosis.
We in the United States no longer regard tuberculosis with
dread. Our treatment standards are high and modern treatment
is increasingly effective. The United States, to its own benefit,
could permit many of these families, within the existing numerical
limitations, to enter under safeguards provided by the Attorney
40308—59 37 54''^
^ 109 Public Papers of the Presidents
General and the Surgeon General of the United States assuring
protection of the pubUc health and adequate treatment of the
afflicted individual and also assuring that such individual will not
become a public charge. I urge that the Congress give considera-
tion to amendments that would enable this to be done.
It is my earnest hope that the changes in the Refugee Relief
Act that I have above outlined can be accomplished during the
present session of the Congress.
The enactment of these changes will permit effective adminis-
tration of the Act by the Executive branch of the Government
and greatly aid the success of the program. The persons per-
mitted to enter the country under the program will make a fine
contribution to the body of our citizens. And we shall again
reaffirm that the great tradition of sanctuary lives on in America.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
1 1 o ^ Citation and Remarks at Presentation of
the National Security Medal to J. Edgar Hoover.
May 27, 1955
CITATION TO ACCOMPANY THE AWARD OF
THE NATIONAL SECURirY MEDAL
TO
JOHN EDGAR HOOVER
The President of the United States takes pride in presenting
the National Security Medal to
JOHN EDGAR HOOVER
for service as set forth in the following
CriATiON :
As Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation for 31
years, he has made an outstanding contribution to the national
542
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig55 § no
security of the United States. Exercising exceptional tact, per-
ceptiveness, judgment, and brilliant leadership in a position of
great responsibility, he has established the highest ideals of federal
law enforcement and has directed them to realization. His tire-
less efforts have brought to a new height of effectiveness the
law enforcement machinery of the United States Government.
Through his well-grounded and clearly defined concept of inves-
tigative procedures, reinforced by his recognized integrity and
high personal prestige, he has won international recognition for
the federal law enforcement system of the United States.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
[ Remarks of the President ]
Mr. Hoover, your dedication and devotion to public service
are so long and so well known, your accomplishments in that
service are so great and so well known, that it seems idle for me
to try to say anything that could add to the dignity of this
ceremony.
Perhaps it is just best for me to say I am proud to be an agent
for our people in conferring upon you this highest award that the
Government has, and to say that your real reward — as all of us
here know — is in the hearts, the thanks and the gratitude of our
entire nation.
note: The President spoke in the the personnel and my associates in
Rose Garden. Mr. Hoover's re- the Federal Bureau of Investigation,
sponse follows: as well as by the magnificent support
Thank you, Mr. President. I am which you as President and which
deeply grateful for this honor which the Attorney General has afforded us
you have accorded me. I realize that over the years,
it has been brought about through It is a pleasure, indeed, to serve
the dedicated accomplishments of as one of your subordinates.
543
^ III Public Papers of the Presidents
111 ^ Statement by the President on Safe
Driving. May 27, 1955
I URGE every American to take maximum care for safe driving
on this Memorial Day weekend and during the following period
of heavy summer traffic. I am joined in this request by Harlow
Curtice, Chairman, and the members of the President's Com-
mittee for Traffic Safety as well as — I am sure — every motorist
in our nation.
Throughout the nation there is now beginning an exceptional
effort to "Slow Down and Live" on our highways. I know that
this program will have the full attention and complete support
of all our citizens so that we may accomplish a great and con-
tinuing reduction in the number of deaths and injuries on our
roads.
There can be no matter of greater urgency for all of us than
insuring the safety of our families and fellow citizens.
112 ^ The President's News Conference of
May'^i, 1955.
THE PRESIDENT. Good moHiing, please sit down.
I have several little announcements. First, as to personal
activities, the month of June looms up as a very busy one for me.
I am going to West Point on the 5th, I believe; Penn State on
the 1 1 th ; I am going then to participate in this relocation exercise
in the middle of the month.
Then on the 20th I am going out to extend the greetings of
the American people on the opening of the United Nations.
That will be on the 20th.
And then, from the 22d to the 27th, I am in New England.
It is possible that some of those absences will catch a Wednes-
day, I am not sure.
544
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 112
This is an odd day, too; this is Tuesday, isn't it? [Laughter]
About the four fliers: we have been in, of course, some com-
munication about these things now for some days.
The four fliers arrived in Hong Kong, I believe, at 2:30 our
time this morning, left there at 4 : 30, are on their way now to
Honolulu.
The families of these four people have been contacted by the
Secretary of the Air. He is picking up close members of the
families, and is going to take them to Honolulu to meet them.
That should take place, I guess, some time tomorrow evening,
something of that kind.
Now, I want to talk a little bit about polio; the polio program
seems to be losing some of its difficulties and inescapable snarls.
Of course, there has been delay. The delay has been brought
about by two things: the care that was necessary in giving the
tests, repeating the tests, to make certain that children and
youngsters were not unduly exposed due to preventable cause;
and, second, the new problems discovered by the producers in
the mass production of this kind of a product.
I should like myself to give two words of caution to everybody.
No vaccine is perfect protection against disease. You will
remember that Dr. Francis found this one effective in, I believe
it was a range of 60 to 90 percent, depending upon the range.
But I believe also it was found that any child having taken
this vaccine had acquired an immunity that was three times as
great as one who had not taken it. And then we must remember
that it does take time for these great factories, when they are
working on a mass production basis, to retool, get their machinery
and everything in order, so that they both meet the tests and
produce the volumes that are needed.
Now, as to distribution, remember I told you that the first
priorities went to children, the first and the second grade. They
were the ones that had been specified by the polio foundation —
supported, of course, by all our doctors and scientists.
Within the next 30 days all the vaccine will be produced to
545
^ 112 Public Papers of the Presidents
carry out that program. Certainly within the next 60 days it will
be complete.
After that, the Federal Government will be responsible for
the allocation of the vaccine as it comes out in volume to the
States to meet the needs of the 5 to 9 group first; and the States
will be responsible after they have their properly allocated
amounts to make certain that the methods and distribution
have taken place in accordance with the regulations.
The Government, of course, to make certain that no child is
denied this vaccine because of money, has asked for $28 million;
I most earnestly hope that legislation will soon be enacted.
A very favorable development, one point that has been ques-
tioned by some, has been the assurance that doctors will observe
the priorities established by the Government in cooperation with
the scientists who have been working on the problem. We have
the pledge of the American Medical Association that doctors will
observe these priorities and will themselves keep complete records
of every child who is vaccinated, so that we can get the exact
results of this whole great process as the year rolls on.
I think that covers all the — I said I was going to the United
Nations — ^yes.
I have no further statements. We will go to questions.
Q. Robert E. Clark, International News Service: Mr. Presi-
dent, do you have any word about prospects for obtaining release
of the other 52 Americans still held by Red China, including the
other American flyers?
THE PRESIDENT. No, uot at this moment.
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press: Mr. President, could you
clarify that 30- to 60-day reference you made? You said
THE PRESIDENT. Well, General Scheele assures me that within
30 days we will have, tested and on the shelves, the vaccine to
carry out this entire program of the polio association, and that
certainly within 30 days after that it will have been completed,
actually administered.
Q. Mr. Smith : You mean administered?
546
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ 1Q55 ^ 112
THE PRESIDENT. Actually administered.
Q. Ray L. Scherer, National Broadcasting Company: Do you
think the release of the flyers by the Chinese Communists repre-
sents a sincere effort on the part of the Chinese Communists to
relieve tensions?
THE PRESIDENT. Our mcssagcs from various sources imply that
that is their stated thought; that it was a token on their part to
do something in helping release tensions. But I must say that
everything that happens in the world these days has to be studied,
examined, and, I would say, more carefully watched than would
be implied in just a hit-or-miss guess as to what it means at this
moment.
Q. Charles S. von Fremd, CBS News: Mr. President, at this
very moment on Capitol Hill the Senate Labor Committee is
holding a closed door meeting, and the indications are that they
will recommend that you be given sweeping standby powers to
handle the many problems of the Salk anti-polio vaccine.
Do you desire such powers, and could you discuss this?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, this is what I believe: I believe the
American people are doing this in pretty good fashion.
I believe the polio program is coming along better than we
could have expected, unless we would have counted on a degree
of luck that was almost a phenomenon.
I think the voluntary program is working. I don't know that
we need anything extra. I have not seen the bill in its details.
But if they vote standby powers of some kind, why, of course, I
shall carry out whatever is expected of me.
Q. Kenneth M. Scheibel, Gannett Newspapers: Mr. Presi-
dent, there are reports that you have selected Mr. Folsom of the
Treasury Department to replace Mrs. Hobby in your Cabinet.
Would you comment on that, please?
THE PRESIDENT. Why, that is a very simple one: Mrs. Hobby
has not resigned.
Q. Mr. Scheibel: Do you expect her to resign, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. I am uot cxpcctiug anything. We all know
547
^ 112 Public Papers of the Presidents
that she has a very difficult domestic problem. Now she is carry-
ing on as well as she can under those conditions, and I don't
know what is going to happen.
Q. Charles E. Egan, New York Times: Mr. President, there
have been frequent reports that your advisers, including Secretary
of the Treasury Humphrey, have told you that you can balance
the budget next year and cut taxes. Would you care to comment
on that, please?
THE PRESIDENT. Could balance the budget and cut taxes?
Q. Mr. Egan: Both.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, of coursc, that would be a wonderful
thing.
I think no one has said it to me in those emphatic terms. It
would be a wonderful thing to have both. But I am sure that
the first thing we must do is balance the budget.
Q, Robert J. Donovan, New York Herald Tribune: Four
weeks ago we reached an agreement with Turkey, sir, on the bill
authorizing Turkey to build atomic research reactors in Turkey.
At the time there were indications that there might be further
agreements along this line.
Could you tell us whether any of those have come about?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think within the week there will be
four to five or something of that kind, maybe even as many as
six, new agreements signed and announced.^
Q. Robert G. Spivack, New York Post: Mr. President, in con-
nection with the vaccine, there is one question that seems to be
bothering some parents. You will recall that when the vaccine
was first given out, when children were first immunized or first
inoculated, they were told that the second shot had to be given
4 or 5 weeks later. Now, in some cases that 4- or 5 -week period
has passed, and some people wonder if the shot wears off, or the
effect wears off.
^ Later in the day the White House announced the signing of proposed agreements
with Brazil and Colombia. Similar agreements with the United Kingdom, Canada,
and Belgium were signed on June 15; see Item 123, below.
548
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 112
I wonder if Dr. Scheele or anyone else has discussed that with
you?
THE PRESIDENT. They have told me about a succession of two
shots to be followed, I believe, 7 months or more later by a booster.
But now the point that it may not be available for the second
shot and they are worrying as to whether they are going to get
it soon, I have not heard it discussed at all.
Q. Mr. Spivack: You don't know if they would have to get
another shot, you mean?
THE PREsroENT. No. I dou't kuow, but I do know we are pub-
lishing about noon a rather lengthy statement on the thing. And
I will have that question looked up and included, if it is possible.
[Addresses Mr. Hagerty] Will you do that?
Q. Mrs. May Craig, Maine Papers : Mr. President, in relation
to budget and tax cuts, does the revelation of progress in Soviet
aircraft mean that you might have to increase your budget for
our air defense?
THE PRESIDENT. I havcu't had any such recommendations yet
from the Air. There has been, of course, a greater number of
these planes exposed to view, as I remarked at another press con-
ference, than we had anticipated they would have at that moment.
But there are many, many factors, as I tried to explain that
morning. One of them is that we have an interim plane, the
B-36, which is still a very good plane. We have had the others
coming off, and we did authorize the factories that are producing
52's to step up their actual production. But whether or not that
will require any change in the budget, I am not yet sure.
Q. Lloyd M. Schwartz, Fairchild Publications: Mr. President,
the Defense Production Act is due to expire on June 30, and the
administration reportedly has been considering whether to ask
Congress to amend it to include emergency price and wage control
authority for use in case of an emergency.
I wonder if you could clarify just what the administration's
position is on this proposal?
THE PRESIDENT. I havc discusscd that question so often in this
40308—59 38 549
§ 112 Public Papers of the Presidents
group it seems to me, at least, to be almost a waste of time to
repeat my views. They have not changed.
I have always believed that on balance it would be a good thing
to have certain controls if they could be strictly limited and quiet
people's fears in times of peace.
But the fears do exist on the part of a great portion of our
people that these controls, if there, would be improperly exercised.
The psychological situation, therefore, has always seemed to
me to make it unwise to ask for them, and on the theory that the
Congress would probably be in session or could be quickly called
into session if an emergency arose.
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Sir, you nominated a
Mr. John Brown of Houston for a place on the Fifth Circuit Court,
and Mr. Brown allegedly at one time was an attorney for a ship-
ping company that was involved in the Texas City disaster.
The Government was on one side represented by the Justice
Department.
Now there has come forward a report that some paper was
allegedly changed by this gentleman, and the Justice Department
though, although they were on the opposite side with him, appar-
ently later gave a recommendation for him to be a judge of the
Fifth Circuit Court, which is the same court that had jurisdiction
over this Texas City case.
I wonder if you knew of these facts and took this under consid-
eration when you nominated him?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, assumiug that they are facts, I knew
nothing about them.
Now, I go over the record of every single man that is appointed
a judge. I go over it carefully, and wherever possible I bring
him in, to meet him. I have attempted to appoint to the Federal
judiciary only the finest people in the locality, people that are
recommended by the American Bar Association, who have the
recommendations of the people of standing in the community
as to character and ability, quality, and so on.
I never heard such a word about Mr. Brown.
550
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 112
Q. Martin S. Hayden, Detroit News: Sir, I would like to ask
two related questions, if I could.
In Detroit there is apparently increasing danger of an automo-
bile strike in one or two of the big companies. Does the admin-
istration feel that the economic results of such a strike would be
such as to require immediate Government intervention, if it
comes?
THE PREsroENT. Well, this Govemment has gone on this
theory: that the executive department, as such, will not project
itself into the details of private negotiations between employer
and employee.
We do have a mediation service. When troubles arise they
are called upon to assist in settling those things. But for the
Government to step in and take a side, we feel is unjustifiable,
and only in the case of a national emergency, I mean such a strike
creating a real emergency, would the Govemment be justified in
intervening.
Q. Mr.Hayden: The second question, sir: have your economic
advisers given you any information which would give you any
opinion on this issue of a guaranteed annual wage; is it a good
thing, bad thing?
THE PRESIDENT. One thing that I beheve I have put in one or
two state of the Union messages is that I believe that the States
should be encouraged and even urged to extend unemployment
insurance in terms of time. I believe the maximum was 26
weeks up until a few weeks ago when, I beheve, one or two
States have broken through to 30 weeks. But many, many States
don't have even the 26 weeks.
So I have always maintained that any process that helped to
support this would be good, although I would prefer to see it
through the States.
But aside from that, I would express no opinion at this moment
when this particular point is one of such bitter argument between
two opposing groups.
Q. John Herling, Editors Syndicate: Mr. President, several
551
^ 112 Public Papers of the Presidents
weeks ago you referred to the administration's proposal on the
minimum wage law, and you explained that the first part, the
90-cent minimum recommended by the administration, was not
as meaningful to you as the expansion of coverage for more
workers who were not at all affected by a minimum wage law.
Now, may I ask, sir, does this mean that the administration
specifically recommends legislation to broaden such coverage?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, didn't I say that in my state of the
Union speech? I think, if I recall, in January of this year I asked
the Congress to consider all of those classes that are not covered
and to determine those that could profitably and properly be
covered. That is the kind of extension I was talking about.
I have not specifically recommended any class or group, that
is, agriculture groups, retail groups, or anything else. I have not
said a word about that.
Q. Mr. Herling: The confusion, I think, sir, in some minds
is that the administration is specific on the 90 cents but not
specific on the inclusion of those to be brought under coverage;
and, therefore, there was some doubt expressed, sir, as to the
interest of the administration in having such coverage made this
year.
Now, may I ask, sir, whether the administration specifically
wants coverage this year?
THE PRESIDENT. Why, iudccd, yes, so long as I — I already
recommended it.
Now, the 90 cents is specific because we gave the facts and
figures on which we developed that level.
As I recall, since the last raise in minimum wage to 75 cents,
there had been a total rise in that time in the cost of living
to justify a minimum wage of something on the order of 85.6
or 86.5, and we took the 90 cents as a good leveling-off figure.
That was the way we arrived at it.
Now, as to the others, we said this is something which must
be studied by Congress, because every single one of these groups,
there are pros and cons about it, and it's going to be a very dif-
552
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 112
ficult business. I want the coverage extended to every area
where it is feasible and a practicable thing to do.
Q. Marvin L. Arrowsmith, Associated Press: Mr. President,
it was just 3 years ago tomorrow, I think, that you returned from
Europe and got into politics. [Laughter]
This is a rather broad question, but I wondered if you cared to
say how you like the game of politics after 3 years?
THE PREsroENT. Well, Mr. Arrowsmith, the term "politics" as
such seems to be one of those words that means many things to
many people.
We so often use it in a derogatory sense; and I think in the
general derogatory sense you can say, of course, that I do not
like politics.
Now, on the other hand, any man who finds himself in a posi-
tion of authority where he has a very great influence in the efforts
of people to work toward a peaceful world, toward international
relationships that will eliminate or minimize the chances of war,
all that sort of thing, of course it is a fascinating business. It is
a kind of thing that would engage the interest, intense interest,
of any man alive.
There are in this office thousands of unique opportunities to
meet especially interesting people, because the Government up
here in Washington has become the center of so many things that,
again, you have a very fascinating experience in meeting scien-
tists, leaders in culture, in health, in governmental action, from
all over the world.
There are many things about the office and the work, the work
with your associates, that are, well, let's say, at least intriguing,
even if at times they are very fatiguing. But it is a wonderful
experience.
But the word "politics" as you use it, I think the answer to
that one, would be, no, I have no great liking for that.
Q. David P. Sentner, Hearst Newspapers: Mr. President, now
that the official request for an appropriation for the so-called
atomic peace ship has been made to Congress, could you tell us
553
^ 112 Public Papers of the Presidents
some further detaUs about the plan, such as how long you might
expect it to be built, whether there would be any American ex-
hibit of culture and industrial know-how outside of the atomic
field, and whether you might be expected to participate in some
part of its voyage.
THE PRESIDENT. I get somc ucw idcas over here once in a
while, anyway. [Laughter] I hadn't thought of that one.
Now, as to its details of construction and what it will do, there
are still discussions going on because, manifestly, as a thing like
this develops, new ideas such as yours come along.
I think we can find probably someone more entertaining to put
on that ship than a man my age and background. [Laughter]
It is true, as I visualize it, it will be a peaceful ship with many
an exhibition really of American culture, of the arts and industry.
On top of that, I would hope that it would actually carry cargo
as it went around the world on unscheduled runs, be ready to pick
up such cargoes it could, so that everybody could see it perform-
ing a useful service in the world, but nevertheless have all the
things that you just have mentioned.
Q. Edward T. FoUiard, Washington Post and Times Herald:
Mr. President, Representative Joe Evins of Tennessee says he has
written you a letter to this effect, that if you go to a Big Four
conference that you take Senator George of Georgia along as a
special assistant.
He says this would be an example of unity in the American
people.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, uo ouc could havc greater admiration
for Senator George than I. He and I have had talks about this
very subject, and I think we are in complete agreement on what
should be done.
I think I have explained a number of times that our conception
of a Big Four conference will be, let us say, a testing of tempera-
ments or atmosphere, a discussion of problems in general, and an
attempt to determine methods and procedures that might work
in the attempt to solve specific problems in the world. It will
554
Dwight D. Eisenhower J ig^^ ^ 112
not in itself be a conference to attempt the solution of these
specific problems.
Therefore, it would seem to me that the time for Senators and
members of the Legislature to be with you is when you come to
the actual working out of the detailed problems that might result
conceivably in some kind of an agreement.
Therefore, you want people there that are ready to explain
this to their committee members, every phase of it, all of the back-
ground and what you might call the legislative history of the
agreement.
When we are in this general talk, I assume that the meeting is
to be very small, as small as is possible under the circumstances of
the number of interpreters and just experts you have to have with
you.
Q. Nat S. Finney, Buffalo Evening News: Mr. President, has
the fact that these aircraft appeared over Moscow earlier than
was anticipated caused any speedup in civil defense and related
programs?
THE PREsroENT. Whether or not there will be any increase in
terms of budget this year, I don't know. It hasn't been brought
up to me in those terms.
But I do believe this: I would be hopeful that it would bring
about and inspire a speedup in the enthusiasm of the average
citizen to do his part in this, because I must reiterate that civil
defense is largely a job that falls on each of us ourselves. We can-
not be assured civil defense by any bureau or any amount of
money doing the work for us because we have to do it ourselves.
It's a matter of discipline, it's training, it is local work largely;
and the Federal Government, at best, can get into the thing with
leadership, with models, with examples, and of course in certain
instances with storages of supplies and all the rest of it.
Q. Herman A Lowe, Manchester (New Hampshire) Union
Leader: Mr. President, the paper took a poll among a number
of top military leaders such as General Van Fleet, Admiral Den-
f eld. General Stratemeyer, on the question of Quemoy and Matsu,
555
^ 112 Public Papers of the Presidents
and they were almost unanimously agreed that this would not
solve any problems or ease any tensions in the Far East. I
wondered if you would comment on it?
THE PRESIDENT. What would uot ease it, those two islands?
Q. Mr. Lowe: The surrender of those two islands to the
Communists.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I dou't waut to join in any guessing
game here; and of course, these people, I think, are indulging
in a little bit of a guessing game. But I personally don't see how
the abandonment of those islands would help our situation any
in the Far East.
Now, there are people in the world, of course, that believe it
would make a great difference. I don't believe it would make a
great difference there.
Q. Laurence H. Burd, Chicago Tribune : Mr. President, can
you tell us anything more definite about the decision of the West-
em Powers on the time and place of a Big Four conference?
Lausanne, Switzerland, has been mentioned as one possible
THE PRESIDENT. Well, there has been no decision reached, and
I don't suppose that there can be for some time.
It is a laborious business of transferring these things back and
forth between the several governments concerned. So I think
place and time of meeting is yet to be determined. We have no
fixed convictions, although I think we would like to have it at a
reasonably early date.
Q. James B. Reston, New York Times: Going back to Mr.
Arrowsmith's question about your 3 years in politics, could you
recall for us, sir, what your role was in the selection of Mr. Nixon
for Vice President
THE PRESIDENT. Oh, yCS.
Q. Mr. Reston: ^in Chicago?
THE PRESIDENT. Surcly.
Q. Mr. Reston: Was he selected as your personal selection, or
was he one of a number of different persons whom you approved
of, or what?
556
Dwight D. Eisenhower, IQ55 ^ 112
THE PRESIDENT. I would be glad to give it to you.
As I have reminded you people before, my experience in politics
has been a little intensive, even if short. And the first thing I
knew about the President or any presidential nominee having any
great influence in the vice-presidential selection was, I think,
about the moment that I was nominated. I said I would not
do it, I didn't know enough about the things that had been going
on in the United States. I had been gone 2 years. And so I
wrote down the names of five, or maybe it was six, men, younger
men, that I admired, that seemed to me to have made a name
for themselves. And I said, "Any one of these will be acceptable
to me."
And he was on the list.
Q. Mr. Reston: Mr. President, could I pursue that? Could
you recall who were the five men — [laughter] — and, secondly,
what I was trying to get at was what is your philosophy about the
role of the nominee in the selection of the Vice President? Is it
your view that the convention is sovereign, it can pick anybody
it likes, or should it, in your judgment, follow the recommendation
of the presidential nominee?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I would say this, Mr. Reston: it seems
obvious to me that unless the man as chosen were acceptable to
the presidential nominee, the presidential nominee should im-
mediately step aside, because we have a Government in this day
and time when teamwork is so important, where abrupt changes
could make so much difference. If a President later is suddenly
disabled or killed or dies, it would be fatal, in my opinion, if you
had a tense period on, not only to introduce now a man of an
entirely different philosophy of government, but he, in turn,
would necessarily then get an entirely new Cabinet. I think you
would have chaos for a while.
So I believe if there isn't some kind of general closeness of feel-
ing between these two, it is an impossible situation, at least the
way I believe it should be run.
I personally believe the Vice President of the United States
557
^ 112 Public Papers of the Presidents
should never be a nonentity. I believe he should be used. I
believe he should have a very useful job. And I think that ours
has. Ours has worked as hard as any man I know in this whole
executive department.
Q. Edward P. Morgan, American Broadcasting Company: I
may be mistaken about this, sir, but I had the impression earlier
that you might not be able to go to San Francisco, and I wondered
if that were a fact, what might have changed your decision, and
whether it had anything to do with preparations, your prepara-
tions, for the so-called summit meeting?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, as a matter of fact, when the invitation
was first issued, I didn't know when this summit meeting might
take place, and so I just retumed a rather nonconmiittal answer,
told them I would answer later.
Also, the date specified first that they wanted me conflicted with
another engagement I had. And then they asked me for the
1 8th, and it cleared up everything, and so I am going. I mean
the 20th — ^pardon me.
I should like very much to extend to this group a welcome on
behalf of the people of the United States, [on] the loth anniver-
sary. I think that it is well that the whole country review the
record of accomplishment and failure, and we kind of fix in our
own minds again what are our hopes and our expectations for
such a body. So I would hope to do my little part by going out
there to bring us all to thinking about it a little more seriously.
Q. Walter Kerr, New York Herald Tribune : Mr. President,
may we take it from your answer to a previous question that at a
summit meeting you would not consider it advisable to raise
specific questions such as the unification of Germany or Eastern
Europe?
THE PREsroENT. Well, I dou't mean to say, Mr. Kerr, they
won't be raised. Of course they will. But what I mean is that
I don't believe that at such a meeting you can thrash out every
detail that would finally have to be worked out if you are going
to have an agreed-upon plan or scheme for doing this, a plan to
558
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 113
which our great ally, Western Germany, could agree, and all
others concerned. As you know, we expect Western Germany to
be one of our finest allies, and we are not going to ignore their
wishes in any thing.
Merriman Smith, United Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
NOTE : President Eisenhower's seven- to 1 1 : 05 o'clock on Tuesday morn-
tieth news conference was held in the ing. May 31, 1955. In attendance:
Executive Office Building from 10:32 1 65.
113 ^ Statement by the President on the Polio
Vaccine Situation. May 3 1 , 1 955
I WOULD LIKE to issue the following statement about the polio
vaccine situation. The last week has been both eventful and
encouraging.
A committee of scientists is now screening polio vaccine before
it is released for public use. The Surgeon General of the Public
Health Service tells me that it is hoped to release some vaccine
within a few days. Batches of vaccine must pass the most careful
tests that scientists can devise and be as safe and effective as man
can make the vaccine.
According to Dr. Francis' report on last year's field tests, the
child who was vaccinated had a three times better chance of
avoiding polio than the child who was not vaccinated.
There has been delay in the vaccination program. But remem-
ber— we are dealing in this field with the lives of our children
and our grandchildren. Because of scientific work that was done
during that delay science has learned new things about the way
viruses behave in large scale manufacture and about the way
we should make vaccine. Scientists have been able to design
testing techniques of greater sensitivity and production tech-
niques which build in a greater factor of safety and additional
checks on the final product. So from that delay science has
gained new knowledge, new safeguards.
559
^ 113 Public Papers of the Presidents
I want to caution the people of our nation about two things:
First: No vaccination program can prevent all cases of the
disease against which it is directed. Let us not forget that Dr.
Francis reported the polio vaccine as used in the 1954 ^^^^ ^^^^^
was found to be 60 to 90 percent — ^not 100 percent — effective
in the field trials last year.
Second : Although the manufacturers are now moving toward
full scale production and distribution of this vaccine, it will take
them varying periods of time to "retool" to meet the revised
production standards. During the months immediately ahead
we must be patient while our limited supply of vaccine is used
first to help protect those who need it most.
Every parent and every child should be grateful to those
scientists who have been working without rest and without relief
during recent weeks to find answers to the problems that caused
the delay. They have found these answers and another battle
in the continuing fight against polio has been won.
DISTRIBUTION
Since April 12 the National Foundation for Infantile Paralysis
has been furnishing free vaccine for children in the first and
second grades, and for children in the third grade who partici-
pated in the field tests of vaccine last year. More than 5 J/2 million
children have been vaccinated — including one of my grand-
children, a first grader. This free vaccination program is the
initial method for getting the vaccine to our children. No vaccine
is now being distributed in any other way.
Sufficient vaccine to complete the Foundation's program should
be released within 60 days. Until it is finished all vaccine pro-
duced will go to the Foundation.
The fact that some children do not get their second injection
promptly will not reduce the effectiveness of the first injection.
Dr. Salk, himself, stated last week that the level of immunity de-
veloped by the first injection would last many months.
560
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 113
DISTRIBUTION WHEN THE FOUNDATION PROGRAM IS COMPLETED
As soon as the Foundation program is completed, distribution
must continue to proceed in a fair and orderly manner. The
Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare presented to me two
weeks ago a sound plan for the distribution of the vaccine. I
promptly endorsed that plan and made it pubHc.
Briefly the voluntary control plan for distribution will work as
follows:
1. Priorities. The vaccine must be used first for those most
susceptible to polio. Not only is this just, but also by reducing the
incidence of the disease among those most likely to get it we
increase the protection for all of us. The National Advisory Com-
mittee on Poliomyelitis Vaccine and the Secretary of Health,
Education and Welfare have recommended that the vaccine be
administered first to children of the ages of 5 to 9, inclusive.
I strongly endorse this recommendation and call upon our peo-
ple to adhere strictly to the age 5 to 9 priority during the months
ahead. No person not in the 5 to 9 age group should be vac-
cinated until the children of these age groups have received two
vaccinations. The doctors of the country, through the American
Medical Association, have pledged their support of these
priorities.
The age group of second priority will be established and
announced in due course.
2. Output of the Manufacturers. Each of the manufacturers
of the vaccine has individually agreed to distribute his entire
output of vaccine in accordance with this overall plan adopted
by the Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare on the rec-
ommendation of the National Advisory Committee.
3. Allocation to States. The Secretary of Health, Education
and Welfare will compile reports on the total output of the manu-
facturers and allocate the vaccine to each State on the basis of
its population of unvaccinated children within the 5 through 9
age group, and subsequently, for other age groups.
561
^ 113 Public Papers of the Presidents
4. State Responsibility. The States will advise the Secretary
of Health, Education and Welfare as to their general plans for
distribution of the vaccine and, specifically, their shipping in-
structions for manufacturers. This information then will be
transmitted to the manufacturers.
^. Vaccination Programs. To assure that no child is denied
vaccination by reason of its cost, some states and localities may
operate mass free pubUc vaccination programs for all children.
Other states may provide free vaccination only for children
whose parents are unable to pay, through clinics, schools and pre-
school programs, or by furnishing free vaccine to private phy-
sicians. In those States, a portion of the State allocation of
vaccine will flow into normal drug distribution channels for the
exclusive use of children in the priority age brackets — to be
administered by family doctors.
To assist the States in providing free vaccinations, I have rec-
ommended that the Congress enact legislation making $28 million
available to the States for the purchase of vaccine. This legisla-
tion is now being considered by the appropriate Committees of
the Congress and I urge its immediate adoption.
6. Keeping of Records. Doctors, as well as all manufacturers
and distributors of the vaccine, will keep records of the vaccine
they handle. Cooperation to this end has been pledged by the
doctors, the manufacturers and the distributors.
This plan for distribution of the vaccine can go into effect as
soon as the free vaccination program of the National Foundation
for Infantile Paralysis is completed. Under it, the Federal Gov-
ernment will assume responsibility for the equitable allocation of
the vaccine among the States, and the States will assume respon-
sibility for the direction of distribution within their borders.
The program will operate in a sure and orderly way, given the
full cooperation of the State officials, the manufacturers, the dis-
tributors, the medical profession, and the people of the Nation. I
562
Dwight D. Eisenhower, JQ55 ^ 114
am confident that the program will receive that support.
For these reasons I do not believe that regulatory legislation
in this field is necessary.
We all hope that the dread disease of poliomyelitis can be
eradicated from our society. With the combined efforts of all,
the Salk vaccine will be made available for our children in a
manner in keeping with our highest traditions of cooperative
national action.
note: The report referred to early dent referred to a plan of distribu-
in this message was prepared by Dr. tion which he had received from the
Thomas F. Francis^ Director, Polio- Secretary of Health, Education, and
myelitis Vaccine Evaluation Center, Welfare and had made public. This
University of Michigan. Entitled plan was in the form of a report to
"An Evaluation of the 1954 Polio- the President dated May 16, 1955.
myelitis Vaccine Trials," the report, Mimeographed copies of this report
dated April 12, 1955, was published (34 pages with appendixes) were
by the Center. made available by the White House.
Later in the statement the Presi-
114 ^ Message to the Senate Transmitting the
Austrian State Treaty. June i, 1955
To the Senate of the United States:
With a view to receiving the advice and consent of the Senate
to ratification, I transmit herewith the State Treaty for the Re-
EstabUshment of an Independent and Democratic Austria, signed
at Vienna on May 15, 1955.
There is further transmitted for the information of the Senate
the report made to me by the Secretary of State regarding the
aforesaid Treaty.
The Austrian State Treaty represents the cubnination of an
effort by the Western Powers extending over a period of more
than eight years to bring about Soviet agreement to grant Austria
its freedom. The restoration of Austria's freedom and inde-
pendence has been a major objective of United States policy
563
^ 114 Public Papers of the Presidents
since the pledge of Austrian liberation made by the Governments
of the United States, the United Kingdom, the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics and France in the Moscow Declaration of
November i, 1943. Until last April, the Soviet Union, while
professing a desire for Austrian independence, by its actions and
policies blocked the redemption of that pledge. The reversal
in policy by the Soviet Government following its failure to prevent
ratification of the Paris Pacts has now permitted the conclusion
of an Austrian treaty and has won for freedom another important
triumph. Moreover, it has emphasized clearly the significance
of Western unity to the future of free men in every part of the
world.
The Treaty provides for the termination of the occupation and
the reestablishment of Austria, within the borders as they existed
on January i, 1938, as a sovereign, independent and democratic
state. All occupation forces will be withdrawn within ninety
days of the coming into force of the Treaty, and so far as possible
not later than December 31, 1955.
After seventeen years of occupation, the Austrian Government
and people are naturally anxious that ratification of the Treaty
may be effected as quickly as possible. The pledge of the Moscow
Declaration will have been fulfilled only upon entry into force of
the Treaty and the consequent withdrawal of foreign occupation
troops from Austria. I urge, therefore, that the Senate take early
and favorable action with respect to the Austrian State Treaty.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
NOTE : The text of the treaty and the published in Senate Executive G
report of the Secretary of State are (84th Cong., ist sess.).
564
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 115
115 ^ Remarks on Acceptance of a Palestinian
''Lamp of Freedom" From the United Jewish
Appeal. June 3, 1955
I AM DELIGHTED, on behalf of the Allied Forces who, advanc-
ing from the west, did so much to crush Nazi tyranny, to accept
this beautiful and ancient relic of Jewish civilization.
I am certain that those Forces — the American forces and their
Allies — ^were representing only what we would call the heart of
freedom, the beUef that all people are entided to life, liberty, and
the pursuit of happiness — that where these are denied one man,
they are threatened for all.
And so I am sure those Forces felt that in uncovering these
camps, relieving the disasters and correcting the terrible condi-
tions under which those people were living, they were not doing
it fundamentally and merely because they were Jews, or anybody
else. They were unfortunate human beings, and I think the
heart of America and the heart of Britain and of France and the
other Western Allies responded to that kind of inspiration and
were delighted to do it.
It was a tremendous privilege and a great change from the
killing of war to turn your armies to saving human lives and
human dignity.
I sincerely trust that all those people are now living in health
and happiness, or at least under conditions that are those of
self-respect and decency.
Thank you very much for this treasure, which is unique and I
have nothing like it, I assure you.
NOTE : The President spoke at a cere- As Supreme Commander, Allied
mony in the Rose Garden following Expeditionary Forces, Europe, in
the presentation of the lamp by Wil- World War II, you led the Allied
liam Rosenwald, General Chairman Forces to victory, threw down the
of the United Jewish Appeal. gates of the concentration camps and
Mr. Rosenwald's remarks follow: helped to save from extermination
565
§ 115
Public Papers of the Presidents
the remnant of the once-great Jewish
populations of Europe.
By your sympathetic understand-
ing of the problems involved, and by
your effective action, you set a pat-
tern of humane and helpful treat-
ment. Your example prevailed in
the American zones of occupation
and served to revive and restore the
newly liberated Jews of Central Eu-
rope and those who sought haven
there.
As an instance of your friendly
concern, on September 17, 1945, you
paid a special visit to Camp Feldafing
on the Day of Atonement, the first
to be observed by liberated Displaced
Persons. You raised the morale of
the DP's when you said to them,
"You are here only temporarily and
you must be patient until the day
comes — and it will come — ^when you
will leave here for the places you
wish to go."
By your memorable prophecy you
sounded the keynote for the life-
saving program of the United Jewish
Appeal in the decade that followed.
It is an honor therefore, to present
to you, as a mark of our esteem and
of our profound appreciation, this
ancient lamp from the Land of the
Bible bearing the following inscrip-
tion:
TO D WIGHT D. EISENHOWER
President of the United States of
America
who has kept the Lamp of Freedom
burning
Presented in deepest gratitude by the
UNITED JEWISH APPEAL
for his distinguished humanitarian
service
to victims of Nazi tyranny
This antique lamp from the Land of
the Bible, dating from approximately
50 C.E., symbolizes twenty centuries
of Jewish history in which each gen-
eration renewed its devotion to free-
dom's ideals.
116 ^ Veto of Bill for Relief of Kurt Glaser.
June 3, 1955
To the United States Senate:
I return herewith, without my approval, S. 143, "For the
relief of Kurt Glaser."
The bill would accord permanent residence immigration status
to a native of Czechoslovakia who entered this country in July
1 95 1 from Austria as an exchange visitor under one of the pro-
566
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ ii6
grams authorized by the United States Information and Educa-
tional Exchange Act of 1 948.
All of the exchange programs are founded upon good faith.
We can maintain them as effective instruments for promoting
international understanding and good will only if we insist that
the participants honor their commitments to observe the condi-
tions of the exchange in the same way that they expect the United
States to honor its obligations to them. On the one hand, ex-
change aUens must return to the country from which they came.
On the other hand, the United States must not permit either
immediate reentry or other evasion of the return rule. Other-
wise, the countries from which our exchange visitors come will
realize little or no benefit from the training and experience re-
ceived in the United States, and we shall fail to promote good
will toward and better understanding of our way of life.
Unfortunately, the United States Information and Educa-
tional Exchange Act does not specifically obligate exchange per-
sonnel to return to the country from which admitted and to
remain there for a minimum period before being eligible to regain
admission to the United States. Administrative requirements
have been imposed to compensate for this lack of a specific
statutory requirement. Within the last year, however, a number
of cases have arisen in which humanitarian and equitable con-
siderations have argued so persuasively against imposing such a
requirement that the Congress has been willing to consider and
to enact a number of private bills to adjust the status of exchange
personnel. By permitting them to remain in the United States
for permanent residence, these bills have granted them immigra-
tion status without regard to the normal procedures under our
immigration laws.
Up to the present time, most of the circumstances which have
led to the enactment of each bill have been exceptional. Even
though I have recognized that the principle underlying each bill
was at variance with the basic concept and philosophy of the
exchange programs, I have not been willing to require deporta-
567
^ ii6 Public Papers of the Presidents
tion at the possible risk of creating undue hardship and, in several
cases, of jeopardizing the safety of the individual concerned.
Such considerations are not present in the case of Mr. Glaser.
I am satisfied that both he and his sponsor understood their
obligations to terminate his stay. In fact, the State Depart-
ment's records indicate that a basic purpose of the sponsoring
company in seeking exchange visitors was to train foreign engi-
neers in the company's specialty in cooperation with the Interna-
tional Center of the University of Louisville. Furthermore,
certification was signed by the Vice President of the company in
which the following appears : "An attempt will be made to insure,
insofar as possible, that any exchange visitor coming under the
program of the sponsoring agency will adhere to the conditions
under which he was admitted to the United States and will depart
from the United States on completion of the purpose of the visit."
Finally, there is no evidence that a return to Austria will work
any hardship on either the company or Mr. Glaser beyond that
of disrupting an association which has proved productive, useful,
friendly, and profitable.
Under the circumstances, therefore, I feel it is my duty to
disapprove this bill and at the same time to recommend enact-
ment by the Congress of a clear statutory requirement that ex-
change personnel return home and remain there for a minimum
period before being eligible to reenter the United States for
permanent residence. Such provisions of law will protect the
purposes of the exchange program, will prevent unjustifiable
evasion of immigration procedures, and will establish legislative
policy to guide the Committees of Congress in taking action on
future private bills which would set aside the general law.
Legislation for this purpose has been forwarded to the Con-
gress by the Department of State this week. I urge its prompt
consideration.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
568
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 117
117 ^ Remarks at the United States Military
Academy Alumni Luncheon, West Point,
New York. June 6, 1955
General Bryan, my classmates, and all the sons of West Point
here assembled:
I am indeed highly privileged to have these few moments to
say a word to you. The hall is packed with my personal friends.
My life does not have the freedom that it did once that would
allow me to search each out and exchange a word as I would like
to do. S05 by according me this privilege, I can say God bless
each one of you, I should like very much to see you and talk to
you alone.
I am very mindful of the admonition we have, that we are to
clear this hall early, and I am not going to be guilty of consuming
too much of your time. Moreover, my next engagement is to
pay my respects to the distinguished president of this association,
and I hope I may conduct your good wishes to him, at the same
time — General Fenton.
I think any man in this spot would search his heart in the
effort to find some new way in which he could pay a special
tribute to our alma mater. I am not going to pretend that I
know enough about this institution to be here in the position of
a preceptor. There are people here who have devoted their
lives — I heard General Bryan say he personally was on his fourth
tour here — ^have devoted their lives to bettering this institution.
And I, for one, think they have done it.
Last evening I was reading an advance copy of a book written
by Colonel Reeder — I hope he will take it as a plug, too. It is a
book about plebes in West Point. An old grad came to West
Point on the day before the graduation parade, and three plebes
were standing in their rooms, bracing as hard as they could. And
the old grad said, "Don't they haze plebes around here any
569
^ iij Public Papers of the Presidents
more?" And these plebes looked at him with some amazement
considering their positions. And he said, "I do hope, when you
get to be yearhngs, you will really restore the plebe system."
As we all know, the place isn't what it used to be, and never
was. I think that is lucky for all of us.
The special tribute I would like to pay would be more about
methodology, I think, than anything else. As some of you may
know, my experience in my new life is short but it has been rather
intensive; and I have had a very great deal of opportunity to
compare standards and methods and practices — ^in the life I now
find — ^with the standards and methods and practices that I knew
through 40 years of service with my associates from this Academy,
and others that make up the Armed Services.
We are trained to deal in facts. To be truthful. To present
our case as forcefully, as eloquently, as our talents may permit.
To accept the judgment handed down by our commander and
to perform our duty to the very best of our ability.
We learned long ago from the examples of those leaders we
admire, that bad deportment is never to be confused with
strength of character. If a man is sure of himself and the in-
tegrity of the processes he has used to reach his decisions he can
be strong but he can be mild.
In the life that we find outside the Armed Services there seems
to be a prevalent notion that if you call enough names, if you
hammer enough desks, that you are a great leader. Happily,
this Academy has never subscribed to any such false belief.
Now the reason I mention this is because I find throughout
this country an ever-growing respect for West Point. A few
years back, I was a member of a board called by Secretary For-
restal to determine whether or not the Air Force should have
their own Academy, and I declined to serve as chairman because
my mind was made up — ^but I was perfectly willing to serve and
cast my vote the way I thought it should be.
On that board was an eminent group of educators, presidents
of colleges, deans of great schools, professors. Without exception
570
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 117
they testified to the excellence of the education in West Point and
in Annapolis. Both institutions they searched very carefully
through the medium of task forces. And they were struck by this
one fact. They said there seems to be a spirit prevalent in these
places that makes the truth and integrity the first thing — the first
standard that all students must observe. The breadth of the edu-
cation here impressed them. Because there was, of course, a sort
of prevalent notion in our country that if you were trained for
the military, you were necessarily narrow. They commented at
great length upon the type of education here, the methods used
so as to produce leaders who did deal in truth, in fact, and in
sound conclusion.
I think their opinions of West Point are fully borne out by a
record that was communicated to me yesterday by the Super-
intendent, that this institution provided more Rhodes scholar-
ships in the next class than any other in the country. I believe
there are four to go from the Academy, and there would have
been more except that cadets had to compete against cadets in
the final competition.
Moreover, I think it is perfectly fitting and quite wonderful
that the First Captain, the man who in the military tactics is
concerned for military discipline and procedures, won the highest
awards from the tactical staff, and is one of those men showing
not only the breadth of his own comprehension but of the educa-
tion he has here received.
So I say again, if with the great spirit — the purposes — of this
Academy, if we can show and continue to show through this
spreading knowledge of our Academies throughout the country,
we may finally convince people that leadership is something of
the heart and of the head. It is not merely of a fluent and wicked
tongue. I could cite examples all through our history. And I
do say this: I believe that if we have found a man who has had
to resort to desk-pounding, if he were a great leader, he was in
spite of that habit and not because of it.
To each of you my very best wishes. I hope that in the few
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^ 1 1 7 Public Papers of the Presidents
hours remaining before graduation, I will get to see some more
of you that I have not seen. Thank you for your attention.
note: The President spoke in Wash- Later the President referred to Brig,
ington Hall at 1:22 p.m. His open- Gen. Chauncey L. Fenton, USA
ing words "General Bryan" referred (Retired), who was President of the
to Maj. Gen. Blackshear M. Bryan, West Point Association of Graduates
Superintendent of the Academy, and of the West Point Alumni
Foimdation.
118 ^ Address at the Graduation Ceremonies,
United States Military Academy, West Point,
New York. June 7, 1955
General Bryan, members of this graduating class. West Point
Alumni, ladies and gentlemen:
In the year 19 15 I was one of a hundred sixty-four cadets who
through four West Point years had eagerly looked forward — ^just
as you of this class have done — to the moment of graduation.
Actually we thought of it as Uberation; but forty busy years have
somewhat changed that youthful viewpoint.
During our Academy careers, we had, to the best of our ability,
or at least to the maximum of our inclination, prepared ourselves
in the lessons and the experiences of the past for a future that, we
complacently felt, was predictable in pattem and design.
None among us could have realized that the world in which
our fathers and we had lived was, at that moment, disappearing.
True, in Europe there was a war ! But this tragic fact did not
alarm us as it should have, for the Nation itself was not awake to
the great threat thereby imposed on it. Wars — ^bloody and pro-
longed or one-sided and quick in their outcome — ^were in some
countries still considered almost normal instruments for the
achievement of a nation's objectives. The First World War
erased all grounds for such smugness. Even our own country
finally became a participant. Great European empires were de-
572
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 1 1 8
stroyed. The world was confronted with human losses of stagger-
ing and unprecedented proportions.
By that war's end, over three years after our graduation, man-
kind had come to understand that any war is a human disaster —
and in any major war the extent of the disaster is global. None
escapes its effects.
Most of my class lived to see this lesson driven home with stun-
ning emphasis more than two decades later. A second global
conflict closed, just ten years ago, with a weapon that could make
of war a catastrophe approaching almost the extermination of
mankind.
By the calendar, exactly forty years separates my class from
this one of 1 955 . Yet by the changes mine has seen — ^in the weap-
ons of combat and the tools of peace, in the balance of interna-
tional power, in the thinking of men — there might as easily be
forty as four decades separating us.
Obviously, change is inescapable in human society. Since the
beginning of history, the quality of a nation has been measured
by its capacity to meet and to master evolving circumstances; the
capacity of a man has been gauged, in part, by his flexible adjust-
ment to the new and novel without sacrifice of principle or aban-
donment of standards. But change, in the leisurely days of the
past, was gradual and evolutionary; the armies of Napoleon
moved across Western Europe with no more speed than those of
Caesar, his predecessor by eighteen centuries.
Now, within a single generation, a natural process has become a
cataclysmic rush. This should generate neither a despairing belief
that the tide of events is beyond human control nor an apathetic
acceptance that human ability is not equal to the immense prob-
lems newly arisen. It does mean that we must think better and
faster and more wisely than ever before.
When gas warfare was first introduced in combat in World
War I, the techniques necessary to adjust for use the crude protec-
tive equipment of the time were both laborious and exacting.
Because of this there grew up a saying in the Army that when a
40808-— 59 S9 5 73
^ 1 1 8 Public Papers of the Presidents
gas attack was met there were only two kinds of soldiers on the
battlefront — "the quick and the dead."
Of the nations of today the future will say that there were two
kinds : those that were intelligent, courageous, decisive, and tire-
less in their support of high principle — and those that disap-
peared from the earth.
The true patriots of today are those who are giving their best
to assure that our own country will always be found in the first of
these categories.
You, who graduate today, will be servants of the civil power,
committed to quick obedience. But you may someday be re-
sponsible for the lives of men — possibly the fate of a campaign.
No signal from headquarters will then communicate to you the
proper action. The moment will not wait on the completion of a
staff study. The arena of decision will be your own mind and
conscience, naked of others' counsel. To be ready for that crisis
is one mission of the American soldier.
The other is vastly different. Although you are to be leaders
in the profession of arms, trained for the winning of battle, you
are members of a vast team, the American Nation. Its historic
objectives have always been human dignity, human peace, human
prosperity. These, as a public servant, you must help attain.
In this, no mastery of command can substitute for an intelligent
comprehension of the economic goals, the political impulses, the
spiritual aspirations that move tens of millions of people. But
your greatest opportunity for enduring contribution to America
may well come at a council table, far removed from war.
This country now approaches a Big Four Conference.
The populations of the countries to be represented at this Con-
ference constitute only a fraction of mankind. And free nations
do not claim any right to speak for others.
Therefore, this prospective meeting of the Four Powers can at
best be only a beginning in a renewed effort that may last a
generation. It is a task that may result in a long series of con-
ferences. In them, this Government, meeting with others, will
574
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig55 ^ ii8
further extend its search for ways in which the peaceful
aspirations of mankind may be advanced.
Though only a few individuals will be at those conferences to
speak for America, yet in a definite sense we shall all be there —
all of you, all the citizens of this great land. For the American
words spoken in a world council will be of moment only if they
conform to the spirit that is the true strength of our country.
Militarily and materially we are strong. More important, we
are strong in the partnership of many allies. But above all, our
Nation is strong in its support of principle : we espouse the cause
of freedom and justice and peace for all peoples, regardless of
race or flag or political ideology. Though in this strength we
have reason for confidence, we likewise have need for wisdom,
and the caution that wisdom enforces — at the conference table
itself, in the halls of government, in every place of business and
in every home in America.
By caution, I mean: a prudent guard against fatuous expec-
tations that a world, sick with ignorance, mutual fears and hates,
can be miraculously cured by a single meeting. I mean a stem
determination that we shall not be reckless and witless, relaxing
our posture merely because a persistent foe may assume a smiling
face and a soft voice.
By wisdom, I mean: a calm awareness that strength at home,
strength in allies, strength in moral position, arm us in impregna-
ble fashion to meet every wile and stratagem that may be used
against us. But I mean also a persevering resolution to explore
every decent avenue toward a lasting and just peace, no matter
how many and bitter our disappointments. I mean an inspired
faith that men's determination and capacity to better their world
will in time override their ability to destroy it; and that human-
ity's hunger for peace and justice is a mightier force than a few
men's lust for power.
By the Preamble to the Constitution, the common defense —
the first mission of the soldier — ^is elevated to a like rank with the
loftiest objectives of men and women united in a free society. Its
575
^ ii8 Public Papers of the Presidents
execution, therefore, deserves and demands the best that's in you.
Nevertheless, your entire lives may and should be as seriously
devoted to leading toward peace as in preparing yourselves for
the tasks of war. Almost certainly, some of you will sit at future
council tables as principals or as staff advisers. Your second
mission, then, will be to represent accurately the heart and
purposes of America.
These purposes are rooted in spiritual values.
Thus:
We are determined to preserve intact the traditions and prin-
ciples which constitute what we call the American Heritage —
the political, intellectual, moral truths that animate America. In
this sense we must forever remember that the liberty and rights of
the individual, limited only by the restriction that he infringe not
upon the equal liberty and rights of others, are the cornerstone of
our national existence. Unless we remain true to all that this
means in worship, in thought, in speech, in work, and in the
products of our individual toil, then all else will be for naught.
We shall protect our system against all enemies, foreign and
domestic, and conserve the basic methods, practices, attitudes,
and governmental organisms that time has proved most profita-
ble for the solution of our problems. For example, individual
initiative, competitive enterprise, the maximum local control of
government are rooted in our belief that the human individual is
the basis of society and the key to growth and progress. They
work ! To ignore them in the solution of problems is to water
down the American formula for achievement.
We strive to correct the faulty and deficient in such manner
that haste for change will not waste resources and effort; that
constructive evolution will not degenerate into destructive
revolution.
We know we must expand aggressively the application of new
scientific knowledge and new techniques to every field of human
endeavor for the improvement of man's existence. War necessity
made nuclear fission initially a science of destruction, but we
576
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ Ii8
aspire to be foremost in harnessing its mighty power for peaceful
use and the betterment of human living. Finally, we seek con-
stantly to enrich the cultural content of our daily living. We hope
to fortify the spirit of all of us in a wise understanding of our
country's role in this time of quick and vast change and to pre-
pare her better to lead toward peace.
As soldiers you will live by the traditions of the Service — built
in the halls and on the campus of this greatest of all academies
of its kind, and on many battlefields from Bunker Hill to the
Korean mountains. They are a spiritual heritage whose intact
preservation must be a first concern. All the wit and knowledge
you may achieve can count for little in a desperate clutch unless
there burns within you the inspiration springing from great
traditions.
But — ^you must be ruthless in a self-imposed command never
to rest in the pursuit of new knowledge, in your application of it
to your own duties. You will be pioneers in the search for new
ways to strengthen the common defense from the platoon to the
General Staff. Many times you will feel that your mistakes out-
number your triumphs. But without the yeast of pioneers, the
United States Army or any other organization of men cannot
escape degeneration into a ritualistic worship of the status quo.
All of us gratefully acknowledge, as our fathers before us, our
dependence on the guidance of Divine Providence. But this
dependence must not tempt us to evade our personal responsi-
bility to use every one of our individual and collective talents for
the better discharge of our lifetime missions.
Working and living in this spirit, you as soldiers will make
yourselves and the Army a professional counterpart of the Ameri-
can Way — ^jealously conserving principle; forceful in practice;
courageous and calm in present crises; steadfast and patient in
the long campaign for a secure and peaceful world; stout of faith
in yourselves, your Alma Mater, your country and your God.
NOTE : The President's opening words Gen. Blackshear M. Bryan, Superin-
"General Bryan" referred to Maj. tendent of the Academy.
577
^ 119 Public Papers of the Presidents
119 ^ The President's News Conference of
Jwn^ 8, 1955.
THE PRESIDENT. Ladics and gentlemen, there is one item each in
the foreign and domestic fields that I would like to call attention
to. One is the invitation of the Soviet Government to Chancellor
Adenauer to talk over some of their mutual problems. I think
it is only a natural consequence of the developments that are tak-
ing place in Western Europe that the Soviets should issue such an
invitation.
As you know, the consequence of those developments has been
the establishment of the Westem Republic of Germany as an
independent nation, and therefore it seems to be a logical gesture
on the part of the Soviets to invite them in for a talk.
Now, of course, the decision of what's to be done about the invi-
tation is exclusively that of the Federal Government of Western
Germany, Chancellor Adenauer himself. The only point I want
to make is that we know Chancellor Adenauer. We have the
utmost faith and confidence in him, and we know one thing, that
he will stand by his allies and friends.
The item in the local scene I wanted to mention was just a
report that I saw yesterday on employment. The May employ-
ment apparently hit an alltime record, although it is not the high-
est peak that we have ever had, the '53 peak, I believe, of 63
million. This figure was 62,700,000. But employment for May
was up a million over April and unemployment was down a half
a million, figures which certainly are cause for gratification.
Those two items are the ones I wanted to mention.
We will go to the questions.
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press : Mr. President, have you
received any reply from the Russian Government on our invita-
tion to meet in Geneva on the 1 8th?
THE PRESIDENT. No, WC havC UOt.
Q. Chalmers M. Roberts, Washington Post and Times Her-
578
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1Q55 ^ 119
aid : Mr. President, if I understand correctly, one of the premises
of your trimming the manpower in the Army has been the idea
of a ready, trained reserve. The reserve bill was sidetracked in
the House recently because of a segregation rider affecting the
National Guard in the States, and also an amendment which
would appear to rule out the sending of such reserves to countries
where we have these Status of Forces agreements.
I wonder if you could tell us what plans the administration has
to get this bill out, if my assumption is correct that you feel that
it is vital.
THE PREsroENT. Well, of coursc, I feel the reserve bill is vital,
and if the House situation has gotten so difficult that they can do
nothing there now, why, then, I will most urgently hope that the
Senate can do something about it.
I want to bring out again, I suppose it is only natural that I
should speak very feelingly on anything that affects the Armed
Forces of the United States. I certainly lived among them many
years.
This reserve bill is more essential than ever before to the secu-
rity of the United States. We need trained men in every single
section of this country. We acknowledge, as we look at the prob-
able face of future warfare, if ever we must face that tragedy,
we acknowledge that every hamlet and important city of the
United States is likely to be on the front lines.
If that is true, why do we not want someone in those front lines
that is trained and ready to do something sensible and logical
instead of giving way, as most of us would, undoubtedly, to the
hysteria of the moment and just light running? We have to have
discipline. We have to have people that are trained as to what to
expect, and respond logically.
So, from the standpoint of the United States and the character
of warfare, I am merely showing that over and above the old
need of reinforcing active units to carry on conventional types of
warfare, you need somebody every place, where each State — over
and above its National Guard contingents — can have somebody
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^ 1 1 9 Public Papers of the Presidents
there who is discipHned and ready to act and support all the police
and fire prevention action that must take place locally.
Then our own National Guard units need people who have been
thoroughly grounded in military training.
Next, we must carry on our conflicts if we have to wage them,
or our mobilizations if we have to order one, with people who
haven't been off to war already one or two or three times and
now are raising families. It certainly is unjust to depend for
training only on the people who have already done their stint in
defending our country.
Finally, entirely aside from the whole question of fairness, the
whole question of national security, comes the individual himself.
It is these individuals who must defend the United States, and
why should they not have the advantage of some prior training?
Now these are the reasons for a reserve bill.
Now, I am just as anxious to get this thing done as I can
possibly be. In some details, the bill as was finally brought out
on the floor before it was amended had changed some of the
items in which I believed. But the bill, on the whole, as it came
out of the committee represented a tremendous advance over
anything we had ever had. I beUeve that we just must have it,
that is what I believe. I believe it is terrifically important.
You mention the question of relationship between that and the
size of active forces. Of course, there is a relationship, but I say,
and I assure you that in my opinion no increase in the Armed
Forces, active forces, of a logical size could possibly compensate
for not having a reserve. We must have it. That is the way I
feel about it.
Q. Mr. Roberts: Could I ask on the specific point of the
segregation amendment how you stand on that?
THE PRESIDENT. I think the record of this administration on
carrying out its pledges in this whole field of segregation is a good
one. We have worked hard to take the Federal responsibility
in this regard, and to carry it forward so as to get real advance-
ment.
580
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig55 ^ 119
I believe, on the other hand, that it is entirely erroneous to try
to get legislation of this character through tacking it on to some-
thing that is so vital to the security of the United States as the
security program. The mere fact that we can't all have our ways
about particular things in social progress — does that mean we
don't want to defend our country?
Why do we make the defense of our country dependent upon
all of us getting our own ways here?
Now, as I say, I think the administration's record here stands
up very, very well indeed, compared with any other administra-
tion I know of. But I just don't believe that it is the place to
have any kind of extraneous legislation, I care not what it is.
Q. Lloyd M. Schwartz, Fairchild PubUcations: Mr. President,
the Senate Labor Committee yesterday voted a $1 minimum
wage bill, which is 10 cents more than you recommended. Now,
as I understand it. Governor Adams reportedly has told the legis-
lative leaders on the Hill that the dollar is acceptable to the
administration. I wonder if you could tell us whether you
would
THE PRESIDENT. Hc Said what? I didn't
Q. Mr. Schwartz: He reportedly has told legislative leaders
that the i -dollar wage bill is acceptable, and that you would
sign it.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I dou't kuow who gave you that infor-
mation, because I am sure the Governor didn't tell me that.
[Laughter] I think I would be interested. [Laughter]
Now, actually, my recommendations and the reasons for them
were given in my annual message, and I have seen nothing to
change them. I did advocate a 90-cent minimum wage with
extensions in the fields where Congress could find it applicable
and logical.
I should like to point out again that one of the reasons given
for the 90-cent was recognizing certain increases in the cost of
living since the last minimum wage, the 75-cent one, was enacted.
I want to point out again that since January of '53, the cost
40308—59 40 5 ^ ^
^ II 9 Public Papers of the Presidents
of living index has varied within i percent. It has been a record
of stability in these last months.
That stability, let me say, is not any particular favor to rich
and wealthy people and to great corporations. What it is im-
portant to is the person who has to meet a monthly budget and
who has to look forward to his old age, living on pensions and
insurance policies. Stability of the dollar is one of the things
that makes this economy continue to expand and grow and give
to all of our people the confidence to which they are entitled.
I do believe that the reasons given there in that state of the
Union speech are still sound.
Q. James B. Reston, New York Times: Mr. President, since
Chancellor Adenauer is going to be in this country, I believe,
next week, are you planning to see him at that time before you
go to the Big Four meeting?
THE PRESIDENT. Oh, ycs. He is coming to lunch with me. I
thought I had — haven't we announced that?
Mr. Hagerty : Yes, June 14th.
THE PRESIDENT. He is comiug to lunch on June 14th.
Q. Charles S. von Fremd, CBS News: Mr. President, I would
like to go back to the Big Four again, sir.
THE PRESroENT. YcS.
Q. Mr. von Fremd: At West Point yesterday you said that we
must have prudent caution to keep any hopes of great expectations
for accomplishments from growing too large, and your Secretary
of State and other leading officials in and out of the administration
have voiced the same warning.
The Russians for some time have indicated they didn't think
that very much could be accomplished at a meeting, and I won-
der, sir, if you do think there is a real chance for having
accomplishments of note at the meeting at the summit.
THE PRESIDENT. I also Said in that talk that we would never
cease searching out any new method or avenue that might lead
toward peace, and I told you people, a couple of weeks ago, that
there is a great faith in the world that a talk at the summit might
582
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 119
open up one of these new paths that we could follow logically
and properly.
All I have tried to say is this : let's not expect too much from
the first one, but let us do hope that we have opened up a new
way, a new thought, a new feeling or atmosphere in the whole
business, and maybe then our work will be fruitful instead of
constantly frustrating.
Now, I also tried to point out, let's not expect it all at once.
If we do get an encouraging feeling about this thing, then let us
pursue it courageously, sincerely, and thoroughly, no matter how
many years it takes. That is all I am trying to say.
Q. William H. Lawrence, New York Times: Mr. President,
in connection with that last answer you gave, in seeking and
searching
THE PRESIDENT. YcS.
Q. Mr. Lawrence: 1 wonder, sir, why is it necessary to
limit in advance the deliberations of the heads of state to only 3
days instead of, say, a week? Or would you extend it if you found
that the opportunities were good?
THE PRESIDENT. I think somc of you people know, you might
say, the constitutional limitations that are on the President in
this country from going away and staying as long as he pleases.
Sometimes with Congress in session, you can get the necessary
bill before you that required pretty instant action, because it has
taken a long time to staff it.
There are numbers of reasons why the President is not as free
as is a Prime Minister to go some place and stay a long time. The
only thing that we tried to do when we issued the invitation was
to give intimation that there was some limitation on the time the
President could be absent.
Now, if it takes 4 or 5 days or any other period that is reason-
able and will allow me to do my work, that is still acceptable.
But we don't want just to make this another propaganda mill,
where, if I should leave by compulsion of my duties, then it
would look like I was trying to wreck the conference.
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^ 1 1 9 Public Papers of the Presidents
That mustn't be, don't you see?
Q. Mr. Lawrence: Yes.
THE PRESIDENT. And you must guard against it.
So therefore, for the heads of state, the Big Four, so called,
conference, there must be understood to be a definite time limit.
Q. Douglass Cater, Reporter Magazine: Mr, President, I
wonder if you could expand your thinking on this use of the
anti-segregation amendments on legislation. As I understand it,
the aid-to-the-schools bill is bottled up in a Senate committee be-
cause of that same conflict, that there is an attempt to add an
amendment that would prevent aid to States which permitted a
continuation of segregation.
Would that apply the same way you think as on national defense
legislation?
THE PREsroENT. My owQ feeling about legislation is a simple
one. If you get an idea of real importance, a substantive subject,
and you want to get it enacted into law, then I believe the Con-
gress and I believe our people should have a right to decide upon
that issue by itself, and not be clouding it with amendments that
are extraneous.
I am not talking about the school bill now or the reserve bill
or any other. I am saying as a general proposition, why not put
these things up on their own and decide them? That is my feel-
ing and my conviction about it.
Q. John Herling, Editors Syndicate: Before Labor Secretary
Mitchell left for Geneva, I believe he consulted you in regard to
the Conference of the International Labor Organization which
he is now attending.
Yesterday the U.S. delegation split at Geneva, split on their
attitude toward the subject of seating delegates from Soviet and
other Communist countries in the various bodies, various sections
of the International Labor Organization. And Mr. W. L.
McGrath, who is the U.S. employer delegate, has sharply criti-
cized the U.S. Government and the U.S. labor delegates for being
soft on communism.
584
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^s ^ 119
Would you care to comment on the administration policy in
regard to our participation in the ILO?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I Can't answer your question in detail
this morning. I can say that ILO is one of those organizations
which we believe have been beneficial, and in which we intend,
of course, to continue our membership and presence.
The particular argument of which you speak has not been
brought to my attention. I couldn't possibly attempt to answer
it. I don't know what the criticism was. I don't know what the
decisions were on, but I will try to be ready to answer it at a
later date.
Q. Milton B. Freudenheim, Detroit Free Press : Mr. President,
will you comment on the Ford settlement, the guaranteed wage
in Detroit, as to whether it is in line with your recommendations
to Governors on State unemployment compensation.
THE PREsroENT. Of coursc, my recommendations to States
stand for themselves. They have been made and have been made
public. I would not comment on the terms of contracts as be-
tween employers and employees. I have not allowed those things
to come into the White House, and refuse to do so, except when
there is definitely the national good or a national emergency in
question. And on top of that, similar contracts are still under
negotiation. So I have nothing to say.
Q. Robert Roth, Philadelphia Bulletin: Mr. President, it was
said today in a piece by the Alsop brothers that their purely
social relationships with old personal friends
THE PRESIDENT. I didn't understand. That what?
Q. Mr. Roth: that their purely social relationships with
old personal friends who are employees of the National Security
Council are being interfered with by orders from above. They
see in this an indirect imposition of censorship.
Would you comment, sir, on whether you regard this as a
Government intrusion into the private affairs and the proper
functioning of reporters?
THE PRESIDENT. I havc a prcss secretary, some of you may
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^ 1 1 9 Public Papers of the Presidents
know — [laughter] — and if there are any complaints, I think they
should be lodged there first, so I can find out something about it.
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Mr. President, Mr.
Seaborn Collins, the National Commander of the American
Legion, was criticized by Mountbatten, the British Lord of the
Admiralty, for speaking against communism to the British Empire
Service League, and he said he was setting forth what the
American Legion believed should be done to defeat communism
and not what the U.S. Government thought, and he said he was
not presuming to tell any other government what to do, but it
seems that Mountbatten said that this was talking about politics
at a veterans meeting.
I wonder if you would say what you think about the fitness of
veterans everywhere considering communism as an issue of
aggression.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think we could talk a very long time
on that, Mrs. McClendon. But I did notice in that same account
that after that little difference of opinion publicly, that both Mr.
Collins and Dickie Mountbatten sat down together and had a
good time, and apparently there wasn't anything rancorous about
the argument.
Q. William Graves, Salt Lake City Deseret News: Mr. Presi-
dent, at this session a bill has been introduced by Senator Bennett
of Utah which would provide an i8-man commission to study
dispersal of U.S. industry against possible atomic attack, and
Dr. Flemming of the Office of Defense Mobilization and, I be-
lieve. Secretary Talbott of the Air Force and several others have
indicated support for this type of proposal.
I wonder if you would tell us your feeling on that type of plan.
THE PRESIDENT. I havcu't talked to any of my advisers on this
particular point, but I would say this: we have been trying to
get the interests of the United States — ^national industries, and
so on — into the real study and concern for this matter of disper-
sion. So therefore, if the organization of a committee would
586
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig55 ^ 119
create a greater interest, determination to do something about it,
I believe we would be very glad to see it done.
Let me make just one observation as we go past — the thinking
on this subject. By "dispersion/' you don't mean picking up a
great enormous Willow Run factory or some great shoe factory
and moving it out in the desert. What you do mean is this:
American industry is constantly expanding; so, as it expands, do
you want to continue this process of concentration at particular
and critical areas which increases your vulnerability, or isn't it
the part of wisdom to attempt dispersion?
That is really what you mean by a dispersal of industry. More-
over, if a new plant of any kind is built making some new product,
why do you crowd it in where they are possibly making engines
or gears or any other thing of that kind? I think it is just a
matter of the future and to get decent, proper policies to govern
them.
Q. Walter Kerr, New York Herald Tribune: Mr. President,
did I understand you correctly to say that it is all right with
you if a summit meeting should last 3, 4, or 5 days, provided
that you knew in advance when it would end?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, look. Do you suppose for one minute
that if I am ready to pick up and go from any place to Timbuktu
to the North Pole to do something about this question of peace,
that I am going to stand on a matter of 24 hours? I am trying
merely to say it must be a meeting of limited length, an agreed
upon, limited length, not that rigidly done. They can say from
3 days to 5 days or 3 days to 6 days, I don't care. But I just
must have, if I am to attend, must have a limited time understood.
Q, Edward J. Milne, Providence Journal: Mr. President, are
you concerned about, or have you made any inquiries about the
long delay in the Senate committee's action on Allen Whitfield
as your appointee to the Atomic Energy Commission? That has
been hanging fire now for several months.
THE PRESIDENT. As a matter of fact, I haven't looked it up
lately, and I couldn't give you any answer on it this morning.
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Q. Richard L. Wilson, Cowles Publications: Mr. President,
what are the precise areas which might be discussed, or which
might be the subject of agreement at the Big Four conference?
THE PRESIDENT. I dou't think you can state them precisely.
I think there are problems in the world today that have created
differences on which there are different convictions expressed
which are obvious to us all.
We have made no great progress on most of these in late years.
I think the great hope would be, what is a method, what kind of
an approach can we make to these problems that might give
promise of real progress?
Disarmament? After all, we know this: there is something
that is different in the world. After all, the Russians are inviting
in Mr. Nehru to try to win over the neutralist countries. They
have made an unprecedented type of visit to Yugoslavia. They
have invited in Chancellor Adenauer.
There is a change going on.
Now, in such a changing sort of atmosphere, we may discover
some way that an accommodation can be made in which we can
have full confidence, which would possibly give all of us some
lightening of the burdens we are carrying.
Q. Mr. Wilson: Leaving Germany out of the question for the
moment, is there anything in the neutrality idea which might
offer the basis for agreement?
THE PRESIDENT. You mean the neutrality for others not includ-
ing West Germany?
Q. Mr. Wilson: Yes, sir.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, that ouc I hadn't thought of, but I see
that Tito rejected it. At least, that is what I read. I don't believe
I have seen an official account of it; I believe I saw in the paper
that he had rejected any idea of neutrality for his country. But
I would say this: I personally don't believe America is ever going
to be happy as long as any people with a historical record of inde-
pendence are kept enslaved by someone else, by foreign domina-
tion, specifically meaning the Eastern satellites.
588
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ igss ^ 119
Now, if those people of themselves chose a neutral position
instead of the position they now occupy and it were an honest
neutrality, it would be a tremendous advance for them.
Q. Mr. Wilson: Sir, under those conditions, could there be any
modification of our position in Germany which would match a
modification of the Russian position and the satellite states?
THE PRESIDENT. Now, Mr. Wilsou, make no mistake. The
position of Western Germany is going to be determined by West-
ern Germany. We have recognized them as a sovereign nation,
and just as we wouldn't expect some other country to determine
our policy toward neutrality, we must give to Western Germany
the complete right to solve their own problems.
As I have already stated, I have the utmost confidence in the
belief that these people are going to act in full concord with their
friends and allies.
Q. Mr. Wilson: What I was pursuing, sir, was the fact that
we have forces in Germany just as the Russians have forces in the
Balkan countries.
I wanted to ask if there was any adjustment or modification
of the disposition of those forces which might provide the basis
for an agreement.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, you are bringing up now one of the
substantive problems that are certain to arise : what are going to
be the forces and the stations of forces all through central and
western Europe? I couldn't possibly hazard a question on that
in advance.
Q. William Theis, International News Service: Mr. President,
we have heard on the Hill that during the preliminary discussions
of the Big Four meeting, you have taken a rather strong position
that you would go to any neutral country, but you did not want
to go to Geneva. I wonder, for the record, if you could clear up
the background on that for us, and perhaps highhght it.
THE PRESIDENT. The ouly thing I have heard against Geneva
was, you know, it is a tremendous tourist center; and if you are
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^ 1 1 9 Public Papers of the Presidents
going to have a meeting in the summertime, I think it gets quite
difficult for the Swiss people themselves.
Now, I think we should go to a country known as a neutral,
like Sweden, Switzerland; and Switzerland being central and
convenient, is the one that seems to be indicated.
I think we did prefer Lausanne. As a matter of fact, I did, at
least. But I never made this a question of "either this or else,"
never.
Q. Mr. Theis: I think the implication in this report was that
you did not particularly want to be associated with what hap-
pened at Geneva about a year ago in the Indochina situation.
THE PREsroENT. Actually, we were no party to that particular
one, but I wouldn't — ^maybe you've got a — say it's a good thought
there. [Laughter]
Q. William M. Blair, New York Times: Dr. Scheele, the Sur-
geon General, reported yesterday that the original concept of
testing the Salk polio vaccine, when transferred to the commercial
laboratories, failed to stand up.
Now, they didn't find this out until a team of scientists made
their plant-by-plant inspection.
My question, sir: does the Public Health Service have an obli-
gation to make sure that the requirements that they lay down are
carried out?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, now, I gucss I had better be careful^
because I am not so certain about the law in the matter. But I
do know that they have all agreed to meet the specifications, and
therefore I think they could withdraw their license for manufac-
ture; I don't want to be too severely criticized if I misunderstand
the law in this case.
What has happened here is this: the scientists met and gave
their very best conclusions with respect to a certain matter. The
events have proved that there was a little bit of something lacking
in this, and they had to be corrected.
I think that the Secretary of HEW was very wise in saying
safety, caution are the words that we should think of here
590
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 119
rather than mere haste, because mere haste could have had a lot
of disastrous effects.
I think the scientists themselves are all agreed as to what now
must be done and they are pushing it to do it.
Q. Roscoe Drummond, New York Herald Tribune : Mr. Presi-
dent, in connection with Mr. Adenauer's visit to Moscow, could
I ask whether from our standpoint we either object in principle
or feel any special anxiety about the normalization of diplomatic
relations between the West German Republic and the Soviet
Union.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, ycstcrday in my conference with the
Secretary of State this matter didn't come up. As far as I am
concerned, not a bit. I think that Chancellor Adenauer is one of
the great statesmen of the world, and I believe he is a perfectly
sound, solid citizen, and I trust him to take care of the interests
of Western Germany.
Q. Ray L. Scherer, National Broadcasting Company: Mr.
President, you mentioned the Yugoslav visit of the Russians.
THE PRESroENT. YcS.
Q. Mr. Scherer: Do you share the belief of some that this
country should reappraise its military aid to Yugoslavia in view
of that country's new relation to the Soviet Union?
THE PRESIDENT. As I poiutcd up bcforc, this is a world of
change. Everything changes, and you reappraise policies
monthly, weekly, daily. Just exactly what details of these pro-
grams might now need looking at, I am not sure; but I do believe
this: merely because a country is striving to be somewhat neutral
from their viewpoint as they look at this struggle in the world
does not lessen particularly our interest in them.
Our opponents seem to show more interest, almost, in the neu-
trals than anybody else. Of course, they don't have to worry
about the peoples allied with them. They have different meth-
ods. But they are very, very greatly concerned in these neutrals;
and, of course, we should be.
We do want to win them to a great conviction that the freedom
591
^ 119 Public Papers of the Presidents
of action, the national independence, the right of people to de-
termine their own fates, that we believe in, is the one for them to
adopt.
Merriman Smith, United Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
note: President Eisenhower's sev- from 11:02 to 11:34 o'clock on
enty-first news conference was held Wednesday morning, June 8, 1955.
in the Executive Office Building In attendance: 208.
120 ^ Statement by the President Upon Signing
the Postal Field Service Compensation Act.
June 10, 1955
I HAVE today approved the Postal Field Service Compensation
Act of 1955. This Act represents the greatest forward step for
our postal employees in more than a century.
The new law will bring about the elimination of inequities in
the Postal Field Service which for years have violated the prin-
cipal of equal pay for equal work and discouraged employees
from seeking advancement. The salary plan which the measure
provides for firmly establishes that principle. It will at last place
the wages for postal service positions in proper relationship to
each other. Incentives for advancement are finally a reality. A
fair pay increase is granted to each and every employee.
The Act represents a major step in the Administration's person-
nel program of providing Federal employees with a salary struc-
ture and employment benefits comparable to those available in
the more progressive companies of private industry.
note: As enacted, the Postal Field Public Law 68, 84th Congress (69
Service Compensation Act of 1955 is Stat. 88) .
592
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 121
121 ^ Address at the Centennial Commencement
of Pennsylvania State University. June 11,1 955
COMMENCEMENT speakers, by tradition, scan the future.
They strive to predict, in general terms at least, the sort of suc-
cess that awaits the graduates who properly apply themselves to
their jobs and professions — and, of course, follow the advice of
the speaker !
But the man who spoke at my commencement did not hint
that I should be the first in a half century to receive an honorary
degree here. Certainly I could not foresee, by the widest stretch
of imagination, that one day the faculty and trustees of this Uni-
versity should consider me worthy of honorary membership in
the Class of 1955 at Pennsylvania State — the Centennial Class of
this most distinguished school. I am grateful for this honor and
delighted by my association with this class. I am particularly
grateful that my youngest brother — younger brothers being con-
firmed skeptics about their elders — raised no objection and in
person made the presentation.
Earlier this week I joined in reunion with my own Class of 19 15
at West Point. Most of us had grown gray and some of us more
than a little bald; but these changes were slightly compensated,
I thought, by an appearance of wisdom that we did not possess
forty years ago. I am sure we all felt privileged, greatly privi-
leged, to have lived in a day of marvels and of tremendous growth
in America's stature. Although we were silent about it, I am
certain that every one of us envied the men in the Class of 1955
as much for the opportunities and discoveries ahead of them as
for their youth, their boundless energy, and their idealism. And
in this feeling I am doubtless joined by thousands of alumni here
as they applaud and congratulate you of this Class of 1955.
Of course, you men and women venture forth into a world
where human nature differs little, if at all, from human nature
in 19 15 or in the Age of Pericles. Human relations — the art of
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^ 121 Public Papers of the Presidents
getting along with the people who work beside you and with
those who live thousands of miles away — does not change in its
essence with the centuries. But the age of nuclear energy, in
its industrial and economic aspects, will likely bear no more re-
semblance to the age of steam than a jet-powered plane to an
old-fashioned box kite. Indeed, the social pattern of living may
be transformed beyond recognition, for I think it can be stated
almost as an axiom, demonstrated by the history of mankind
that:
Out of the use of a new and great energy source, along with
boundless opportunities, come new and great human problems
that require new and great solutions produced by broadly
informed, wisely sympathetic, spiritually inspired minds.
On this campus this morning, I had the privilege of inspecting
the first atomic reactor of its kind established under university
auspices. This research facility was made possible by the fore-
sight of the trustees of this University who financed the structure
and its operation. The Atomic Energy Commission provides only
the fuel. In consequence, within several weeks, the atom will be
at productive work here at Penn State. Here also the economic
and human problems created by this new energy will be simul-
taneously studied by the distinguished faculties of this institution
of learning.
Nuclear energy is too new for any man to chart its limits or
predict its course with accuracy. But in ten short years the
curtain has been pushed aside sufficiently to afford glimpses that
have aroused atomic hopes commensurate with the awful
dimension of atomic fears.
The extent of the economic and industrial changes that we can
anticipate is indicated by estimates that world sources of uranium
potentially available contain as high as twenty times the energy
of the known world reserves of coal, petroleum, and natural gas
combined. But power is only one of the results of nuclear fission.
Many engineers and scientists believe that radiation and radio-
active isotopes may provide even greater peacetime benefit.
594
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ jg55 ^ 121
They are already opening new horizons in medicine, agriculture,
and industrial processes.
Our Nation has no desire for a monopoly on the knowledge
and practice of these possibilities. We want the world to share —
as we always have.
Moreover, we know that the human talents essential to the
advancement of science are not restricted to this country.
Throughout the free countries there are men and women of
great ability who, given the opportunity, can help further to
advance the frontiers of knowledge and contribute to the peace
and progress of the peoples of all nations.
Progress to date in nuclear science is not, of course, exclusively
an American achievement. An international cooperative effort
broke the barriers and made possible man's use of atomic energy.
For maximum progress in the future, we must work for a con-
tinued partnership between the world's best minds — ^in science,
engineering, education, business, and the professions.
In recognition of these facts, I proposed before the General
Assembly of the United Nations on December 8, 1953, that
Governments begin then and continue to make joint contributions
from their stockpiles of fissionable materials to an International
Atomic Agency. Although a year later, the United Nations
adopted the resolution recommending the formation of such an
international agency, the Soviet Union has indicated no willing-
ness to share any part of its nuclear stockpile with such an agency.
Our offer still stands.
But we cannot wait on Soviet decisions.
Already we have made substantial progress under Congres-
sional authority toward agreements with friendly foreign govern-
ments for participation with us in the task of forwarding peaceful
atomic progress. Agreements with Turkey, Lebanon, Israel,
Italy, Spain, Switzerland, Denmark, Colombia, Brazil, and the
Argentine Republic have been initialed. Others are being negoti-
ated. Now we move in further action.
We have developed two new programs that I shall submit to
595
^ 121 Public Papers of the Presidents
the Congress in the conviction that they reflect the spirit and
intent of law and of the American people.
First: we propose to offer research reactors to the people of free
nations who can use them effectively for the acquisition of the
skills and understanding essential to peaceful atomic progress.
The United States, in the spirit of partnership that moves us^ will
contribute half the cost. We will also furnish the acquiring nation
the nuclear material needed to fuel the reactor.
Second : within prudent security considerations, we propose to
make available to the peoples of such friendly nations as are pre-
pared to invest their own funds in power reactors, access to and
training in the technological processes of construction and
operation for peaceful purposes.
If the technical and material resources of a single nation should
not appear adequate to make effective use of a research reactor,
we would support a voluntary grouping of the resources of several
nations within a single region to acquire and operate it together.
Our purpose is to spark the creative and inventive skills latent
in the free world, to pool them and to put them to work for the
betterment of the conditions under which men must live.
The research reactors acquired under this program will be
fertile seeds for progress sown in the receptive soil of the free
nations. The cost to the people of the United States will be small
indeed when measured against the certain returns, tangible and
intangible.
The second proposal will be of immediate interest mainly to
the power-short areas of the world where atomic power may be
economically feasible even today. Some of the countries, how-
ever, lack the knowledge and experience needed to construct and
operate a commercial power reactor. This we can share for con-
structive purposes with friendly countries without real risk to our
national security. Such sharing is expressly contemplated by the
new Atomic Energy Act.
Together, these two provisions are designed, within the limits
of prudence, to clear away some of the obstacles that have im-
596
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ igss ^ 121
peded progress in nuclear science and to permit its peaceful appli-
cation by all who propose to make it serve mankind. Here is an
invitation — to scientists and engineers, to industries and govern-
ments— to pool their energies and creative talents that this great
achievement of the human mind may bear the fruit of its infinite
promise.
The people of the United States instinctively reject any thought
that their greatest scientific achievement can be used only as a
weapon. Our increasing progress in its peaceful applications is
evidence of that fact.
While we build atomic-powered ships for war — because we
must — ^we have the desire, the determination to build atomic-
powered ships for peace. And build them we shall! The first
atomic-powered merchant ship, at its ports of call, will be a lab-
oratory demonstration that man can harness this unlimited energy
for normal, peaceful, prosperous life.
While we design bombs that can obliterate great military ob-
jectives— because we must — ^we are also designing generators,
channels and reservoirs of atomic energy so that man may profit
from this gift which the Creator of all things has put into his
hands. And build them we shall !
The two proposals I have outlined here are the gateway to a
broad avenue of world progress in the peaceful uses of atomic
energy.
Surely those of the Russian people — ^who, despite their Com-
munist overlords, still think for themselves and who still retain
respect for human dignity — are moved by the same feelings as we.
I still hope earnestly that the Soviet Union may join in an in-
ternational effort to harness the atom for man's good. But I
have such unlimited confidence in the creativeness of free minds
and in the capacity of free men that I know we will, with or
without the Soviets, achieve a more abundant life for those who
join together in this historic venture.
As for the social and political problems that will accompany
this development, their outlines can be foreseen but dimly. Their
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^ 121 Public Papers of the Presidents
solution will be a task in which you men and women who grad-
uate today will be engaged intensively, probably throughout your
lives. Some questions immediately suggest themselves.
Will there prevail the deep desires shared by the vast majority
of all people on the earth who want peaceful use of this and all
other technical advancements? Can they defeat the designs of
those few evil men who would use command of this energy for
their control of human destiny? In this question are involved
such vital alternatives as war and peace, armament and disarma-
ment, death and life.
Another group of questions is of a somewhat different char-
acter. As nuclear and other technological achievements continue
to mount, the normal life span will continue to climb. The hourly
productivity of the worker will increase. How is the increase in
leisure time and the extension in life expectancy to be spent?
Will it be for the achievement of man's better aspirations or his
degradation to the level of a well-fed, well-kept slave of an
all-powerful state?
Indeed, merely to state that question sharply reminds us that
in these days and in the years ahead the need for philosophers
and theologians parallels the need for scientists and engineers.
These two questions merely hint at the enormous problems
and possibilities that will confront your generation. Scores of
others will present themselves in the changing picture in agricul-
ture, industry, and the arts. The answers can be found only by
broadly informed, wisely sympathetic, spiritually inspired minds,
the product of general education that properly blends the practi-
cal and technical with the liberal and cultural.
In this country we emphasize both liberal and practical edu-
cation. But too often it is a liberal education for one and a
practical education for another. What we desperately need is an
integrated liberal, practical education for the same person — for
every American youth who can possibly obtain its blessings.
Hand and head and heart were made to work together. They
must work together. They should be educated together.
598
Dwight D. Eisenhower y ig^s ^ 121
In colonial Philadelphia, there was a printer who was likewise
a scientist and who was hailed the wisest man of his day — a
builder of international understanding and friendship. In nine-
teenth century Illinois, there was a rail-splitter who was likewise
a lawyer and who was hailed a champion of humanity — a builder
of freedom for all men. Despite their lack of formal schooling,
they were educated men. Education today can nurture for us
the possibility of a thousand Franklins and a thousand Lincolns
in a generation, where before we were fortunate to have one.
To gain proficiency, sometimes even world acclaim in a spe-
cialized skill or profession, knowledge and training are the prin-
cipal requisites. But to understand how one skill fits into another,
how one profession complements and depends on another,
how all human enterprises constitute an immense, interdependent
society — only education can develop that understanding.
In our modern higher education, we have, I believe, three
principle difficulties. First, in its practical aspect, we simply are
not providing it to sufficient numbers of young men and women.
Second, we are not as proficient as we should be in providing
a broad citizenship education to those who specialize in the many
technical fields.
And third, even in liberal education, we have permitted it to
become too much a specialization, rather than a broad, liberating
influence on the mind, the attitude, the character of all students.
What we need is general education, combining the liberal and
the practical, which helps a student achieve the solid foundation
of understanding — understanding of man's social institutions, of
man's art and culture, and of the physical and biological and
spiritual world in which he lives. It is an education which helps
each individual learn how to relate one relevant fact to another;
to get the total of relevant facts affecting a given situation in
perspective; and to reason critically and with objectivity and
moral conscience toward solutions to those situations or problems.
I repeat : this kind of education is sorely needed in this coun-
try— and throughout the world.
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^ 121 Public Papers of the Presidents
The peoples of this earth share today a great aspiration. They
all have a common dream of lasting peace with freedom and
justice. But the realization of the dream calls for many types of
cooperation based upon sympathetic and thorough mutual under-
standing. In turn, such understanding is dependent on education
that produces disciplined thinking.
Throughout the world, mutual suspicions flourish in ignorance
and misunderstanding. They can be dispelled only with knowl-
edge and wisdom.
If we are to have partners for peace, then we must first be
partners in sympathetic recognition that all mankind possesses
in common like aspirations and hungers, like ideals and appetites,
like purposes and frailties, a like demand for economic advance-
ment. The divisions between us are artificial and transient.
Our common humanity is God-made and enduring.
I know that you who today complete your education at this
great university in its centennial year recognize that truth. As
you apply it to the problems you meet — as productive leaders,
as American citizens, as members of the free world community —
you will grow in personal stature and in your contribution to
human peace, human independence, human advancement.
122 ^ Joint Statement Following Discussions
With Chancellor Adenauer of Germany.
June 14, 1955
THE PRESIDENT, the Chancellor, the Secretary of State and
their advisors met this morning and discussed the problems of
concern to their two nations. They reviewed the political devel-
opments which have taken place since the Chancellor's last visit
and noted with satisfaction that the bonds of friendship between
their nations have become very close. They are of the opinion
that the recent favorable developments in Europe are the result
600
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^s ^ 123
of the consistent, sound policies followed by the United States,
the Federal Republic and their allies.
A large part of their discussion was devoted to the relationship
between the nations of the free world and the Soviet Union and
particularly the recent developments such as the willingness of
the Soviet Union to participate in the Four Power conference
and the invitation of the Soviet Government to the Chancellor.
They agreed that one of the objectives of the forthcoming four-
power meeting will be to pave the way for early German re-
unification. It was confirmed that in their combined opinion
the concept of neutrality is in no way applicable to Germany
and that only in collective security arrangements can Germany
assure its independence.
As a result of their discussions, they are reassured that there
is a very broad field of understanding between them. They are
convinced that the achievement of the policies upon which Ger-
many and the United States are embarked will continue to
require closest cooperation in the future. These policies are based
on a common adherence to the furtherance of a just and enduring
peace among the nations of the world.
123 ^ Statement by the President on Proposed
Agreements With Belgium, Canada, and the
United Kingdom for Cooperation on the Civil Uses
of Atomic Energy. June 15, 1955
I AM HAPPY to accept the recommendation of the Atomic
Energy Commission that approval be given the proposed bilateral
agreements for cooperation concerning the civil uses of atomic
energy signed today on behalf of the Government of this nation
and the Governments of Belgium, Canada and the United
Kingdom.
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^ 123 Public Papers of the Presidents
These proposed agreements are a logical extension of the pre-
vious active partnership between these nations and the United
States for the development of atomic energy. The United King-
dom and Canada supplied knowledge and skill and manpower
to play a full and fruitful part in the wartime joint effort which
culminated in the first release of atomic energy. Belgium and
Canada have provided uranium, the basic raw material for the
wartime and the postwar atomic energy programs. All three have
freely cooperated to further our common defense and security,
strengthen the bulwarks of the free world, and help to open the
way into the development of peaceful uses of the atom which
holds forth so much promise and hope for betterment of human
living and easing of international tensions.
Now, acting under the authorizations of the Atomic Energy
Act of 1954, we are privileged to enter into bilateral agreements
which enlarge that promise and brighten that hope. The wisdom
of the Congress in making this possible is exemplified by these
proposed agreements. They lengthen the reach of cooperation
among us looking toward the civil uses of atomic energy.
The pace of progress toward the goal of the atoms-for-peace
program is accelerating. Important events are just ahead, such
as the International Conference on Peaceful Uses of Atomic
Energy at Geneva in August.
Again on this occasion, as many times earlier, I pledge the
unremitting cooperation of this nation to realize the benefits of
atomic energy as a measure to promote lasting peace.
NOTE : At the time this statement was ceremony that morning,
released the White House announced The text of the agreements and re-
that the proposed agreements had lated papers are published in the
been signed by representatives of the Congressional Record (vol. 10 1, pp.
four governments at a White House 8661 ff., 8757 ff.) .
602
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 124
124 ^ Letter to William Randolph Hearst, Jr.,
Regarding His Appointment to the President's
Committee for Traffic Safety and Its Advisory
Council. June 18, 1955
[ Released June 18, 1955. Dated June 1 7, 1955 ]
Dear Bill:
I have learned from Harlow Curtice of your willingness to
serve as Chairman of the Advisory Council to the Committee for
Traffic Safety. It is gratifying to know that you will be turning
your interest and broad experience in traffic problems to the
urgent traffic safety program.
In extension of this, I should like to ask you, as Chairman of
the Advisory Council, to serve also as an ex officio member of the
Committee. By doing so, you can contribute significantly to
strengthened Committee liaison with the national highway safety
organizations represented on the Advisory Council. I need not
emphasize to you the importance of a close tie between the two
groups.
I sincerely hope that you will be able to undertake this direct
liaison responsibility.
With warm regard.
Sincerely,
Dwight D. Eisenhower
Mr. WiUiam R. Hearst, Jr.
President
Hearst Consolidated Publications, Inc.
New York City 1 9, New York
603
^ 125 Public Papers of the Presidents
125 ^ Letter to T. S. Petersen Requesting Him
To Serve on the President's Committee for Traffic
Safety. June iS, 1955
[ Released June i8, 1955. Dated June 1 7, 1955 ]
Dear Ted:
This note is to request that you accept appointment to the
Committee for Traffic Safety as the representative of businessmen.
As you know, Harlow Curtice has been serving in the dual
capacity of Chairman and business representative. He now be-
lieves that the functioning of the Committee will be improved by
having an individual other than the Chairman to represent each
of the seven fields of interest covered by the Committee member-
ship.
In view of your demonstrated interest in traffic accident pre-
vention in California, I am certain that your participation in the
work of the Committee will be of great benefit. I sincerely hope
that you will be able to undertake this responsibility.
With warm regard,
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
Mr. T. S. Petersen
President
Standard Oil Company of California
San Francisco 20, California
604
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig55 ^ 126
126 ^ Address at the Tenth Anniversary Meeting
of the United Nations, San Francisco, California.
June 20, 1955
[ Broadcast over radio and television at 3 :oo p.m. ]
President Van Kleffens, distinguished representatives of the mem-
ber nations of this great organization, ladies and gentlemen:
This, my second appearance before the United Nations, gives
me, as Chief Executive of the United States, the great privilege
of joining with you in commemoration of an historic date — ^signifi-
cant, momentous, for all mankind.
I am privileged to bring you a special message from the Con-
gress of the United States. Last week the Congress unanimously
adopted a resolution requesting me to express to all of you here,
on behalf of the people of the United States, our deep desire for
peace and our hope that all nations will join with us in a renewed
effort for peace.
Later this week my close friend and associate. Secretary John
Foster Dulles, speaking with my full confidence and concurrence,
will address you on appropriate elements in the foreign policy of
the United States. Because of this circumstance, it seems fitting
that I, today, speak principally in terms of my country's unswerv-
ing loyalty to the United Nations and of the reasons for our tireless
support of it.
A decade ago, in this city, in this building, the Charter of the
United Nations was signed by its fifty founding members. Into a
world, shattered and still at war but hopeful and eager for a new
dawn, was born an international organization, fashioned to be the
supreme instrument of world peace.
For this nation, I pay respectful tribute to you whose faith, and
patience, and courage, and wisdom have brought it through ten
tumultuous, frequently discouraging, sometimes terrifying — but
often rewarding years. That there have been failures in attempts
40308—69 41
605
^ 126 Public Papers of the Presidents
to solve international difficulties by the principles of the Charter,
none can deny. That there have been victories, only the willfully
blind can fail to see. But clear it is that without the United Na-
tions the failures would still have been written as failures into
history. And, certainly, without this organization the victories
could not have been achieved; instead, they might well have been
recorded as human disasters. These, the world has been spared.
So, with the birthday congratulations I bring, I reaffirm to you
the support of the Government of the United States in the pur-
poses and aims of the United Nations, and in the hopes that
inspired its founders.
Today, together, we face a second decade. We face it with the
accumulated experience of the first ten years, as well as with the
awful knowledge of nuclear weapons and the realization that a
certain and enduring peace still eludes our persistent search.
But the summer of 1955, like that one of 1945, is another
season of high hope for the world. There again stirs in the
hearts of men a renewed devotion to the work for the elimination
of war. Each of us here is witness that never in ten years has
the will of many nations seemed so resolved to wage an honest
and sustained campaign for a just and lasting peace. True, none
of us can produce incontestable evidence to support this feeling.
Nevertheless, all of us, I think, will testify that the heartfelt long-
ings of countless millions for abundance and justice and peace
seem to be commanding, everywhere, a response from their gov-
ernments. These longings have strengthened the weak, en-
couraged the doubtful, heartened the tired, confirmed the
believing. Almost it seems that men, with souls restored, are,
with faith and courage, resuming the march toward the greatest
human goal.
Within a month there will be a Four Power Conference of
Heads of Government. Whether or not we shall then reach the
initial decisions that will start dismantling the terrible apparatus
of fear and mistrust and weapons erected since the end of World
War II, I do not know.
606
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig55 ^ 126
The basis for success is simply put: it is that every individual
at that meeting be loyal to the spirit of the United Nations and
dedicated to the principles of its Charter.
I can solemnly pledge to you here — and to all the men and
women of the world who may hear or read my words — that those
who represent the United States will strive to be thus loyal, thus
dedicated. For us of the United States, there is no alternative,
because our devotion to the United Nations Charter is the out-
growth of a faith deeply rooted in our cultural, political, spiritual
traditions.
Woven into the Charter is the belief of its authors:
That man — a physical, intellectual and spiritual being — ^has
individual rights, divinely bestowed, limited only by the obligation
to avoid infringement upon the equal rights of others;
That justice, decency and liberty, in an orderly society, are con-
cepts which have raised men above the beasts of the field: to
deny any person the opportunity to live under their shelter is a
crime against all humanity.
Our Republic was born, grew, stands firm today in a similar
belief!
The Charter assumes :
That every people has the inherent right to the kind of govern-
ment under which it chooses to live and the right to select in full
freedom the individuals who conduct that government.
Hence the Charter declares:
That on every nation in possession of foreign territories, there
rests the responsibility to assist the peoples of those areas in the
progressive development of free political institutions so that
ultimately they can validly choose for themselves their permanent
political status.
Our long history as a republic manifests a self-imposed com-
pulsion to practice these same principles.
The Charter recognizes that only those who enjoy free access
to historical and current facts and information, and through
objective education learn to comprehend their meanings, can
607
^ 126 Public Papers of the Presidents
successfully maintain and operate a system of self-government.
Our Republic, likewise, maintains that access to knowledge and
education is the right of all its citizens — and of all mankind.
Written under the shadow of war, the Charter is strong in the
conviction that no nation has a right to employ force aggressively
against any other. To do so, or to threaten to do so, is to defy
every moral law that has guided man in his long journey from
darkness toward the light. Those who wrote it clearly realized
that global war has come to pose for civilization a threat of
shattering destruction and a sodden existence by the survivors in a
dark and broken world.
Likewise they recognized that the first responsibility of every
nation is to provide for its own defense; and, in pursuance of this
responsibility, it has the clear right to associate itself with other
like-minded peoples for the promotion of their common security.
But they who wrote the Charter emphasized that in the forma-
tion of such associations, within the framework of the United
Nations, it is incumbent upon the contracting parties to inform
the world by solemn assurance, always supported by deeds, that
the sole purpose is defense, devoid of aggressive aims.
We as a nation believe these truths that are expressed in the
Charter. We strive to live by them. So :
We shall always maintain a government at home that recog-
nizes and constantly seeks to sustain for the individual those rich
economic, intellectual, and spiritual opportunities to which his
human rights entitle him.
In our relations with all other nations, our attitude will reflect
full recognition of their sovereign and equal status. We shall
deal with common problems in a spirit of partnership.
Insofar as our technical, material, and intellectual capacities
permit and wherever our aid, including the peaceful use of atomic
energy, may be needed and desired, we shall continue to help
others achieve constantly rising economic levels. Thereby, we
trust that they will have increased opportunity to attain their own
cultural and spiritual aspirations.
608
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 126
We shall work with all others — especially through this great
organization, the United Nations — ^so that peaceful and reason-
able negotiations may replace the clash of the battlefield. In
this way we can in time make unnecessary the vast armaments
that — even when maintained only for security — still terrify the
world with their devastating potentiality and tax unbearably the
creative energies of men.
As some success in disarmament is achieved, we hope that each
of the so-called great powers will contribute to the United Na-
tions, for promoting the technical and economic progress of the
less productive areas, a portion of the resultant savings in military
expenditures.
An abiding faith inspired the men and women who devised the
great Charter under which you work. We of the United States
share that faith. We hold fast to the hope that all nations in
their intercourse with others will observe those amenities of de-
portment, customs and treatment of other nationals as are sanc-
tioned by tradition, by logic, and by friendly purposes.
We and a majority of all nations, I believe, are united in
another hope : that every government will abstain from itself at-
tempting, or aiding others to attempt, the coercion, infiltration, or
destruction of other governments in order to gain any political or
material advantage or because of differences in philosophies,
religions, or ideologies.
We, with the rest of the world, know that a nation's vision of
peace cannot be attained through any race in armaments. The
munitions of peace are justice, honesty, mutual understanding,
and respect for others.
So believing and so motivated, the United States will leave
no stone unturned to work for peace. We shall reject no method
however novel, that holds out any hope however faint, for a just
and lasting peace.
May I recall to you the words of a great citizen of this country,
Abraham Lincoln, which, though uttered in a different context,
apply to the problem which the world now seeks to solve.
609
^ 126 Public Papers of the Presidents
He said: ". . . The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate
to the stormy present. The occasion is piled high with difficulty,
and we must rise with the occasion. As our case is new, so we
must think anew and act anew. We must disenthrall ourselves,
and then we shall save our country."
In such a body as this, it seems fitting that we should add to
Lincoln's words: "Each for himself, our coimtry and humanity."
The object of our second decade is still peace — ^but a peace of
such new kind that all the world will think anew and act anew.
It cannot be a mere stilling of the guns — ^it must be a glorious
way of life. In that life the atom, dedicated once as man's slayer,
will become his most productive servant. It will be a peace to
inspire confidence and faith so that all peoples will be released
from the fear of war. Scientists will be liberated to work always
for men, never against them. Who can doubt that in the next
ten years world science can so beat down the ravages of disease
and the pangs of poverty that humankind will experience a new
expansion of living standards and of cultural and spiritual
horizons. In this new kind of peace the artist, teacher and
philosopher, workman, farmer, producer, and scientist will truly
work together for the common welfare.
These hopes are not new. They are as old as history. But now
as we meet on this tenth anniversary in the city where was born
the United Nations, we must realize that at last they are steadily
and surely attainable. This is new. Our part is to rededicate
ourselves to the ideals of the United Nations Charter. May
we here and now renew our determination to fulfill man's
ancient dream, the dream which so inspired the founders of this
organization.
Thus our duty will be nobly done, and future generations will
behold the United Nations and stand up to call it blessed.
May I please express to your President my grateful thanks for
his invitation to address this distinguished body. To each of you
my gratitude for your courteous attention.
Thank you very much.
610
Dwight D. Eisenhower, IQ55 ^ 127
note: The President spoke at the fens" referred to Eelco N. van
San Francisco Opera House. His Kleflfens, President of the United
opening words "President Van Kief- Nations General Assembly.
127 ^ Remarks to the National Association of
Television and Radio Farm Directors.
June 21, 1955
Mr. Atwoody Mr. Secretary, ladies and gentlemen:
It is a fact, of course, that I am interested in farm programs
from two angles: one as a farmer and one as a governmental
official. And I find my ideas don't always agree when I take the
two viewpoints.
I couldn't tell you how necessary I feel it is that the whole
country be accurately informed on farm problems. They are
basic. It is a basic industry. The prosperity of the agricultural
community is absolutely necessary to the prosperity of the nation;
and vice versa we can state the same truth — that the prosperity
of the nation is necessary for the prosperity of the agricultural
community.
I have been very much interested, since I came here, to find the
interest that there sometimes is in promoting an idea that is not
exactly true. For example, we know that there has been a falling
farm income over some years. There have been always the steady
rising of costs, although we have succeeded for the last couple of
years in keeping living costs rather stable. But there has been a
squeeze on the farmer.
Now I suddenly find that many people blame the flexible price
support law passed last year. And only people like you can
inform the public that it has not yet gone into effect, that the 1955
crops are not yet in. So I don't see how it could have much effect
on the price situation as it existed up to this moment.
As an individual farmer, I might say that I am completely dis-
interested. Until I get out of this job, I don't get any interest in
611
^ 127 Public Papers of the Presidents
the income and the debts of my farm. That is something that
purely belongs to the fellow who is leasing it.
I do, though, believe that in such items as farm prices, and in
all other items that you can learn about as you come to this Capital
City, you are doing a great service when you inform the American
public. There is no question about the commonsense — the logic
of the decisions that will be reached by the American public when
they are informed. But they must be informed, and accurately.
When you have the mission of getting hold of the information, not
only about the farm programs, but the things that will interest the
whole farm community, you are doing a tremendously great
service.
The Secretary and I and this administration approach this
farm problem basically from this viewpoint : the farmer is not just
a farmer, he is a citizen of the United States, first and always.
He is interested in his country. His boy has to go into the Serv-
ices when he is called. He has to pay his taxes for all of the roads
and the schools and everything else that is done if there is Federal
money involved. He has to participate in his government in
every possible way.
Therefore, he must know about these things so that he can fit
into his concept of the whole his own particular problem, not
merely viewing it in its isolated sense : that I am getting a little
squeezed this year, or there is a drought or something, so let's
nave something done. He must see it in the fabric or with the
background, the backdrop, of the entire picture in which his
government and Nation's economy is concerned.
So I think that if we are truly going to interpret the farm prob-
lem and farm programs to the farmer, we have got to raise our
sights a long way and interpret, with that particular phase of the
picture, the background that is such an essential part.
I am told by the Secretary of Agriculture that this group has
done a yeoman's job in this regard. For it I hope you will accept
my thanks, my gratitude, and more than that my utter conviction
612
Dwight D, Eisenhower^ ig^s ^ 128
that you are doing a truly great service to farmers and to the
United States of America.
NOTE : The President spoke in the of the Association, and Ezra T. Ben-
Rose Garden. His opening words son. Secretary of Agriculture,
referred to Frank Atwood, President
128 ^ Remarks to the National 4-H Conference.
7un^2i,i955
I COULD USE a lot of you up on my farm right now, as you
know that we are trying to get it into order and shape.
We talk about farm problems. We talk about farm products.
And you have heard often of the importance of the farm economy
to the entire national economy. You have heard about the im-
portance of this crop and that crop and what it means in national
income.
As I see so many young people, I am tempted to talk for just a
moment about the most important crop of all in this country:
yourselves.
You produce the future producers of our agricultural supplies
of all kinds, and you send to the city annually some one-half of
your entire personnel. These cities get their infusion of new
blood from our agricultural regions. The point that I should like
to make is that I believe you have more than an ordinarily good
opportunity to prepare yourselves well for leadership in the future
activities of our country.
As a farm individual, you are first close to the soil and from the
soil must come all the things by which we live. You are a busi-
ness person. You have to be a professional person if you are
going to farm correctly — at least the scientists are scaring me to
death about the things I don't know about my farm. And you
must be a working man, you must be able to take care of the things
that you do in order to produce a good cow, or calf, or a crop of
corn, or wheat, or cotton — ^whatever. So you are gaining, in the
40308—59 42 613
^ 128 Public Papers of the Presidents
practical way, an all-round experience of the problems of the
various classifications of our citizenship, as you are gaining like-
wise an understanding of our whole economy and where the agri-
cultural economy fits into it. In this whole effort I think that
membership of the 4~H Clubs with their stress upon citizenship —
becoming good citizens, good leaders — is probably one of the
greatest products that our agricultural regions are giving us to-
day— I am sure of it.
I wish that I could have a few minutes with each of you, to try
to tell you what I believe is in front of you, not in terms of the
commencement speaker, who labors in very measured, solemn
tones to paint the horrible side of the future and the challenges in
front of you, but just to talk a little bit about some of the things I
believe maybe I have learned, and how much I envy you what is
in front of you — to stop and think of the things you are going to
see. It is so fascinating that we could stand here for the rest of
the day talking about them. In this great and fast-changing
world, you are not only going to participate, you are going to be
leaders — on the farms and in the cities. You are going to in-
fluence others, and you are learning today in the best possible
way through these 4-H endeavors and these 4-H Clubs how to
do it well.
I think the only real thought I want to leave with you is this : I
congratulate you heartily both on when you were born, what you
have done, and what you are going to do.
Thank you a lot, and goodby.
note: The President spoke in the Rose Garden at 12:30 p.m.
614
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 130
1 29 ^ Statement by the President Upon Signing
the Trade Agreements Extension Act.
June 21, ig^5
ENACTMENT of the Trade Agreements Extension Act of 1955
is an important milestone in the development of our country's
foreign economic policy. Supplemented by early approval of
United States membership and participation in the proposed
Organization for Trade Cooperation, the Act can contribute
significantly to economic growth and economic well-being
throughout the free world. In this way it will materially
strengthen the defense capabilities of our friends abroad, and
advance the mutual security of us all.
I am particularly gratified that this measure was supported by
overwhelming majorities in both political parties. This bi-
partisanship demonstrates anew our unity in dealing with matters
affecting our relations with other countries.
note: As enacted, the Trade Agree- lie Law 86, 84th Congress (69 Stat,
ments Extension Act of 1955 i^ Pub- 162).
130 ^ Memorandum to Federal Agencies on the
Community Chest Campaign. June 22, 1955
[ Released June 22, 1955. Dated June 21, 1955 ]
To the Heads of Executive Departments and Agencies:
In the National Capital Area the Community Chest Federation
unites six Community Chests and more than one hundred Red
Feather agencies or services in one federated campaign to provide
local health, welfare and recreational programs vital to the build-
ing of a healthy, strong and safer community in which to live,
work and play.
615
^ 130 Public Papers of the Presidents
To act as Chairman of the Government Unit in this important
appeal, I appoint the Honorable Harvey V. Higley, Administrator
of Veterans' Affairs.
I ask that you give Mr. Higley your fullest measure of support
and assistance and that all persons in authority in the Federal
and District Government take a personal interest and extend their
complete cooperation to this important charitable appeal. Such
cooperation should logically include the assumption of equitable
unit goals, the effective solicitation of all employees, and the
setting up of an adequate collection method for the convenience
of those who wish to make contributions on an installment basis.
To avoid a separate financial appeal the USO-USO Camp
Shows will again be included in the Red Feather Campaign.
This national and international program continues to be essential
to the morale and happiness of our men and women of the Armed
Forces both at home and overseas.
It is my hope that all officials and employees will be given the
opportunity to contribute voluntarily, and that they will want to
do so generously, mindful of the fact that this is one appeal for the
yearly support of over one hundred Red Feather agency programs
and the USO. Each individual's giving should reflect a fair
share towards the support of these worthwhile services for a full
year of effective operation.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
131 ^ Remarks at the Vermont State Dairy
Festival, Rutland, Vermont. June 22, 1955
Governor Johnson^ Senator Aiken^ Senator Flanders^ distin-
guished guests — fellow members of the Brown Swiss Dairy Cattle
Association — my fellow Americans:
Much has been said by former speakers of the honor I have
done this State by coming here. Let me make one thing clear —
very clear: no greater honor can come to any individual and
616
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^s ^ 131
citizen of this country than to be received in friendly fashion by a
cross-section of his fellow citizens.
You have honored me.
I think, first, I should like to remember my manners and thank
you — each of you — as representatives of my host State for the
warm reception I have had, for the beautiful presents given me.
As a matter of fact, for the prestige I shall have in Pennsylvania
when I can show a cow that has no other like it around there.
They will come to see that farm if for no other reason than that
cow.
Now I had a number of reasons for coming here. I think they
can all be summed up in one word : self-education.
I don't think I know enough — ever — about the people of the
United States, with whom I am privileged to meet and mingle
when I go on a trip like this. Particularly, I have been denied too
many opportunities to go to the northern three States of the New
England group. I have long wanted to come here, and for two
years I have carried it as a determination. And finally, I got the
permission of Governor Adams to come — and here I am !
Now one of the first things I want to learn is where Calvin
Coolidge got a certain skill that I have not acquired. He held
the same position I now hold. He had a distinguished record,
and held it for a long time, and he spoke so rarely that he got the
nickname "Silent Cal."
My own experience in this regard is exemplified by the fact that
the day before yesterday I spoke in San Francisco, and here again
I am today, still talking. I find that my tongue is clattering in my
ears a great deal, and I would like to know what Vermont secret
he had that allowed him to avoid this particular responsibility.
There is another thing I want to learn; old as I am, there is a
lesson in romance I have heard attached to Vermont — told
me by that now distinguished citizen, Sherman Adams of New
Hampshire.
He said there was a Vermont couple that were going to get
married, but Mary thought that John ought to save a thousand
617
^ 131 Public Papers of the Presidents
dollars before they really were married. And they agreed, they
thought it was a good thing. And he worked all winter long, and
when June again approached, Mary thought it was a nice time to
think of marriage, and she said, "How much have you saved?"
Well, John looked a little bit sheepish and didn't want to confess,
but after a while he said, "Thirty-five dollars." She said, "That's
near enough, John." [Laughter]
Ladies and gentlemen, that is a confidence — the emotion — the
idealism — that we normally associate with Vermont when we say
the word "Ethan Allen."
By the way, I hear my cow came from Ethan Allen's farm.
And am I glad! — I think I shall call her "Mrs. Ethan Allen."
Actually, I came here just to see you — to see people. I want to
know you better. There are certain things I do know about you.
I know that Americans everywhere are the same, in their longing
for peace, a peace that is characterized by justice, by considera-
tion for others, by decency above all, by its insistence on respect
for the individual human being as a child of his God.
All of us want that. All of us want the institutions of America
preserved. It makes no difference what party label you attach
to an American, we have equal veneration for our Constitution,
for the basic principles that have been so beautifully upheld in
this State, so well described in that tribute to the people of this
State by Calvin Coolidge, just read to you a little while ago.
Those are the things America wants.
But what we must find out is : what are the methods by which
we approach all of these things? What are the traits we must
ourselves display and hold on to?
We know we must be determined. We know we must not
sacrifice principle for mere expediency. But do we know also
that the responsibility is on us to attempt to understand others
as we think they should understand us? Do we even make the
mistake of assuming that the rest of the world knows us, knows
our peaceful intentions, knows that we want nobody else's land,
nobody else's rights, that we covet nothing?
618
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig55 ^ 131
We merely want to live in peace with all the world, to trade
with them, to commune with them, to learn from their cultures,
as they may learn from ours. I assure you, my friends, they do
not know it. Even nations we know enlightened still have much
to learn about America. Indeed, every single citizen of every
other State has something to learn about you.
It is probably a pity that every citizen of each State cannot
visit all the others, to see the differences, to learn what we have
in common, and to come back with a richer, fuller understanding
of America in all its beauty, in all its dignity, in all its strength,
in support of moral principle.
I think as we think on these things, in lieu of travel, we do
become stronger. As we think of our neighbors, as we try to
apply with him or with her the spirit of the Golden Rule, we are
doing the same in a very definite sense in our relationships with
all the world.
That, ladies and gentlemen, is what will strengthen America
and in the long run, thoroughly practiced, will help bring peace.
We will remain strong always, but always in one hand will be the
olive branch held out to all who will take it in honesty and in
integrity.
That is what I feel about America, in its principles, its basic
hopes and aspirations.
I come to you, not only to understand you better, but to ask
you only to support, always, those principles, to think of them and
to expand them in your own mind into method, as to how we
shall do it; and then you will always make your own contribution
to the peace of the world, so that our sons may stay at home, the
products of our toil may be used for our schools and our roads
and our churches, and not for guns and planes and tanks and
ships of war.
And now as I say goodby and go for my first chance to use
that beautiful fishing rod — a product of Vermont that was given
me a few moments ago — I want to say only this, in terms of the
greatest sincerity and honesty: if you do think on these things
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and devise for yourself your ideas of what should be done, if you
will communicate those ideas to others, hammer out a common
solution on the anvil of debate and argument and discussion, you
will be doing your full part in bringing about this age-old dream
of mankind : peace on earth, goodwill toward men.
Thank you.
note: The President spoke at the Rutland Fairgrounds at 3:05 p.m.
132 ^ Remarks at a Breakfast for Vermont
Women Representatives of Dairy and Agricultural
Organizations, Chittenden, Vermont.
June 2% 1955
OF COURSE, Mrs. Proctor and ladies, there is really nothing
for me to say except thank you.
I thank you, of course, for this present. But far more for the
cordial friendliness you have exhibited to me here. I count this
breakfast a great opportunity to be a little closer to you people, to
meet you, to exchange a hand-clasp and to go away believing that
I have made some new friends among a people with whom I am
going to leave a big portion of my heart.
Thank you.
note: The President spoke at women's activities for the Vermont
Mountain Top Inn at 8:58 a.m. State Dairy Festival, who presented
In his opening remarks the Presi- a corsage of red clover, the State
dent referred to Mrs. Mortimer R. flower of Vermont.
Proctor, of Proctor, Vt., in charge of
620
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ 1Q55 ^ 133
133 ^ Remarks at the State Capitol, Concord,
New Hampshire. June 23, 1955
Governor Dwinell^ Mr. Speaker^ distinguished guests and my fel-
low Americans:
I wonder whether your imaginations could picture yourself the
recipient of such a glowing commendation as has been heaped
upon me by your Governor and by the people of this State for
whom he spoke?
If your imaginations are equal to that task, then you must know
something of how I feel, you must know how inadequate are
words in any effort to reply effectively and truly feelingly.
I can only say I am overwhelmed by your kindness.
Now, I had many reasons for coming on this trip. The
simplest one of all, the one that explains it best, is merely a matter
of self-education.
No man in responsible office can ever know enough about this
country. He must seize opportunities to go and learn. And he
finds there are spots that he has visited less than, possibly, some
others. One of the great gaps in my education is that I have not
visited this northern tier of the New England group as much as I
should have liked.
And so I am seizing the opportunity between a speech out in
California and possibly even more prolonged talking in Europe
to come here to mingle with you, to learn something of what you
are thinking, to gain strength from you.
There are among you many of my old comrades of the Armed
Services, people who served with me in war and peace. And they
will know from their courses in staff colleges, and listening to
lectures, that the commander often visits his troops, and the pur-
pose is supposed to be to inspire them to do their duty better, to
carry on in better fashion, to do the work that they are sent into
the field to do.
I found early in war that this whole process was reversed in
621
^ 133 Public Papers of the Presidents
my case. I went out to visit the troops so that I could come back
and do my job better.
My admiration for the yoimg American on the batdefield is
unexcelled. And I have found in later times that my admiration
for his counterpart in every hamlet, every city, every farm of
America is exactly the same.
When I feel that I have gotten a grip on what Americans are
thinking, then I am perfectly certain that I am right.
In these feeble words, I am trying to tell you the serious reason
for my visit among you. There are some reasons not quite so
serious in character.
In my White House staff we have a lecture every morning. The
chief of the staff has one subject: New Hampshire. Most of us
have had a bit of education — ^we have unquestionably learned
something — but above all things we have had our curiosity ex-
cited. We want to find out whether the golf greens are greener,
the fish are bigger, more plentiful and more cooperative, whether
the hills are really as beautiful as he says, whether all of the
people are as healthy and strong and completely independent and
virile — ^well! — all of the good words that we apply to people.
I expect to find every one of them here.
People often ask me what my ideas are on how long I would like
a residence in 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. My own thought is:
they should ask how long it is going to take Governor Adams to
finish up his series of lectures on New Hampshire, because he
doesn't seem to be a third of the way through them yet.
In any event, just to know you is a great honor. To have
heard the words I have heard is a greater one.
I hope in the next day or two to see as much of each of you,
perhaps have the great privilege of greeting some of you indi-
vidually, or shaking you by the hand, talking to you, if even for a
brief moment. If I do have that privilege, I assure you that it is
one I shall treasure.
If I do not, I would ask you to remember that I wanted to do so.
This is one of the great days of my life, marred only by the fact
622
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 134
that Mrs. Eisenhower could not be with me, because she would
have enjoyed it just as much as I.
Thank you very much.
note: The President spoke at 4:15 Charles Griffin, Speaker of the House
p.m. His opening words referred of Representatives, New Hampshire
to Governor Lane Dwinell, and State Legislature.
134 ^ Remarks at the Belknap Lodge Picnic
Grounds, Laconia, New Hampshire.
7Mn^23, 1955
Senator Bridges, distinguished guests, my fellow Americans:
Until I heard Senator Bridges talk just now, I had thought that
there was no promoter of New Hampshire in the world to equal
Sherman Adams.
I now think that we should stage a contest and have it done
in front of a crowd like this, and by the degree of applause we can
find out who can win. But it is going to be a close race, that I
assure you.
I noticed that when Senator Bridges was speaking, there were
certain interruptions — [laughter] — ^well, you people seem to find
that ridiculous, but I am a farmer now and that was a very sweet
sound to me. Now that I find that beautiful calf mine, she is
sweeter than ever, and she is going to make some nice noises
around Gettysburg, I hope.
I am not only grateful for what I have learned of New Hamp-
shire this evening. I am certainly grateful for the New Hamp-
shires, because they will be the first chickens on my farm. I
expect to get all of the benefits that he talked about, of early
feathers, and early eggs, and big eggs, and all the rest of it.
I am delighted to be here this evening. I am delighted to see
you. To each of you, my thanks for the warmth of your welcome.
Indeed, I might say now, that as I have traveled through your
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State this afternoon, I have seen many people along the road, in
the villages, and in the towns and in the country. To you and to
them, to every one who has given me a smile, or a "Hi Ike" —
[mooing calf] — ^my grateful thanks. [Laughter]
Now, you see! — I think that's fine! [More laughter]
After all, it's a New Hampshire talking !
Good luck to each of you. Thanks for a wonderful evening,
which I have enjoyed to the full.
Goodnight.
NOTE : The President spoke at 8 : 30 p.m.
135 ^ Remarks at the Lincoln High School,
Lincoln, New Hampshire. June 24, 1955
Governor Dwinell^ the New Hampshire Congressional Delegation^
Governor Adams^ distinguished guests^ my fellow Americans:
Of course I am not going to make a speech. But I am in New
Hampshire and it seems fitting that I should try to express one or
two thoughts as to what New Hampshire has come to mean to me.
For a long time, New Hampshire has been a source of strength
and aid. We have a sturdy Congressional delegation from New
Hampshire in the Congress. At the head of that delegation is a
very Senior Senator whose knowledge of public life has been long
dedicated to the public good. Today he, with other forward-
looking Americans in Washington, is trying to hammer out
through the anvil of debate and legislative processes a program
which will conform to the deepseated desire of America for
peace — for peace abroad and a widely shared prosperity here at
home.
Americans covet no other country's land. We covet no addi-
tional power. We need no additional prestige. We want — ^in a
land where each man is the king of his own castle — ^we want mere
opportunity to expand, to continue to grow, and opportunity to
attain our deepest spiritual and intellectual aspirations. That is
624
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig55 ^ 135
what we want. That is what a forward-looking program means.
That is what your delegation, under the leadership of Senator
Bridges, is seeking.
Now New Hampshire has come to mean some other things to
me, because I have had Sherman Adams by my side.
Once, in the war, General Marshall and General Bradley and
I happened to be talking together and the conversation turned to
the qualities that we were constantly seeking in the generals that
served in the Army, in order that the job of the war would be
most quickly and effectively accomplished.
Now all such qualities as courage, and decisiveness, and con-
sideration for men — everything that you would think of as a
necessary quality in a general, were discussed — his tactical skill,
his vast experience, his reputation, and so on.
But finally we came down to this one thing — the first quality
you must seek in a general is exactly the same quality that you
must seek in any man who serves the public: selflessness.
I think that Sherman Adams in the last two years — and I must
say I have long sought for an opportunity to express a Uttle bit
more accurately my feeling of indebtedness to Sherman — ^here,
it seems to me, is the proper place to do it — for these past two
years, I think that he has exhibited this quality of selflessness as
much as any man I have known.
He has not sought honor for himself. He has sought, in his
position, almost an anonymity, to serve his country by working
with the legislators, by working with the staff that is set up in the
White House, by advising me and trying to keep me from stum-
bling too often. He has found that last, possibly, one of his
toughest problems.
In any event, I think that I could express my feelings this
morning by thanking New Hampshire and the town of Lincoln
for sending to me Sherman Adams, to serve as the head of the
staff that, without publicity, with no credit other than that which
goes with that of a conscience that recognizes duty well done, is
working day by day to further all of those programs that we be-
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^ 135 Public Papers of the Presidents
lieve will actually promote peace in the world and prosperity — a
widely shared prosperity at home.
It has been a great honor for me to come to New Hampshire.
It is a greater honor for me to come to this one little spot that is
so dear to the heart of my good friend, my chief of staff Sherman
Adams.
Thank you all. It has been fine to meet you.
NOTE : The President spoke at i o : 42 a.m.
136 ^ Remarks at Ceremonies Commemorating
the Discovery of the Old Man of the Mountain,
Franconia Notch, New Hampshire. June 24, 1 955
Governor Dwinell^ Members of the New Hampshire Congres-
sional delegation^ distinguished guests and my fellow Americans:
Only a few moments ago, I had the first opportunity of my Hf e
to look at the Old Man of the Mountain. The natural question
asked me was, "What did you think of it, Mr. President?" I
answered, as anyone would in polite conversation, and said:
"Remarkable. Wonderful. Interesting."
The real thought that crossed my mind was : what does the
Old Man of the Mountain think of us?
He has been there through time. In his lonely vigil up at the
top of that mountain — let us not try to go back to what he may
have been thinking through those ages before our civilization first
discovered him — 150 years ago he saw great ox carts going through
these roads where now we travel in an instant. He saw the
fastest means of transportation — the horse. Finally he saw stage
coaches. He saw only here and there a habitation, a sparsely
settled wilderness.
He has seen mankind go from the sailing ship and from the
horse and buggy to the jet airplane and the ability to cross the
ocean in a few hours. He has seen the great sciences of radio and
626
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 136
television come to us. He has seen every American have, with
his morning breakfast, the day's news of the world. He has seen
the great electronics industry — electric lights, telephones and
telegraphy, and all the things by which we live today. All of
these changes have come about.
But can you believe, as he stands up there, almost in infinite
majesty, that he thinks it is of great concern that we travel at a
rate that multiplies the speed of our forefathers?
I believe he thinks of something deeper than that. Possibly
he recalls the words with which our Forefathers started the great-
est of all human documents: "When in the course of human
events it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political
bands which have connected them with another, and assume
among the powers of the earth that separate and equal status to
which both the laws of nature and nature's God intended them,
a decent respect for the opinions of mankind impel them to de-
clare the reasons which have led to their separation. We hold
these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal,
that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable
rights. Among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of
happiness."
These immortal words must mean a great deal to the Old Man
of the Mountain. He must contemplate them from time to time.
I think we — ^with him — understand life. We know the instinct
of self-preservation, and we know what living means to us, in our
separate capacities, in our separate areas. We know what liberty
is: the individual right to do as we please as long as we do not
infringe upon similar rights of others.
But the pursuit of happiness — he must have noted that those
writers did not create this government to give us happiness. Far
better they knew than to try to define happiness for any one of
us — the pursuit of happiness in liberty each according to his own
desires, to the deepest aspirations of his own soul.
Now, what have we done about it? Where do we find
happiness?
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^ 136 Public Papers of the Presidents
Possibly that is what he is wondering today.
We know certain things. We know we would like to be at
peace. We do not want to send our boys off into the Armed Serv-
ices to serve in foreign lands. We do not want to dwell in fear.
We do not want to contemplate the horrible things that could
happen to us in a new war.
At home we want to live comfortably. We want to be well-
informed. We want to have neighbors around us that we like.
But as we pursue happiness, are we thinking only of these
material things? Then how do we attain it?
If we attain money to do certain things, then we want more
money. If we attain a high office, we want a higher one. If
there is no higher one we would like to invent it. We always
want something more.
Now, what is there more? Maybe the "more" is to try to
discover what others around us find as their idea of the pursuit
of happiness, what is it that mankind wants, instead of each of
us separately? Can we integrate the desires, the aspirations, the
hopes of our community, and then do our part to achieve that?
In so doing, I wonder whether the Old Man wouldn't approve
of us more than he may at present? Because he well knows, if
he has watched us, that each individual is made up of two sets
of qualities. One we call the noble: courage, readiness to
sacrifice, love for our families, respect for others.
And he knows also those other qualities, of selfishness and
greed and ambition, and things that set men one against the other,
and nations one against the other. He recognizes the right of a
group, whether it be community, or whether it be nation, to pro-
tect itself, to make certain of its own security. But certainly he
must applaud every effort we make to understand others, whether
it be individuals, or cities, or States or nations, to understand
others as we understand ourselves, and in this way bring some-
what closer, each by his own efforts, that great dream of man-
kind: a peaceful world in which each of us may continue to
develop.
628
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1Q55 ^ 136
Whether we do it through church, or through our schools,
through any kind of community enterprise, through the family,
through our own reading, we do not seek knowledge for itself.
We do not seek acquaintanceship with the classics merely that we
may quote a line from it.
We seek the knowledge and the thinking of the past that we
may bring it together — ^here today — and help forward, each in
his own Uttle fashion, that great progress that I am certain the
Old Man of the Mountain yet hopes that mankind will achieve:
that objective of peace on earth, goodwill to men.
I would not for a moment leave this stand with the thought
that we may have these things merely by thinking, or hoping, or
wishing. But behind every effort there must be an aspiration,
there must be a devotion to a cause.
If we are sufficiently devoted to the cause of peace, to the kind
of progress of which I speak, we will be strong, and then we will
be able to cooperate with others, because only strength can co-
operate— ^weakness cannot cooperate, it can only beg; we will be
able to cooperate and to help lead the world toward that promised
goal.
So I would say our best birthday present to the Old Man of
the Mountain is that we make up our minds, each in his own
fashion, to do his part in bringing about that hope for mankind
that the Old Man must have.
Thank you a lot. It has been a great pleasure to meet you all.
Goodbye.
NOTE : The President spoke at 1 1 : 30 a.m.
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137 ^ Remarks at Lancaster, New Hampshire.
7^72^25,1955
Ladies and gentlemen:
Thank you all for this lovely present.
When I heard the list of dignitaries that your chairman just
listed, it reminded me of the war — a great group of soldiers stand-
ing out here would have thought there was an awful lot of brass
coming around the comer. This is sort of the political brass.
We are having a good time in New Hampshire for the past day
and a half. We started way down south and have been all
around — played golf — got rained out — doing all right up imtil
this moment — everything has been lovely. Spent the night with
Secretary Weeks and will be in New Hampshire up until noon
today when we leave at Berlin.
As I was coming in, someone told me that there was only one
speech you could make in this town, which was quite long ago,
that the good Lord could have made a better place than Lan-
caster, but he didn't. Which does seem sort of a nice way of
saying this place is beautiful.
I am grateful to the band for playing Hail to the Chief as I
came up here. I am astonished at the crowd out here this morn-
ing, but I would be a liar if I didn't say I was highly pleased that
you did turn out.
It is good to see you all. Maybe I can come back again.
Thank you a lot.
note: The President spoke at 9:10 man, presented a leather wallet to
a.m. The chairman of the welcom- the President,
ing committee, Wilbur M. Schur-
630
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^s ^ 138
1 38 € Remarks at Jefferson, New Hampshire,
7Mn^25, 1955
NOT LONG AGO General Summerfield learned that I was
leaving Washington and was going to come to New England, and
he told me about this gathering of Postmasters, and among other
things asked me to bring his greetings to you and sort of served
notice that if I didn't stop here and visit with you a minute, I had
better not come back.
Entirely aside, my friends here, from my pleasure in meeting
with each of you this morning, I am looking out a little bit for my
own skin and standing all right with my Postmaster when I get
back there.
I think this gives me just an appropriate chance to say some-
thing about the appreciation I have of the services of the good
public servant, the individual who takes a job in the government
and does it with his full heart and soul so that the kind of service
that we are supposed to render our people is actually received by
them.
General Summerfield tells me that the Postmasters of the
United States, all through the United States, are doing just that
kind of job. He is very proud of them, and nothing could give me
greater pleasure than to come here and — through you to the rest
of them — ^say thanks a lot, because that is the kind of thing
that the Federal government ought to be giving to our people
everywhere.
I see up at the end there are some Boy Scouts that I hope to get
a chance to stop and say Hello, because of my admiration and
affection; and at the other end I see a choir, so I think I am
promised a song; and just behind me are practically all the politi-
cal brass of New Hampshire and part of Washington. So that
just sort of brings the whole crowd together, and if I can hear the
song and see the boys, the last word I will say is: a very hearty
good morning, it is very wonderful to be with you.
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note: The President spoke at the Chapter of the National Association
Hotel Waumbak at 9 : 25 a.m. to a of Postmasters,
meeting of the New Hampshire
139 ^ Remarks at the Hansen Ski Jump Area,
Berlin, New Hampshire. June 25, 1955
Chairman Halvorson^ distinguished guests ^ ladies and gentlemen:
I am sure you realize that a loudspeaker system and a position
on this platform to speak into the microphone is a poor substitute
for what I should really like to do: to go through this throng and
to meet each of you, to tell you something of how I feel about this
visit to New Hampshire.
I have been traveling through this lovely State for two days.
Everywhere I have encountered an obvious hospitality and a
cordial welcome that have touched my heart.
I have seen your beautiful skies, your lofty mountains, your
great dairy herds, and many of your other industries. It has been,
for me, a tour of real education.
I have been accompanied by your State officials, and every-
where local committees have participated in ceremonies and
arrangements that have made my trip all the more enjoyable.
Particularly am I indebted to Governor Dwinell and his family,
to Senator Bridges, to Senator Cotton, to Congressman Merrow
and Congressman Bass and their lovely wives. All of them have
been giving of their time to make my visit the more instructive,
the more interesting and the more enjoyable.
In fact, they are busy men, you know, and I am quite sure that
they are rather glad that this meeting marks the sort of official
termination of my visit in New Hampshire; because out of their
sense of friendship and loyalty they are staying with me, and
possibly they realize their desks are piling high with work back
in Washington and back in Concord.
This particular visit this morning has been sort of a climax for
632
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig55 ^ 139
all of us. I have accumulated so many gifts that I am moved to
remind the chairman there is a very important one he forgot.
He should have provided a truck to carry them away. But there
seem to be enough cars in this cavalcade that I think we can tuck
them in here and there and nothing will be left behind, I assure
you.
Now, my friends, I just want to say this: never have I had a
more pleasant time than I have had on these two days. It has
been a unique experience to come up in these northern sections
of your State, to see you people, to learn something of the country-
side, and to have the chance to greet some of you face to face.
And I would like, as I leave this State, to transmit a message
through you to every citizen that I can reach who has greeted me
along the roadside, who has been in one of the crowds that has
extended to me such a cordial welcome: I am grateful — deeply
grateful.
And I tell you this : I am going to accept that invitation to come
back, just as soon as possible — ^which means certainly as soon as
I have another kind of livelihood than I now enjoy.
And I want to warn the Democratic Mayor of Berlin that the
next time I come I am not going to be kept out of the city. I am
going right down the middle of it; and the only way he can stop it
will be to turn out the police force, because at that time I will not
be accompanied by so many police of my own.
Thank you, ladies and gentlemen — each of you — ^for coming
out this moming, to give me a chance to say to you "thank
you," and to greet you in this fashion. It has been a wonderful
morning for me.
Thank you again.
note: The President spoke at 10:50 Chamber of Commerce of Berlin,
a.m. His opening words "Chairman N.H. Later in his remarks he re-
Halvorson" referred to Alf Halvor- ferred to Mayor Aime A. Tondreau
son, Executive Secretary of the of Berlin.
633
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140 ^ Letter to Helen Keller on the Occasion of
Her 75th Birthday. June 26, 1955
[ Released June 26, 1955. Dated June 1 7, 1955 ]
Dear Miss Keller:
Please accept my warm congratulations on your forthcoming
seventy-fifth birthday. The story of your accomplishments is not
only a monument to your own great gifts of mind and heart. It
is also an enduring inspiration — ^in many lands — to those who
suffer physical handicaps and to those who seek to help the dis-
abled toward richer lives. With all who honor you, I am glad to
join in best wishes and in the hope that future years will bring
you happiness.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
Miss Helen Keller
American Foundation for the Blind, Inc.
New York, N.Y.
NOTE : This letter was released at Parmachenee Lake, Maine.
141 ^ Remarks at the Fawn Presentation
Ceremonies, Rangeley, Maine. June 27, 1955
WELL, Candy, I thank you very much, and I am sure that the
children of Washington will enjoy the deer.
Now I hope the deer likes its new home, too. But it may be
like a lot of other folks that go to Washington, they find out they
have left a lot behind.
I am sure if I were going away from these woods, along these
lovely lakes and rivers, and had to go live in Washington, I would
think twice, wouldn't you?
But I will take it down.
Good luck to you, and thank you very much,
634
Dwight D, Eisenhower y ig^^ €J 142
note: The President spoke at 2:05 from the children of that area to the
p.m. Candy Tibbetts, the 12-year- children of Washington, D.C. It
old daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Verde was placed in the National Zoological
Tibbetts of Rangeley, Maine, pre- Park in Washington,
sented the month-old fawn as a gift
142 ^ Remarks at the Skowhegan Fairgrounds,
Skowhegan, Maine. June 27, 1955
Governor Muskie, Senator Smithy Senator Payne^ members of
Maine's Congressional delegation here present — and my fellow
Americans:
No man can receive greater acclaim than to be received in
friendly fashion by a gathering of real Americans. So, from the
bottom of my heart, I thank you — the Governor for his official
welcome, Senator Smith for all that she has so extravagantly said
about my accomplishments, and each of you for the courtesy you
have paid me by coming out here today that I might say hello.
There are no thanks due me for coming to this section of the
United States, for long have I felt that my education was sadly
lacking, in that I did not have an intimate acquaintanceship with
this region. I have satisfied a long-felt desire to come here. And
incidentally, I should like to point out one thing: the Office that
I hold being what it is, I did not come alone. Now there must be
millions of Americans as ignorant as I was of the beauties of this
region. And think of all the newspaper people, photographers,
and others that now should be educating those people and pos-
sibly they will come and get the same firsthand knowledge that
I had.
Now, if this does not happen, either the power of the press is
not what we thought it was, or these newspaper people that
travel with me haven't the proper sensibilities to appreciate beauty
when they see it.
I am grateful for the warmth of the welcome I have received
635
^ 142 Public Papers of the Presidents
all along the line, from young and old, from men and women,
from workers and people who seem to be on vacation. And I
might say, the most touching welcome that I received was from
what the guides call "midges" and I call plain black flies. I am
certain that during all these years when I did not come, they
have been waiting on me, because they swarmed around me with
their cannibalistic tendencies, and I am sure they will probably
starve imtil I get back here.
My friends, as much as I have found here different, in the way
of your scenery and your glorious lakes and. streams and wood-
lands and piles of timber along the road, such as I have never
seen, I find the basic fact is this: Americans are Americans every-
where. In our basic beliefs, in our basic aspirations, in our hopes
for the future and for our children, we are one.
We want peace in the world. We want prosperity at home,
a prosperity that is widely shared, with everybody happy in his
job. We have come to realize these two aspirations are related.
We cannot have prosperity without peace. And there can be no
peace unless we are prosperous.
We are the world's leader — economically, productively; and
because we are this, we must also take the lead in many other ways,
morally and politically, in leading the free world to bind itself
together in a common appreciation of these basic values: the
dignity of man, his right to be free, his right to exercise all of his
privileges of worship and of thought and of speech, of action and
of earning. In fact, to exercise every personal privilege as long
as he does not violate similar rights of others.
Now, if we are going to be bound together in these things, we
must realize that we can't do that, we can't attain them all, with-
out sacrifice. As your forefathers came into this region and built
their homes, their cabins, and began to conquer the wilderness,
they had to sacrifice something, they had to sacrifice the safety of
the lands from which they came, they had to part from loved ones,
they had to make sacrifices to give to us what we have today.
If the world is going to be bound together in a system of mutual
636
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 142
advancement — ^international trade — ^international security — ^with
all of us sharing in that security and in that trade, here and there
we must make sacrifices.
Let us make them courageously, as our forefathers did, so that
we may enjoy real and secure and permanent peace, and not
merely an uneasy cessation of the firing of the guns.
We want permanent peace based upon confidence, based upon
justice and decency, wherever the American government is repre-
sented. That is what we are struggling for — ^in every chancellery
in every capital of the world, those who are our friends and those
who may be hostile to us.
We are coveting nobody's property. We want to assume power
and rule over no one else. We want to live a life that gives to each
of us the utmost opportunity for spiritual, intellectual and material
and economic development, for ourselves and for our children.
I find in my few days that I have been privileged to travel across
this northern tier of the New England States, those sentiments are
as widely shared and deeply felt as they are anywhere in the
United States.
Indeed, may I say to you that because of this, though I come
among you as a stranger, I have felt no more at home in any other
town or city that I have visited in this country.
And so my real word of thanks is this : that you have let me feel
that you do stand with one another shoulder to shoulder, and
shoulder to shoulder with all of the other localities and States and
regions of the United States — that all of us, together, may march
along to that fuller life, strong, secure, but tolerant and ready to
help the other fellow, as we expect him to do his part in this great
venture.
Now before I leave I would like to say thanks in a little bit more
intimate way. Everywhere across this State today I have en-
countered smiles and shouts and "Hi Ikes" and waves of the
hand — as I have met them here on this fairground.
I can't reach each of you personally with a shake of the hand.
I cannot even speak to all of the citizens I saw today. But if to
40308—59 43 63 J
^ 142 Public Papers of the Presidents
you, and through you, I could let each of you know how sincerely
I do appreciate the warmth of your friendliness, how earnestly I
want to come back — as your Governor said, no matter what my
job may be — then indeed I shall be content.
And now one final word. In every audience such as this, there
are literally hundreds of people who have served in the Armed
Services during the period I was there — ^men and women.
Some of them have served actively in the same theater, on the
same battleground as I have.
To them I just want to say this one thing: during all those
years that you were abroad, while your loved ones were suffering
their fears for you, and you were encountering the dangers that
finally won the war, we were upheld by a belief that we were
fighting for freedom, for the rights of men as individuals, and for
peace.
I believe that those aspirations — slowly and tortuously it is
true, but still steadily — are marching on toward achievement;
and I believe that is the thought that all of us can take with us
to our beds each night and thank our God that it is true.
Goodnight — goodbye — and thanks.
NOTE : The President spoke at 4 : 35 p.m.
143 ^ Remarks at the Dow Air Force Base,
Bangor, Maine. June 27, 1955
Governor Muskie^ members of the Maine delegation in Congress^
the Secretary of State^ Mr. Dulles, other distinguished visitors —
and my fellow Americans:
I have been on a fine two-day visit in your State, and I am de-
Ughted that someone arranged so that as my last act in this State
on this trip I could say goodbye and thank you to so many of you.
I have made a lot of new friends and had a lot of fun. I have
met people old and young, men and women, all of them warmly
hospitable to me. I have met a lot of your trout and one or two
638
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 144
of your salmon. I have met midges that are the only things, so
far as I know, that completely whipped me. Of course, I just
call them black flies, but the guides call them "midges."
I have learned a lot. I have learned a lot about the beauty
of your State, about your warmheartedness. I wish that I could
have stopped and spoken to every single individual that did me
the great honor of coming out on the street and waiting for my
cavalcade to pass, or who has — ^like you here — come out to a
locality, to a grandstand or a fairground or to an airfield, and
allowed me to say "It's so good to see you — another American."
It has been a bit of a vacation. Now I go back to work. The
Secretary of State — to insure that my vacation is at an end as I
get into the air — is going to give me a lecture on the way down
to Washington.
I think I had better be about it, without more ado. Let me
again say to each of you that all of this work is for one thing:
peace on this earth, for which we all aspire.
Goodbye — good luck — ^it has been an inspiration to be among
you. I hope that some day I can come back when, as a speaker
said today, when I have another job and am not in such a hurry.
Thank you. Goodnight.
NOTE : The President spoke at 8 : 33 p.m.
1 44 ^ Remarks on Presentation of the
Distinguished Service Medal to General Ridgway,
and Accompanying Citation. June 285 1955
MATT, for some forty-three years, I guess, you and I have been
associates and friends in war and peace. At every stage of your
career and our association together, that kind of close communion
with you has been a source of real satisfaction to me.
I remember the days of war where you performed so gallantly
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^ 144 Public Papers of the Presidents
and effectively. And I remember the days of peace and the great
contributions you have made.
Now, as the last act of our official association together, it is a
great honor to pin this on you. But I hope it means no lessening
either of our friendship or of my ability to call on you when I
want to talk to you about things.
citation to accompany the award of
the distinguished service medal
(third oak leaf cluster)
TO
GENERAL MATTHEW B. RIDGWAY
The President of the United States of America, authorized by
Act of Congress July 9, 19 18, has awarded the Distinguished
Service Medal (Third Oak Leaf Cluster) to
GENERAL MATTHEW B. RIDGWAY, UNITED STATES ARMY
for exceptionally meritorious service in positions of great responsi-
bility from 30 May 1952, to 30 June 1955 •
As Supreme Allied Commander, Europe, General Ridgway was
charged with the responsibility of welding an effective military
structure for the defense of Western Europe. Through dynamic
leadership, he furthered the development of the elements of the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization into an alert, efficient, fight-
ing team. He advanced the prestige of the Allied Forces and
strengthened the bonds of friendship and cooperation among the
many nations serving together in the common defense of demo-
cratic principles. In discharging this grave responsibility, he
displayed indomitable spirit, inspirational application of military
skills, and a sincere concern for the furtherance of the causes of
freedom. As Chief of Staff of the United States Army he con-
tinually demonstrated the highest order of leadership, professional
competence, astute judgment, and devotion to duty. Under his
brilliant direction, the Army was maintained in a state of combat
readiness, and fulfilled its world-wide commitments in a manner
640
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1Q55 ^ 145
which contributed significantly to the advancement of the foreign
pohcies of the United States. Ever mindful of the well-being
and dignity of the individual soldier, he constantly worked to im-
prove the welfare of the men entrusted to his care. His keen
professional ability and great strength of character, displayed in
his every action, have been an inspiration to the entire Army.
His selfless dedication to the service of his country represents the
highest form of patriotism, and merits the gratitude of not only
the American people but of free peoples everywhere.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
NOTE : The President made the pres- until we are much nearer this goal
entation in the Rose Garden at 1 1 : 00 of a peaceful world to which you
a.m. General Ridgway's response inspiringly lead, that we must main-
follows: tain this Army in which you have
such an abiding faith as a strong
Mr. President, for you to take time element in the defense of this Nation,
from your multiple heavy duties to As I turn over my duties to the
make this award in the presence of splendid officer who succeeds me, I
my superiors, and Mrs. Ridgway and have absolute confidence, Mr. Presi-
Matty, touches me very deeply. dent, that if ever our security or our
I look back over those years, sir, liberty are threatened, that this mag-
with profound affection and respect nificent Army of ours will valiantly
of the highest order. play its ultimately decisive role in
It seems to me, Mr. President, that those defenses,
in this particular time that all of his- I thank you from the bottom of
tory points to the harsh fact that my heart, sir.
145 ^ Message to the Congress Transmitting
Final Report of the Commission on
Intergovernmental Relations. June 28, 1955
To the Congress of the United States:
Pursuant to the provisions of Public Law 109, 83rd Congress,
as amended, I hereby transmit to the Congress of the United
641
^ 145 Public Papers of the Presidents
States the final report of the Commission on Intergovernmental
Relations.
One hundred sixty-eight years ago the Founding Fathers de-
signed our federal form of government in response to the baffling
and eminently practical problem of creating unity among the
thirteen States where union seemed impossible. The framers of
our Constitution reached a solution now recognized as one of the
most significant advances in the history of representative
government.
Since their day, our federal structure has been adapted suc-
cessfully to such phenomenal changes as a forty-fold increase in
our population, the industrialization of our economy, and the
rapid urbanization of our society. No other federal system, since
established, has so effectively blended the capacity for energetic
and responsible national action and the spirit of local initiative
and autonomy.
In our time, however, a decade of economic crisis followed by
a decade of war and international crises vastly altered federal
relationships. Consequently, it is highly desirable to examine in
comprehensive fashion the present-day requirements of a work-
able federalism.
The interests and activities of the different levels of govern-
ment now impinge on each other at innumerable points, even
where they may appear to be quite separable. The National
Government's defense policies and programs, for example, have
important repercussions on virtually every phase of State and
local activity. Conversely, the effectiveness of our national de-
fense policies depends on a myriad of State and local activities
affecting the health, safety, and social and economic welfare of
our people.
Because of this increasingly intricate interrelationship of na-
tional, state, and local governments, it is important that we re-
view the existing allocation of responsibilities, with a view to
making the most effective utilization of our total governmental
resources.
642
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 146
To this undertaking the Commission on Intergovernmental Re-
lations has made a notable contribution. Its report includes
numerous specific recommendations. Insofar as these would en-
tail action by the Executive Branch, I shall see that they are given
the most careful consideration. I commend to the attention of
the Congress, as well as of State and local executives and
legislatures, the recommendations pertaining to them.
The Commission on Intergovernmental Relations is the first
official body appointed to study and report on the general relation-
ship of the National Government to the States and their local
units. Consequently, the Commission wisely devoted much of its
time to an examination of the general nature of our federal system,
and of the means whereby it can be made to work more effectively.
I am confident that its report will result in increased and sustained
interest in this vitally important problem of government.
Dvvn[GHT D. Eisenhower
note: The final report of the Com- merit 198 (84th Gong., ist sess.).
mission is published in House Docu-
1 46 ^ The President's News Conference of
June 2% 1955.
THE PRESIDENT. Ladies and gentlemen, I have only one an-
nouncement this moming. The Premier of Burma, U Nu, is
visiting us in the United States, and I shall have him for lunch,
following an official visit in my office.
I merely want to express great gratification that he came over.
The returning travelers and observers in that area have spoken of
him in the most glowing terms as to ability and his leadership
qualities. So I am very anxious to meet him, and we expect to
have a very pleasant time this noon.
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press: Mr. President, could you
643
^ 146 Public Papers of the Presidents
tell us something of the physical arrangements for the Big Four
meeting? some of the people who are going with you and, if
possible, when you will leave here?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I should Say I shall leave either Friday
evening or possibly about Saturday noon. I do want to be in
Geneva on Sunday morning at a reasonable hour, and I may, just
for convenience, start on Friday night rather than Saturday noon.
Now, it's been agreed that there will be a limited number of
people at the conference; and except for myself and two or three,
what you might call, stenographic and secretarial help from my
own office, the delegation will be largely the State Department —
the Secretary of State and his principal assistants.^
I think that is about all I know about it at the moment.
Q. Pat Munroe, Salt Lake City Deseret News: Mr. President,
we had a recent editorial which suggested that, perhaps, this
Geneva Conference was a meeting at the semi-summit; and I
wondered if you feel that Premier Bulganin, as head of the Soviet
delegation, will be able to speak for the collective heads of the
Soviet Union or if you hope that Mr. Khrushchev, Marshal
Zhukov and, perhaps, some others will come along with the
delegation, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, of coursc, you raise one of the, you might
say, questions that constitutes an existing puzzle. No one really
knows who carries the dominating influence in that group. But
let's remember this: there are different forms of government
everywhere. Ours is one of those in which the head of the state
is also head of a political party and head of a government. Now,
^ On July 1 the United States delegation to the Geneva Conference was announced
by the White House as follows: the President; the Secretary of State; Dillon Ander-
son, Special Assistant to the President; Charles E. Bohlen, U.S. Ambassador to the
Soviet Union; Robert R. Bowie, Director, Policy Planning Staff, Department of
State; James C. Hagerty, Press Secretary to the President; Douglas MacArthur II,
Counselor of the Department of State; Livingston T. Merchant, Assistant Secretary
of State for European Affairs; Herman Phleger, The Legal Adviser, Department of
State; and Llewellyn E. Thompson, U.S. Ambassador to Austria.
644
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1Q55 ^ 146
in Britain, for example, you have a parliamentary form of govern-
ment, and the head of the government is not the head of the
state whatsoever. So in no case can you have, as I see it, exact
counterparts from each state to be represented in a conference
such as this kind, because governmental forms differ. So you
would have to hope merely that the people who do have some
powers of decision in their own governments will be the ones that
are there.
Maybe the speculation of your editorial is just as good as
anybody else's on this point.
Q. Robert E. Clark, International News Service: Mr. Presi-
dent, you dropped several teasers in New England this last week
which sounded both as if you might and might not be a candi-
date in 1956. Since you appear to have relaxed your own mora-
torium on the subject, I wonder if you can shed any fresh light
on it for us.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think you are making an assumption
not necessarily true. A man going off where he is trying to have
a good time — ^if people kid him a little bit, he has got to answer
in kind. [Laughter]
Q. Charles L. Bartlett, Chattanooga Times: Mr. President,
one of the justifications for the Dixon-Yates contract was that
the Memphis area needed the power, needed the 600,000 kilo-
watts. Last week, as you probably know, the Memphis City
Council voted to build a steam plant of their own of about
600,000 kilowatts. I wonder if, in your opinion, the Government
should now proceed with the Dixon- Yates contract or cancel it
at the cheapest possible terms.
THE PRESIDENT. I havcu't had this matter brought up to my
attention by any of my responsible associates since I saw that
suggestion in the paper. But I do know this: that when I was
first visited by a delegation from Tennessee and I suggested that
the city of Memphis go ahead and build their own plant, they
said it was an impossibility under the whole TVA system and the
40308—59 44
645
^ 146 Public Papers of the Presidents
TVA contract; it was an impossibility/ That's all I know about it.
Q. Edward T. FoUiard, Washington Post and Times Herald :
Mr. President, this is related to
THE PRESIDENT. Could you spcak a little louder, Mr. FoUiard?
Q. Mr. FoUiard: Yes.
This is related to Mr. Clark's question.
I wondered if Sherman Adams was going to be able to finish
those ecstatic lectures on New Hampshire for the White House
staff?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, he sccms to be generating a very great
capacity for doing it in a hurry. [Laughter]
Q. Ray L. Scherer, NBC News : Along the same line, you said
several times during the tour that the purpose of the trip was a
matter of self-education.
THE PRESIDENT. YcS.
Q. Mr. Scherer: It was sort of a matter of education for news-
men, too, and some of us got educated into the notion that the
people up there would like to see you stand for re-election.
I was wondering what general impressions you brought back
from your tour.
THE PRESIDENT. Of coursc, you possibly saw my friends along
the roads, and we don't know who was behind in the alleys.
[Laughter]
Q. Charles E. Shutt, Telenews: Mr. President, I wonder if
you could tell us at this time how optimistic you are toward any
positive results coming from the Geneva Conference, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I havc tried to explain that. I think
that the world, including ourselves, deserves a renewed opportu-
^ On June 30, at the direction of the President, the White House made public a
letter of the same date from the Chairman of the Tennessee Valley Authority to the
Director of the Bureau of the Budget, regarding the decision of the city of Memphis
to construct its own power plant. Also released was a formal resolution adopted by
the TVA Board on June 30 regarding this matter. The White House statement
noted that the President had requested the Director of the Bureau of the Budget
to confer promptly with the Atomic Energy Commission and the Tennessee Valley
Authority to determine whether it was in the interest of the people of the area to
continue or to cancel the Dixon-Yates contract.
646
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 146
nity now through such a meeting to attempt to discover what are
the general intentions of all of us. We, trying to explain ours elo-
quently and intimately as we can to those who oppose us, trying
to get the same impression of their intentions and purposes,
through this method we may find ways of putting problems in
new channels or in places and under particular studies where
some real progress toward an easing of tensions, and so on, may
be made.
Q. Charles von Fremd, CBS News : Mr. President, the mutual
security program of the administration is running into some dif-
ficulty in the House where critics apparently believe that now
that Russia is on the run, so to speak, on the defensive, that we
can cut back somewhat on our foreign aid spending.
Do you have any comment?
THE PREsroENT. Well, of coursc, we have cut way back from
the level that we once maintained.
The finest statement on this whole proposition that has been
made, almost, was in the report of the House Committee, the
House Committee on Foreign Affairs. On about page 3 or 4, as
I remember, you will find a couple of paragraphs that tell about
the things that have been accomplished through this program.
They even went on to say that at last, finally, they have come
to the place where they no longer have to ask for an explanation
of what is being accomplished or what is desired, that the results
are proving themselves. And then they go ahead to name, I
think a half a dozen countries where great benefits to the United
States have sprung from this program. And they reached the
conclusion that with things going so well, with even an apparent
change in the general Soviet attitude toward the world and
toward us, this is no time to abandon the theory of a strong
America binding to herself strong allies and helping them to be
strong both internally and externally, that we should not now
abandon that policy.
It is a very splendid statement, and I would commend it to all
of you for reading.
647
^ 146 Public Papers of the Presidents
Q. William Theis, International News Service : Mr. President,
there have been indications on the Hill that there would be intro-
duced before this session ended some resolution expressing this
Government's endorsement and hope in the future of the satellite
peoples. Will you encourage or support such a move at this
time?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I dou't kuow in what words such a res-
olution would be couched. In fact, I haven't heard of any such
purpose.
I have constantly, over the past years, stated my general atti-
tude toward this proposition, that until such states as these have
a right themselves, by their own free will, to determine their own
forms of government and destiny, that there could be no real
peace in the world. I am sure that is true.
Q. Robert G. Spivack, New York Post : Mr. President, do you
believe that if this were a Republican-controlled Congress, that
the desegregation amendment to the Reserve manpower bill
would be passed?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I wouldu't cvcu spcculatc on that. I
don't know anything about it.
All I have ever said on that is that I would like to see one bill,
which is so terrifically important to the United States, be handled
specifically on its own merits and without the introduction of
any other kind of matter, no matter how desirable any such
legislation might be in anything.
Q. Chalmers M. Roberts, Washington Post and Times Herald :
Mr. President, at the UN meeting at San Francisco last week
after you spoke, most of the other speakers stressed their feeling
for the need of some sort of worldwide agreement on disarma-
ment, especially in the nuclear field.
You have had Harold Stassen working on this problem for
some time, and I wondered if you expect that he will have for
you before Geneva, or by the time you go, any formalized pro-
gram that you can present there or discuss there or make public
at that time?
648
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1Q55 ^ 146
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I would Say not a formalized program,
Mr. Roberts.
What I do believe is that through his efforts our Government
and all its parts, I mean legislative leaders and the executive
departments, can come together on a general type of approach to
this problem, that we can then inform the American people of
the general approach, and then try to make progress under that
plan.
In each case it would have to be a specific, probably, confer-
ence to take each item; I mean a specific step — ^might be the same
conference — but it is going to be a very long and tortuous road
to follow.
Q. Mr. Roberts: Do you expect, sir, to make public what pro-
posals he comes up with before you begin to negotiate them at
the conference?
THE PRESIDENT. I dou't cxpcct to make public anything before
we have got our own minds crystallized and know that we have
searched out all of the pitfalls in such discussions and such pro-
grams, and are ready to stand back of something. To do other-
wise merely raises a speculation and doubt. Again, I don't know
of any two people in the world that agree on this subject in its
details. I have personally been studying it for, I know, 40 years,
so I think we have got a pretty tough one. And the reason I
have put one man and given him the sole responsibility to find the
areas of agreement — out of that will come a basic principle, a
basic method, that we will follow, and it will constitute the real
foundation of the whole structure that we will try to build.
Q. Mrs. May Craig, Maine Papers: Mr. President, in relation
to Mr. Theis' question, the House passed last week 367 to nothing
a resolution of Democratic Mr. McCormack of Massachusetts,
expressing sympathy with the satellites, condemning colonialism
of all kinds, and asking that the United Nations and any organ-
ization in which we participated do what they could to release
them.
Did you favor that resolution? Did you know about that?
649
^ 146 Public Papers of the Presidents
THE PRESIDENT. As a matter of fact, I didn't know about that.
Maybe I was fishing that day, I don't know.
Q. Mrs. Craig: 367 to nothing.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I Still say that there are all kinds of
nuances in any such statement, possible complications, that make
you very careful in uttering an official statement.
For example, if you believe that, how far are you going? You
are certainly not going to declare war, are you? So there in-
stantly you fix for yourself limitations on how far we, as a people,
will go in accomplishing this thing. That means, therefore, that
we use peaceful means and means that are not provocative. We
use moral suasion, we use refusal to be drawn into any seeming
approval of such a situation; but we do place limits on ourselves
instantly when we think about the thing. And so that means that
there is a problem. It is not just as simple as just saying some-
thing and forgetting it.
Q. William H. Lawrence, New York Times: Is there an
agreed termination date on this Big Four meeting? I rather
gathered from the San Francisco dispatches that Mr. Molotov
and Mr. Dulles did not agree on that point.
THE PRESIDENT. I dou't kuow whether there has been a com-
plete agreement. What there is, as an examination of my own
duties will, I think, show to anyone, any reasonable person, is that
there is some limitation on the time I may spend as far away as
Geneva at a time when Congress is in session and approaching the
end of the session.
So we have simply stated that such-and-such a time is as long
as I personally can stay in Geneva.
Q. Mr. Lawrence : And you feel, sir, that having stated that
in advance, you do not run the propaganda risk of which you
spoke earlier?
THE PRESIDENT. I think I dou't run any risk with reasonable-
minded people ; I am sure of that.
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Sir, I believe I am
right in this, that you have always taken a stand consistently
650
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 146
against price controls, and that was in your '52 campaign and
what you have done since.
Now, I wonder if you feel there should be any exception in the
price of gas at the wellhead?
THE PRESIDENT. Of coursc, you bring up a question that has
been one of the most argumentative in all this field of Federal
control over the natural resources of America.
There is a bill in Congress now, progress is certainly being made,
and here is the problem: how do you defend adequately and
properly a consuming public, and how do you encourage at the
same time the utmost in exploration and exploitation of the
natural resources, in this case gas?
One way you could kill off all exploration and raise the price of
gas unconscionably would be just to stop exploring for it. So just
a simple answer of saying, "We are going to control gas at 8 cents
a thousand,'' or something like that just won't do it. So this is a
complicated problem, and my feeling is this: Congress is actually
making progress because they are trying to devise a bill which, at
one and the same time, protects the consumer but which, at the
same time, will encourage exploration.
All the details of this bill I am not completely certain about
because, after all, I have not had time to study it. But it seems to
me that progress is being made in this complex problem.
Q. Hazel Markel, National Broadcasting Company: Mr.
President, I would like to ask you, in returning to the U.N. Con-
ference, that either by your own presence there or by the subse-
quent report of your Secretary of State, if you feel more or less
happy and confident about the summit meetings.
THE PRESIDENT. About the
Q. Miss Markel: About the summit meeting at Geneva.
THE PRESIDENT. Oh. You mean what I have picked up-
Q. Miss Markel : Yes. Are you confident that it is going to be
successful?
THE PRESIDENT. I think this — I am trying not to expect too
much. Miss Markel, but I do say this: there is obviously some
651
^ 146 Public Papers of the Presidents
change that has come about in the Soviet attitude. If that change
is one that makes it easier to hve with them, easier to negotiate
with them, easier to solve problems that arise from day to day,
then that cannot help having eventually a fine effect on the entire
situation, the general situation.
Now, no one believes that the great Marxian doctrine of world
revolution has been abandoned by its advocates. No one believes
that, and we have got, therefore, to be careful. But if we can
find ways that will take some of the burdens of fear and tension
off of people, we ought to explore them to the maximum.
I personally believe, from what I learned in San Francisco and
through my talks, that the chances for that were better than I
thought they were 2 months ago.
Q. Miss Markel : Thank you, sir.
Q. Frank van der Linden, Nashville Banner : Senator Kef auver
charged on the Senate floor yesterday that the Budget Bureau
was trying to conceal what he called a scandal in the Dixon-
Yates contract negotiations regarding the employment of Mr.
Adolphe Wenzell of the First Boston Corporation.
Senator Knowland says there is no corruption in it, and that
he thinks you were just trying to help the Tennessee Valley get
some power.
I wondered if Mr. Hughes of the Budget Bureau had cleared
with you his refusal to give Mr. Kef auver the information he was
asking down there?
THE PRESIDENT. Mr. Hughcs Came to see me, went over the
situation, and I repeated to him the general instructions, I think,
that I expressed once publicly in front of this body: that every
single pertinent paper on the Yates-Dixon contract from its in-
ception until the final writing of the contract would be made
available, I think I said at that time, to the press, to any committee.
Now, I do stand on this : nobody has a right to go in, wrecking
the processes of government by taking every single file — some of
you have seen our file rooms and know their size — ^wrecking the
652
Dwight D. Eisenhower y 1Q55 ^ 146
entire filing system and paralyzing the processes of government
while they are going through them.
These files are filled with every kind of personal note; I guess
my own files are filled with personal notes from my own staff
all through, they are honeycombed with them. To drag those
things out where a man says to me, "I think so-and-so is a bad
person to appoint to so-and-so, and you shouldn't have him," all
he had was his own opinion. You can't drag those things out and
put them before the public with justice to anybody, and we are
not going to do it. But at the time that I gave those instructions,
Mr. Hughes, Mr. Strauss, whoever else was involved, got together
every single document that was pertinent to this thing and put it
out.
Now, as far as the Wenzell report, Mr. Wenzell was never
called in or asked a single thing about the Yates-Dixon contract.
He was brought in as a technical adviser in the very early days
when none of us here knew about the bookkeeping methods of
the TVA or anything else.
He was brought in as a technical adviser and nothing else, and
before this contract was ever even proposed.
Q. Allan W. Gromley, Daily Oklahoman : Mr. President, you
said progress
THE PREsroENT. I Said what?
Q. Mr. Gromley: A while ago you said that progress was being
made in regards to gas legislation.
THE PRESIDENT. YcS.
Q. Mr. Gromley: Recently, Mr. Raybum, after the House
approval of the bill, I mean the House committee approval, said,
"I think it is going to take the endorsement and power of the
administration to get this bill passed and, of course, that means
the President of the United States."
I just wondered if that means you will endorse and support
the bill, sir?
THE PREsroENT. Well, I get many advisers, but it has not been
brought up to me yet.
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^ 146 Public Papers of the Presidents
Q. Alan S. Emory, Watertown Times: Mr. President, on Fri-
day the Senate passed a bill authorizing the Civil Aeronautics
Administration to obligate 4 years in advance $63 million a year
for Federal aid to airports.
The Commission on Intergovernmental Relations, which re-
ported to you yesterday afternoon, advocated that the CAA
authorize such aid at least 2 years in advance.
Does this proposal for advance obligation of aid to the airports
run in the face of administration fiscal policy or does this meet
with your approval, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. I havcu't had any study; as a matter of fact,
I haven't heard of this particular proposal you bring up. I can't
answer it, sorry.
Q. James B. Reston, New York Times: As I understand it,
sir, there are no decisions to be taken at the Geneva meeting, and
the conversation is to be fairly general.
Now, I wondered, in the light of that, what your approach is
to publicity at that meeting? Is it your view that the views of
the various sides should be widely publicized or not?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, uow, in the first place, I don't mean to
say that necessarily there will be no decisions. I would not ex-
pect solutions to any problem that bothers the world to come up,
but there could be decisions on how we would approach them.
I would hope some of those would come about.
As to publicity, I must say that that is one element — ^it is always,
of course, a necessary element of these things — that has not yet
come up for study. But I personally would hope that more than
just the stereotyped, what do they call them, final communiques
which, I think, probably annoy writers as much as they do me —
there would be something more than that come out.
Q. Martin S. Hayden, Detroit News: Mr. President, some of
us over in this corner, sir, think that maybe you said something
you didn't mean to. A minute ago you said no one doubts the
axiom that the Marxian revolution has been abandoned by its
advocates.
654
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 146
THE PRESIDENT. No, I didn't Say that at all.
Q. Mr. Hayden : You mean nobody thinks it?
THE PRESIDENT. I Said no onc thinks for a minute that the
Marxian doctrine has been abandoned by its advocates. I be-
lieve that — ^was that correct?
[Chorus of ^^YeSy yes^^]
Q. Paul A. Shinkman, King Features Syndicate: Mr. Presi-
dent, it has been suggested that you might take the occasion of
your visit to Geneva to make one or two other stops before re-
turning home. Is that a possibility?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, there have been a number of invita-
tions ; but because of their very number it makes it, I think, almost
an impossibility.
Whatever time I have got over there I think I should devote
to business. As you know, Europe is covered with my good
friends. Nothing would give me greater satisfaction than to go
into two or three of these cities. But I don't think I can do it.
Q. Milton B. Freudenheim, Akron Beacon Journal: Mr.
President, Democrats in the House have been proposing and
pushing a plan to finance long-range highway building by drastic
increases in taxes on tires and also gasoline. Have you any com-
ment on that, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. Ycs, to this cxtcut: jfirst of all, I think every-
body agrees that America needs roads, needs them badly, and
needs them now, and they ought to be built on a coordinated,
comprehensive basis, and that building ought to start.
Now, the question of financing raises problems. Either you
must find some way to finance these things out of current revenues
as you go along, which means very greatly increased taxes, and
in this case that would be on related products, gasoline, tires^ and
so on, or you must find some method of having a bond issue.
If you had the bond issue, then you have the problem: do you
want to add it to the national debt or do you want to put it under
a special organization in which liquidation is provided for, and
655
^ 146 Public Papers of the Presidents
which will get this whole sum of debt off our books as rapidly as
possible.
The Governors of the United States, and the Clay committee
which I had appointed, in cooperation developed a plan that
made road building, plus a bond issue which would be liquidating,
under a U.S. corporation.
Now, here is one of the reasons against just raising taxes and
trying to do it in that way, getting in a lot of revenue and building
that much each year: where are the States going to get the
money to do their part of this thing?
It seems to me that we have got to recognize occasionally the
very great responsibility, authority, and power that should reside
in our States, allowing them to have decent sources of revenue.
If we put the maximum amount that the traffic will bear on all
of these things, I don't know where the States' revenue is going
to come from.
So we devised a plan that we thought met the needs of the sit-
uation in the best possible fashion, and I am for it now just as
strongly as I was when it was devised by the Governors and by
the Clay committee and put before the public.
Q. Richard Harkness, National Broadcasting Company: Mr.
President, the Senate has passed a resolution, the House is sched-
uled to follow suit, sir, creating a bipartisan commission of 12
members to study and report on the Government's loyalty-secu-
rity program. Do you see any constructive accomplishment in
the report of such a committee?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, you Say constructive accomplishment.
I wouldn't want to answer in those terms.
I say this: I have no objection. This administration has
nothing to hide.
It is a difficult problem. I have always maintained that I am
ready to cooperate in any legitimate properly organized investi-
gation of the Congress. Anything they do in this line, we will
cooperate and do the best we can to bring to light all of the
pertinent facts.
656
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig55 ^ 146
Q. Clark R. MoUenhoff, Des Moines Register and Tribune:
Mr. President, a little while ago you stated that Mr. Wenzell was
never called in about the Yates-Dixon contract, and there seemed
to be some testimony before the SEC and before a committee
that he had served as a consultant. I wondered if you were
THE PRESIDENT. He did scrvc as a consultant at one time.
Q. Mr. MoUenhoff: On the Dixon- Yates?
THE PRESIDENT. No, I think — ^uow, I will check this up. My
understanding is that quickly as the Dixon- Yates thing came up
he resigned, and we got as our consultant a man named Adams
from the Power Commission here itself to come over and be the
consultant so as to have him, because he [Wenzell] was connected
with a great Boston financial company.
Q. Mr. MoUenhoff: Mr. President, had you been informed
that he had no connection at all with the Dixon- Yates?
THE PRESIDENT. My understanding of it — that part of it —
there may have been an overlap of a week or two; there I am not
sure.
Q. Mr. MoUenhoff: Would there be any change in your posi-
tion on that if there was material that he had served as a consult-
ant on that?
THE PRESIDENT. If he had served as a consultant on that and
brought in a definite recommendation to us, I would be very
delighted to make that public. But I just don't believe there is a
thing in it about it. However, I will have it checked again.
[Addresses Mr, Hagerty] Will you take that up? ^
^ A White House release, issued later in the day, stated that at no time did Adolphe
Wenzell take part in any policy decisions either with regard to the inception of the
proposals which led to the Dixon- Yates contract or the development of Government
policy with regard to that contract.
In 1953, long before any proposal concerning the Dixon- Yates contract had been
made, the release stated, Mr. Wenzell at the request of the Director of the Budget,
prepared an analysis of the records and accounting systems of the Tennessee Valley
Authority, particularly as to comparison of its annual report of earnings with those
of similar private industry which have different requirements as to taxes, interest rates,
and the like.
However, the release stated, one exception should be noted to keep the public record
exactly straight. The one exception referred to was that from January 14 to April
657
^ 146 Public Papers of the Presidents
Q. Gould Lincoln, Washington Star: Mr. President, Senator
Lyndon Johnson of Texas yesterday made a statement praising
what the Senate had done in a legislative way, and he also said
that a certain party leader made a speech last fall saying that a
cold war of partisan politics would follow the election of a Demo-
cratic Congress. He inferred that possibly that certain party
later might have something to say about it. [Laughter]
THE PRESIDENT. Well, ladics and gentlemen, I said in the cam-
paign— and I assume that his allusion to me is not so hazy that we
can't take that as a — [laughter] — I said this: if you do this, how
are you going to fix responsibility either for failure or success? So
the very fact that he gets up and makes this statement would indi-
cate to me that someone is confused as to where credit lies, or
blame.
Now, you have just given me a big chance to read a little list of
legislation I want, not been passed yet. [Laughter]
So if we are to get this fine cooperation now, let me read you
something that I think the American people would be interested
in; because I can conceive of nothing that is more important to
them than to get this list :
Highway construction
Military reserves — for once in my life I even asked for an
opportunity to go on the radio after the conclusion of that
last exercise so I could tell the American people what I
3> i954> Mr. Wenzell did serve as technical consultant to the Bureau of the Budget
and in that capacity he did give advice to the Bureau of the Budget on such matters
as the form of securities that might be marketable, the rate of interest that might be
used, and the necessity for various protective clauses and relative costs that entered
into preliminary, exploratory discussions that the Atomic Energy Commission and
the Bureau of the Budget were conducting at that time.
The release added that prior to the time that the definite proposal of April 10,
1954, was made — which later developed into the Dixon- Yates contract — Francis L.
Adams, Chief, Bureau of Power, Federal Power Commission, had been called in and
was serving as Bureau of the Budget consultant; that Mr. Wenzell did not serve as
consultant from April 10, 1954, and had no connection with any subsequent discus-
sion; and that he was presently serving as Assistant to the Director of Technical
Operations of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development.
658
Dwight D. Eisenhower y ig^^ ^ 146
thought about this thing of reserves. This is vital to all of
us. Why are we fooling around about it?
Military survivor benefits
Housing legislation
Health program
School construction
Mutual security authorization and appropriation — I be-
lieve that is up today, and if anything should go through in a
hurry that should.
Refugee Act amendments — and you all know about the
needs for them.
Water resources — the Upper Colorado and the Frying Pan
and the Cougar Dam up in the Northwest, all trying to get
started and all waiting because they are not done.
Customs simplification — something that is just vital to us;
well maybe that is too strong a word, it is terribly important.
Minimum wage and other labor bills
The atomic ship
Hawaiian statehood
Now, I am just delighted, and I am glad to give credit for
everything that has been done.
I will thank everybody, personally if I can get a hold of him,
that has voted for the necessary legislation. Now I want some
more.
Q. John E. Kenton, New York Journal of Commerce: On the
question of the atomic ship, sir, you are surely aware of some
criticism that has been raised in Congress by members of both
parties
THE PRESIDENT. YcS.
Q. Mr. Kenton : against your conception of the plan on the
ground that it
THE PRESIDENT. That is right.
Q. Mr. Kenton: ^it would not contribute much to real
progress of the American merchant marine.
659
^ 146 Public Papers of the Presidents
In the light of the Senate vote last night, not to proceed with
your conception of the atomic ship but rather with the longer-
range program, wouldn't you comment on that and tell us whether
you still intend to continue to fight for your version?
THE PRESIDENT. I havc uo doubt there are among you here
people who have been serving, or have had your duties, in South
American countries, Asian countries, and different European
countries recently.
You will find, as you were serving on those tours, that the mass
of the world thinks of the atomic science as of great importance
to two great power centers, Washington and the Kremlin; that
it is a science that has specialized in the destruction of men, the
destroying of civilization. They really shudder to think about it.
What I am trying to do as one of the peace moves in this world
is to convince the world, not just Russia and ourselves, but to
convince the world that here is a science that can mean practically
the doubling, let us say, of living standards within a reasonable
space of time. Here is a great science opening up opportunities
in every way.
Now, one of the ways I would like to bring this about is to
have a ship going into every important port of the world, inviting
people aboard; they would come by the thousands. I remember
the days when the Empress of Britain used to go around advertis-
ing British goods, and I was one of the crowd that went on to see
what they had.
Think of the crowds that would come to see an atomic ship !
And they would get the understanding that here, a ship powered
by atomic energy, everything on it operating that way, with all
the exhibits of what this can do in agriculture and medicine, all
of the other sciences, to improve the lot of man. They would
soon begin to develop and generate a moral force in this world:
"Let's get this uranium turned into peaceful channels and not
just in destroying men." I will tell you any way you can do it is
cheap.
Now, these people may differ with me as to whether it is
660
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 146
beneficial or not. But some of them haven't differed, because
one committee said "Build two ships, not one, build two."
Maybe there is a difference of opinion. But I will tell you if we
are going to win this war for peace, let's stop talking about cold
war. We are trying to wage a war for peace; if we are going to
win it, we have got to inform the world. And one of the ways to
inform the world is to let them see these things that can happen
with this great science.
I am just sure we have got a hold of something here that can
mean more to us in terms of untold billions, we will say, in terms
of the lessening of tensions; and then we say, "Oh, this is a waste
of money !"
If we are trying to use any money through interchange of
students and the Information Services, all of which I stand for
and believe in impHcitly, to take this and send it around as a
physical demonstration of what might happen — I think we are
missing a great opportunity if we don't do it.
And thank you.
<2. Merriman Smith, United Press: One more.
THE PRESIDENT. I saw him on his toes.
Q. Robert E. Clark, International News Service: Mr. Presi-
dent, can you tell us how you feel about the Bering Sea plane
incident, and whether you agree with the Secretary of State that
it was probably due to a trigger-happy Soviet pilot rather than a
policy?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I am sure it was a local occurrence and
not something that was directed as a matter of policy.
Now, weather conditions were not good. There was a cloud
cover, and there were other things in it that made it look like
it was at least local, and part of it misunderstanding.
It was, I think, very encouraging to note that in this incident,
at least, there was a different attitude taken by the Soviets than
they ever had in a similar one before.
Merriman Smith, United Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
THE PRESIDENT. OK.
661
^ 146 Public Papers of the Presidents
note: President Eisenhower's sev- from 10:31 to 11:06 o'clock on
enty-second news conference was Wednesday morning, June 29, 1955.
held in the Executive Office Building In attendance: 186.
1 47 ^ Veto of Bill To Prohibit Publication by the
Government of the United States of Predictions as
to Apple Prices. July i, 1955
To the United States House of Representatives:
I return herewith, without my approval, H. R. 5188, "To pro-
hibit pubHcation by the Government of the United States of any
prediction with respect to apple prices." This bill would amend
section 15 (d) of the Agricultural Marketing Act (12 U.S.C. 1 141
(j) (d) ), as amended, by inserting after the word "cotton" the
words "or apples". The effect of this would be to extend to apples
the existing prohibitions with respect to the publication of price
prospects that now apply only to cotton.
The provision of the Act to which apples would be added is
very broad. It applies to any officer or employee of the United
States, in either the legislative or executive branches of the Gov-
ernment, except to the Governor of the Farm Credit Administra-
tion. It should not be extended to other farm products. In
particular, the addition of apples to this provision would further
restrict the agricultural-outlook service of the Department of
Agriculture since it would prohibit the publication and, on oc-
casion, the formal discussion of future price prospects for apples
by any employees of the Department, including cooperative
employees of the Federal-State Extension Service.
I believe that it is a vital responsibility of the Federal Govern-
ment to gather and disseminate accurate, timely, comprehensive,
and useful economic information, so that producers and con-
sumers, buyers and sellers may have available to them the maxi-
mum amount of economic knowledge. This is especially true of
farmers, who generally are not in a position to acquire for them-
662
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^s ^ 148
selves all the necessary facts concerning supply and demand con-
ditions affecting their commodities. Because of the great instabil-
ity of their prices and incomes, they stand in particular need of
accurate, timely, and comprehensive economic information to
assist them in the development of their plans for production and
marketing. Denial to farmers of this type of information in the
case of another major commodity would represent a backward
step tending to undermine the foundations of the entire agricul-
tural-outlook service.
It is difficult to see how the cutting off of analysis of price
trends and dissemination of price prospects by the Department of
Agriculture can in any way assist the farmer. Interpretations of
the price situation will still be made by others. At times, these
may come from sources whose interests run contrary to those of
the apple producers. This legislation would reduce or seriously
limit the ability of field workers to counteract price rumors
detrimental to the farmers' interests.
For these reasons I have felt obliged to withhold my approval
from this measure.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
1 48 ^ Joint Statement Following Discussions
With Prime Minister U Nu of Burma. July 3, 1 955
THE PRIME MINISTER of Burma, His Excellency U Nu, has
visited Washington for three days at the invitation of President
Eisenhower. The President and the Prime Minister discussed
many matters of common concern and exchanged views on
current international problems.
The Prime Minister, the President and the Secretary of State
reviewed problems of peace and security in Asia. They had a
frank discussion of the complex economic problems arising from
the existence of substantial surpluses of exportable rice both in
663
^ 148 Public Papers of the Presidents
Burma — one of the world's leading rice exporting countries — and
in the United States.
Note was taken of the salutary influence of religion as exem-
plified by the Sixth Buddhist Synod presently being held in
Rangoon and attended by leading Buddhist scholars from many
nations.
The problem of imprisoned American fliers in Communist
China was reviewed.
These talks have been of special value in increasing mutual
understanding between Burma and the United States. There is
a wide area of agreement and a traditional friendship between
Burma and the United States resting firmly upon certain noble
concepts to which both countries subscribe. Our two peoples,
those of the United States and the Union of Burma, share two
fundamental goals, a peaceful world and a democratic way of
life.
They reaffirmed their dedication to the ideal of peace and
friendly cooperation amongst nations founded on international
justice and morality. Both countries are deeply concerned with
a subject that is predominant in the minds of all responsible world
leaders today — the problem of achieving peace with justice, a
peace based upon the liberty of human beings and the security
of nations.
Such a peace can best be achieved by loyal steadfast support
for the Charter of the United Nations. That is the surest and
most practical avenue along which to seek peace with justice in
this world. A patient striving to uphold the fundamental moral
and religious beliefs underlying the Charter provides the best
hope for the fulfillment of mankind's aspirations.
The Prime Minister, the President and the Secretary of State
deplored the conditions which force the peoples of the world to
divert their energies and talents from a single-minded effort to
improve and expand those cultural and economic opportunities
by which men can raise the levels of their existence. They re-
newed their own determination to uphold the principles of the
664
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig55 ^ 149
United Nations in its unceasing effort to save mankind from the
scourge of future war.
1 49 ^ The President's News Conference of
July 6, 1955.
THE PREsroENT. Good momiug, ladies and gentlemen. I have
no announcements ; we will go right to questions.
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press: Mr. President, some of
your friends in the Senate don't quite share your feelings about
a moratorium on discussing your plans for 1 956.
Senator Flanders, in a Fourth of July speech in Illinois, said
that you cannot refuse to run in 1956.
My question is, can you? [Laughter]
THE PRESIDENT. Well, for mysclf I don't believe that I can re-
call that I ever said what anyone else could or could not do; and
I think that is a decision I have to reach for myself some time.
Q. Edward H. Sims, Columbia State: I have two questions,
sir. Forty-nine Senators in the Senate have introduced a resolu-
tion which would direct the Tariff Commission to investigate
recent textile cuts made at Geneva; and I believe you have been
asked by one of those Senators, Senator Thurmond, if you would
join in that agreement.
I wonder if you would comment on that.
The textile industry claims these cuts allow foreign producers
to sell some goods below costs that they could be made in this
country.
THE PRESIDENT. No, that has not been brought to me yet.
[Chorus of ''Mr. President]
Just a minute. I believe the man announced he has two
questions; I am sorry.
Q. Mr. Sims: The other question is — thank you, sir — ^in the
Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals there is a vacancy, a judgeship
vacancy, and I believe Judge Soper retired as of June 30.
665
^ 149 Public Papers of the Presidents
By custom and tradition, these judgeships have been given
to the States in that circuit, I beUeve, for some decades. This
time it is South CaroKna's turn if that custom is followed.
I wonder if you would say whether you intend to follow that
custom.
THE PRESIDENT. That particular one hasn't been brought to
me, but I will say this: in the past, we have tried in all the circuit
court appointments to give the widespread representation that has
been the custom in the past.
Now, whether or not the facts are as stated, whether they are
governing in this case, I should say I am not sure, because it has
not been discussed with me.
Q. Laurence H. Burd, Chicago Tribune : Mr. President, at the
summit conference does this country plan to have a stenographic
record kept of the talks of the chiefs of state? And, if so, would
you expect that record to be made public at some time?
THE PREsroENT. I Can't answer it. I hadn't thought of it.
I would say that, for the most of these conferences, there would
be stenographic reports on any official presentation by any indi-
vidual. Now, if it did become just general roundtable discussion,
there may not; but any formal presentation by any of the govern-
ments, I should think there would be a record kept. Now, I am
guessing, and I would prefer you ask that of the Secretary of State.
Q. Charles E. Egan, New York Times: Mr. President, there
is concern in some quarters that amendments and riders being
added to bills up on Capitol Hill are undermining your foreign
trade program as represented by the reciprocal trade. I won-
dered if you have any comments on that?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, any attempt, I think, to fix specific
tariffs on specific items by legislation is bound to create a lot of
confusion and create great difficulties both for the legislative and
executive departments.
Now, as far as the general practice of putting riders or extra-
neous matter on substantive legislation, I think my views are well
known.
666
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 149
I think every item that comes up for legislation should be
handled on its own merits and not tied in with something that is
irrelevant.
Q. Charles S. von Fremd, CBS News: Mr. President, many
Democrats on Capitol Hill are now claiming that your decision to
reopen or to restudy the Dixon- Yates matter is a political victory
for their side, and claim that it represents a backing down on your
part on this whole matter. Could you discuss that with us, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. I hadn't heard this particular point.
The first group that ever came to my office to urge upon me the
building with Federal funds of a new steam plant in the TVA were
very insistent that this be done. It was the only way they could
get a plant; and they said, "The city of Memphis is going to be
without power in that whole region."
I recommended to them that the city of Memphis build its plant
just like New York City or Abilene, Kansas, would, if they had to
have a plant. And they showed to me, or attempted to show to
me, that this was impossible in their area because of the type of
contract that TVA had made with all its customers. It is an ex-
clusive sort of contract. If you take any power from TVA then
you may not, under your contract, get any power anywhere else.
That was the situation at that moment.
Actually, I am delighted that the city of Memphis or any other
local community, when it comes to the simple building of a power
station through steamplant methods, and with no flood control or
navigation or other factors in it, do it themselves. I believe we
should do it ourselves. So I am not really concerned as to who
is claiming political victories. This is in accordance with the
philosophy in which I believe.
Q. John Herling, Editors Syndicate : Mr. President, according
to yesterday's report, the administration does not now include the
minimum wage in its top measures for passage this year. Would
you explain, sir, why this change in signals on the part of the
administration?
THE PRESIDENT. No ouc has changed anything that I know of.
667
^ 149 Public Papers of the Presidents
Q. Mr. Herling: Sir, they weren't listed in the first five top
measures that were indicated as required or "must" bills by the
administration,
THE PRESIDENT. There were two gentlemen that I had a con-
ference with yesterday morning, and I understand they met with
the press. They named a few bills and said "and others."
Now, this bill was in the "and others," I assure you.
Q. Mr. Herling: Sir, a related question.
[The President confers with Mr. Hagerty.]
THE PRESIDENT. I am also told that they announced it spe-
cifically when they met the press at 9 : 30 this morning after the
meeting of the legislative leaders.
Q. Mr. Herling: Sir, this is a related question. I was not at
the 9:30 meeting.
THE PRESIDENT. Oh.
Q, Mr, Herling: May I ask, sir, in view of the fact that the
dollar minimum wage seems to be riding the crest now in the
Senate, with both Republican and Democratic support, and in
view of the changed wage pattern situation, would you be willing,
would you be amenable, to the idea of signing a dollar minimum
wage if it came to you?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I dou't kuow. I ucvcr predicted, I
think, that I would or would not sign a bill.
I believe, as of today, that the 90-cent program is the correct
one gauged by the practices and the record of the past.
Now, if we make the assumption that the 75-cent minimum
wage bill was passed, that that was approximately correct, then
the 90 cent by all odds is now generous.
I have not yet had any economic advice that I should change
my position. So, as of now, I would like to see that get a fair
trial in the Congress, will they approve the 90-cent wage, and I
won't predict what I will do with the other bills.
Q. William H. Lawrence, New York Times : Mr. President, re-
turning to the Dixon- Yates question, which was raised a moment
ago, have you had a report from Mr. Hughes as yet so that you
668
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 149
could tell us whether you will or will not cancel that private
agreement?
THE PRESIDENT. I had a report just a few minutes ago from
Mr. Hughes. But the investigation by the Attorney General and
by the Budget Bureau is still going on because there must be
determined the complete feasibility of the city building its own
powerplant; otherwise, we might proceed quite a ways on that
proposition, and find that it was an impossible thing due to some
kind of legal or other limitations.
The TVA has reported to me that there will be no need for
this power in TVA and, of course, in that event, if that is sub-
stantiated, then there would be no need for building this plant.
Q. Mr. Lawrence: Then you would cancel under such
circumstances?
THE PRESIDENT. If all of thcsc circumstanccs meet the stand-
ards that we have set up, yes.
Q. Mr. Lawrence : You spoke, sir, of the continuing investiga-
tion of the feasibility of the city of Memphis
THE PRESIDENT. Ycs, and that will be
Q. Mr. Lawrence : Is that likely to take some time, a week or
10 days?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I didn't ask them. But my impression
of this was that it might be finished up in a couple of weeks.^
Q. Edward T. FoUiard, Washington Post and Times Herald:
Mr. President, I have some questions to ask here about the strike
here, the streetcar and bus strike here.
Has the strike here been brought to your attention officially?
^ A White House release of July 1 2 stated that the President invited Edgar Dixon,
President of the Middle South Utilities Company and the Mississippi Valley Gen-
erating Company, to meet with him that morning. The release further stated that
the President expressed his appreciation to Mr. Dixon and his associates for the fine
spirit and cooperation demonstrated throughout the proceedings, and praised the
good will with which the company officials accepted the Government decision to
terminate the so-called Dixon- Yates contract — a decision predicated on Memphis'
announced plan to build its own steam generating plant and meet its own power
needs.
40308—59 45
669
^ 149 Py^blic Papers of the Presidents
Is there any suggestion that it is interfering with the operation of
the Government, and have you any plans to try and bring about a
settlement?
THE PRESIDENT. As you know, all of you, it is my belief that
the Federal Government, as such — the Executive portion of the
Federal Government — should stay out of industrial disputes as
long as it is possible, and to violate that rule only when a national
emergency of some kind is obviously occurring.
Now, I have got two or three remarks I would like to make. Of
course, I have been kept in touch with this from the beginning.
Any important strike is always discussed with me, certainly, daily.
One group that hasn't received any credit, and I think we all
owe them a vote of thanks, is the poUce force of Washington. I
have never seen any group move into an emergency, handle a
strange situation, with such efficiency and unfailing good humor
as they have. And I think that we owe them a vote of thanks.
Now, in respect to the quarrel itself, I believe this thoroughly,
particularly in public utilities: both unions and operators have a
very great responsibility to the public that they serve. That
public is the source of their income, and they should think about
them and their convenience. When the governmental workers
cannot get to work except by starting an hour early to walk, or
because of traffic jams can't get down here, of course it is inter-
fering to that extent with public business.
I believe both sides really ought to stay in practically continuous
negotiations seeking an honest answer that will be just to the
public and to both sides.
Q. Charles E. Shutt, Telenews: Mr. President, Soviet Party
boss Khrushchev made a couple of interesting remarks at our
Embassy in Moscow on July 4th.
One was that he made a point of saying the Soviets were ap-
proaching the summit conference with considerable strength, and
that if we dealt honestly with them, they thought something would
come out of it.
The other remark he made was that if there ever was another
670
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 149
war, he hoped that the Soviets and the Americans would be on the
same side.
Would you comment on that, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, with the first one, so far as I know,
there is no individual in this Government that has ever said that
the Russians, the Soviets, are coming to any conference weak. Of
course we recognize their great military strength in the world. So
that would seemingly be just thrown in for some reason of his own.
So far as approaching it in good faith, we would go there with
very hopeful attitudes, but that hope has got to have greater food
on which to nourish itself before it can become anything like
expectation.
But we are going there honestly to present our case in a con-
ciliatory, in a friendly, attitude, and we don't intend to reject any-
thing from mere prejudice or truculence or any other lesser motive
of that kind.
Q. David P. Sentner, Hearst Newspapers: Mr. President,
have you received any information as to the makeup of the Russian
delegation to the Big Four conference?
THE PRESIDENT. I havc reccivcd none whatsoever.
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times : Sir, in the Vinson Re-
serve bill, he increases the amount of people who can be in the
Reserve, but the bill is based on the extension, of course, of the
draft, and the present Reserve bills.
Several times it was mentioned there that you could increase
the pool of trained people in the Reserve by merely cutting down
on the time the draftees have to serve, and by increasing the take
of draftees. I wonder if you have any plans to do that?
THE PRESIDENT. Not as of uow, uo. I am hoping for a bill
somewhat on the lines of the one proposed.
Q. Anthony H. Leviero, New York Times: Mr. President, in
"Operation Alert" you issued a test proclamation of martial law
on a national scale.
I wonder if you would discuss the application of it and where
671
^ 149 Public Papers of the Presidents
the Governors and other civil authorities would fit into the
picture.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, Mr. Lcvicro, remember, this was an
answer to a specific instance.
The problem I was confronted with when I left my office and
which I hadn't known before — I refused to let them tell me the
conditions under which this problem was to be operated, because
I conceive the played (hypothetical) decisions should be made in
the proper atmosphere of emergency — I was suddenly told that
53 of the major cities of the United States had either been de-
stroyed or so badly damaged that the populations were fleeing;
there were uncounted dead; there was great fallout over the
country. Here there was, as I saw it, no recourse except to take
charge instantly; because even Congress, dispersed from Wash-
ington because of a bomb, would take some hours to meet, to get
together, to organize themselves.
It was a terrible situation, one which you would hope would
be terminated very quickly as soon as. you get Congress together.
Now, because of this unexpected development they handed
me, I have asked the Attorney General to look through our entire
record of precedents from the beginning of our Government to
see what would be the thing that would do the least violence to
our form of Government, which would protect the population,
protect the national decision. Let's say that particular incident
did at least have this benefit: to cause us to study more deeply
and in a more analytical fashion our whole history to see what
would be the best thing to do under such circumstances.^
Q. Clark R. Mollenhoff, Des Moines Register and Tribune:
Mr. President, there has been some little controversy that has
^ A 4-page statement was released by the White House on July 7 concerning a
report made to the President on that date by the Director of the Office of Defense
Mobilization on the Federal agency relocation activities, which were part of a nation-
wide civil defense test held June 15, 16, and 17.
The release included a statement concerning Director Flemming's report on the draft
proclamation providing for limited martial law, which was prepared during the exer-
cises for future study.
672
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 149
arisen between Budget Director Hughes and Senator Kefauver
relative to the questioning of five witnesses from the Budget
Bureau in the Dixon- Yates controversy, and I wondered if you
would care to discuss for us
THE PRESIDENT. Fivc witucsses, you say?
Q. Mr. MoUenhofl: Five witnesses in the Dixon- Yates con-
troversy relative to the part that Mr. Wenzell played in the
Dixon- Yates case.
THE PREsroENT. Well, Mr. Wenzell was the only one I heard
about.
Q, Mr. MoUenhoff : The thing I wanted to find out was where
you thought — ^how much discretion Mr. Hughes had?
THE PREsroENT. I think Mr. Wenzell is entitled to tell the in-
vestigating committee exactly what he did.
You will remember he was called in to investigate certain ac-
counting and financing systems of power establishments and their
tax situation. That was early in this administration, and he, I
believe, submitted on that a fairly formal written report. I have
no doubt he will show that written report to the committee if
they want to see it, although it has no bearing on the thing they
are now talking about.
Later he was — ^for a period, I believe, of 60 days in early '54
was it?
Mr. Hagerty : A little longer.
THE PRESIDENT. Somctimc, early spring of '54, he was here as
a technical adviser as they were trying to devise some form of
contract that would befit the situation.
He, I have no doubt in all matters of fact, will testify freely
before this investigating committee.
Q. Mr. MoUenhoff: Mr. President, I had in mind more the
discretion that you felt your agency had had, not necessarily Mr.
Wenzell, but with regard to other witnesses. There were five
other witnesses in the Budget Bureau that the committee had
asked to come down; and Mr. Hughes had informed the com-
mittee that they should not
673
^ 149 Public Papers of the Presidents
THE PRESIDENT. Mr. Hughcs has not talked to me, as I recall
it. Now, maybe Mr. Hughes talked to me about it, and it slipped
my mind. I have explained my attitude here time and again.
If anybody in an official position of this Government does any-
thing which is an official act, and submits it either in the form of
recommendation or anything else, that is properly a matter for
investigation if Congress so chooses, provided the national security
is not involved.
But when it comes to the conversations that take place between
any responsible official and his advisers or exchange of little, mere
little slips of this or that, expressing personal opinions on the most
confidential basis, those are not subject to investigation by any-
body; and if they are, will wreck the Govemment.
There is no business that could be run if there would be ex-
posed every single thought that an adviser might have, because
in the process of reaching an agreed position, there are many,
many conflicting opinions to be brought together. And if any
commander is going to get the free, unprejudiced opinions of his
subordinates, he had better protect what they have to say to him
on a confidential basis.
It is exactly, as I see it, like a lawyer and his client or any other
confidential thing of that character.
Q. Joseph A. Dear, Capital Times: Mr. President, what is
your opinion of the civil defense recommendations contained in
the Report of the Commission on Intergovernmental Relations?
THE PRESIDENT. I dou't rccall what the item was.
Q. Mr. Dear : I mention specifically the recommendation that
civil defense should be the primary responsibility of the National
Government rather than the States.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I wiU tcU you this: the problem, of
course, divides itself into many phases, those of (a) detecting the
intentions of some foreign government; (b) detecting as quickly
as possible any evidence of an impending attack against you.
Now, those two things are obviously more the business of the
674
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 149
Federal Government than anybody else or, let's say, the exclusive
business.
But, let's go to the other end now for a moment. How are you
going to evacuate a city? It has got to be not only municipal
responsibility, it has got to be personal responsibiUty. You can't
in this country, by edict from the Federal Government, evacuate
any city, because we don't move in that way.
This has got to be an informed and relatively trained citizenry
doing this for themselves. So it has got to be a local responsibility
and a very active participation by every individual and by every
responsible official in the locality, before there can be any use-
fulness.
Now, this is true, whether it is a mere matter of evacuation or
taking shelter or rescuing the wounded or protecting yourself
against fallout or anything else that could happen, and it must
be a very positive local participation and responsibility.
Q. Nat S. Finney, Buffalo News: Mr. President, there are
two conferences at Geneva, and I don't believe you have expressed
your feeling for some time about the Atoms for Peace meeting.
And I wonder if you could give us your reflections as to the degree
of importance you attach to that session.
THE PRESIDENT. I think it is very important. And I do think
I told you how gratified I was that so many American scientists
and American firms are participating in helping to make this
demonstration of the United States very comprehensive, covering
the whole field as far as we know it and as far as we are exploring
it.
I think that it should be a very beneficial thing. As you know,
we are actually erecting there one of these little swimming pool
reactors.
Q. Mr. Finney: Sir, do you expect to see that during your
visit? I understand that it will be ready to take a look at it.
THE PRESIDENT. I dou't kuow whether I will get — ^you mean
the reactor?
Q. Mr. Finney: Yes.
675
^ 149 Public Papers of the Presidents
THE PRESIDENT. I don't loiow. But at Penn State I went to
see an identical one because I was afraid I wouldn't get to see it
any other time.
Q. Edward P. Morgan, American Broadcasting Company: I
realize, sir, that this is a delicate matter coming just at this junc-
ture before Geneva, but could you give us the benefit of your
thoughts, your own personal thoughts, now on the subject of
disarmament? For instance, do you feel that we, the American
people, are going to have to move away somewhat from the
concept of total drastic disarmament toward a sort of a standoff?
THE PRESIDENT. I wouldu't waut to havc anything I now say
taken as authoritative, for the simple reason that the more one
studies intensively this problem of disarmament, the more he finds
himself in sort of a squirrel's cage. He is running around pretty
rapidly, and at times he has a feeling that he is merely chasing
himself.
Now, when we come down to it, every kind of scheme of, let
us say, leveling off, as I imderstand your meaning — ^standby,
where you are now — or actually reducing, everything comes back,
as I see it, to acceptable methods of enforcement.
How do you enforce such things? This brings us instantly to
the question of examinations, of inspections.
Now, one way to approach this problem is what would we, in
the United States, suppose we took a vote of this body today or
we started as a committee of the whole to study it, what kind of
inspection are we ready to accept? Are we ready to open up
every one of our factories, every place where something might
be going on that could be inimical to the interests of somebody
else?
When you tackle that problem you really get into the heart of
the difficulties involved, entirely aside from the political conten-
tion that there can be no easing of arguments until you ease the
political tension.
But the other side will say, "But that political tension is never
676
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 149
going to ease until you take away some of the threat of these
armaments.''
All of that is something, I believe, that could finally be resolved.
This question of inspection, what we will accept and what,
therefore, we would expect others to accept, is a very serious one;
consequently, there is just nothing today that I could say that is
positive beyond this point.
We earnestly want to find some answer to this complicated
question because, to my mind, it is perfectly stupid for the world
to continue to put so much in these agencies and instrumentalities
that cost us so much and, if we don't have this war, do us so little
good.
Q. Edward J. Milne, Providence Journal-Bulletin: Mr. Presi-
dent, getting back to martial law for a moment, do you suppose
that when it is available, when you receive it, that you could let
us have the Attorney General's report on this historical analysis?
THE PRESIDENT. I think SO, bccausc it would be something, I
think, all America could understand.
Now, in what form he is going to prepare his initial recom-
mendations, I don't know; but I certainly think something could
be done. This is one that should trouble us all, every one of us
should think about it. It is not something merely that the
Federal Government does and says : "We are right."
This is a national problem.
Q. Chalmers M. Roberts, Washington Post and Times Herald :
Mr. President, is the question of control that you just mentioned in
relation to disarmament the type of problem that you expect to
discuss at the Big Four meeting?
THE PRESIDENT. No, uot any more than this: we don't intend
to discuss, you know, substantive problems. But this question
might come up: where would we find the best group, the best
channel, or the best method in which to place this problem?
That might come up, but we would not attempt to state there
what kind of inspection we would be ready to accept or what kind
the other side would be ready to accept. But we might say which
40308—59 46 677
^ 149 Public Papers of the Presidents
is the best group that has a chance to come up with an answer that
at least we can start studying.
Q. Mrs. May Craig, Maine Papers: Mr. President, the Re-
publican leaders included school construction in your top priority
list of measures you wanted. Would you oppose and consider as
extraneous an anti-segregation amendment to that bill?
THE PRESIDENT. I would think it was extraneous, yes, for the
simple reason that we need the schools. I think that the other
ought to be handled on its own merits.
Besides, we do have this: there apparently is plenty of law,
because the Supreme Court found it to be illegal, and they have
issued, as I understand it, procedural orders that will have to be
carried out in due course through the district courts.
Now, why do we go muddying the water? At the moment I do
not quarrel with the right of Congress to pass laws on this thing;
but I think they ought to do it on their own.
Q. Charles L. Bartlett, Chattanooga Times: Mr. President,
on the basis of what you have been told about the role of Adolphe
Wenzell in this Dixon- Yates contract, do you regard that role as
proper?
THE PREsroENT. Indeed, yes.
Q. James B. Reston, New York Times: On this disarmament
question, sir, are you satisfied that it is possible, through unlimited
inspection, to detect the manufacture of these weapons under
modern circumstances?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, uo. I think, Mr. Reston, that no one
can say that through any type of inspection you could find items
that have been already manufactured and concealed. Indeed, if
there was peacetime work going ahead, as reactors working with
even a lower grade, I think there would be no assurance that you
could not convert them rapidly into war use; nor, possibly, could
you be sure that they weren't actually producing a little bit of, you
might say, extra, auxiliary, that was going into weapons.
But I do believe this: there are lots of ways in which this thing
can be approached other than just that. For example, let us take
678
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 149
the delivery schemes. We know that when you get to long-range
bombing you need very large machines and very large fields from
which they take off. Now, those can be detected, and there are
other ways of approaching it.
We mustn't admit defeat merely because of that one fact to
which you call attention.
Q. Mr. Reston: Mr. President, are the weapons themselves not
getting considerably smaller so that the second point is not decisive
either?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, you mean that they could be introduced
into a country, other than by transport after the war starts?
I think there would be some danger of that. But, on the other
hand, there is also danger to both sides because the instant one
would be found, it would be practically a declaration of war
against you, wouldn't it? And so there is a great risk there also.
Q. Martin Agronsky, American Broadcasting Company: Mr.
President, on the second point you made of detection of long-range
bombers and things like that, you responded that you thought,
you were thinking about the introduction of atom weapons into
another country
THE PRESIDENT. YcS.
Q. Mr. Agronsky: and, possibly, detecting that.
I think what we have in mind is the guided missile where you
just need a launching platform.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, a guIdcd missile, though, is not made in
a very small factory, and when it is made I think its character
can be determined instantly.
You see, the trouble in this other field is you don't know what
this material is being made for and it could be hidden away in
very small spaces.
But, I don't believe that you could take an extensive guided
missile program and conceal it from any decent or effective system
of inspection.
Q. Mr. Agronsky: Mr. President, would I be correct in under-
standing then from what you have said so far on this whole dis-
679
^ 149 Public Papers of the Presidents
armament thing, and on inspection, what you come down to is the
question of good faith, that you have to beheve that you have ar-
rived at a point where you can trust those because it is impossible
to get adequate inspection and control?
THE PRESIDENT. Mr. Agrousky, this is just as true as you are
standing there. In the long run, the kind of peace for which we
are seeking, the kind of peace that will allow people to be really
tranquil and confident in their daily pursuits, that will be achieved
only when nations have achieved that mutual trust of which you
speak.
What we are up against now is an interim phase. We are try-
ing to take a step toward that and to reduce burdens at the same
time.
So I should say that, knowing that none of us has that trust
in the opposite side, we must search diligently for some means to
lessen this danger and proceed a little ways toward the creation of
that trust which must, in the long run, be the foundation of any
real peace.
Q. Kenneth M. Scheibel, Gannett Newspapers: Mr. Presi-
dent, in view of your desire for more legislation by the Congress,
do you think Congress should give up its plans to adjourn within
a few weeks?
THE PRESIDENT. No. [Laughterl I just think that Congress,
when it wants to, can do an awful lot in a very short time, and I
am hopeful that they will do so.
Q. James B. Reston, New York Times: Mr. President, what
ever happened to that air-conditioned press room that you were
thinking about? [Laughter]
THE PRESIDENT. Well, you kuow, I must confess when I came
in this morning I was shocked. I thought we had some kind of
chilling arrangements in here, and I agree we are not handling
this fairly.
I would be glad to ask you in my office if there were not so
many of you; but I can't crowd you in there, and I have no place
where I can do it.
680
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig55 ^ 150
Merriman Smith, United Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
NOTE : President Eisenhower's sev- 10:30 a.m. to 1 2 : 02 p.m. on Wednes-
enty- third news conference was held day, July 6, 1955. In attendance:
in the Executive Office Building from 180.
150 ^ Message to the Congress Transmitting the
Second Semiannual Report Under the Agricultural
Trade Development and Assistance Act.
July 12, 1955
To the Congress of the United States:
I transmit herewith the second semi-annual report of the
President on the activities carried on under PubUc Law 480, 83rd
Congress, as required by that law.
This report contains the details of the programs carried out
under the Act through June 30, 1955, including the volume and
dollar value of commodities agreed on as well as of those already
shipped, together with the planned uses of the foreign currencies
generated by sales.
With experience under the Act now running to some ten
months, a study is being initiated to analyze the whole problem of
disposal of our agricultural surpluses. It will be the intent of
this study to try to appraise objectively what the potentialities
are for disposals of such surpluses within the framework of the
legislative and executive policies that are applicable to legislation
such as Public Law 480.
Dvvn:GHT D. Eisenhower
note: The report is printed in House Document 216 (84th Cong., ist sess.).
681
^ 151 Public Papers of the Presidents
151 ^ Remarks to American Field Service
Students. July 12^ 1955
WELL, youngsters, it is really good to see you. Years ago I saw
some of your predecessors on the steps at Columbia, I remember.
We had a big morning at that time. You have just completed
your year in the United States, and I am sure that you have
learned a lot here, as we have learned a lot from you, because
that has been the history of these expeditions.
I understand that now six himdred of our own yoimg Ameri-
cans are in your countries, sort of repaying a return call. We are
delighted.
It seems a bit of fortunate coincidence that I should have an
opportunity to see all of you just as I am about to depart for
Geneva where, with others, we will try to explore the reasons
why this world does not seem to get closer to peace, and to try
to find roads that, if the world follows, all of you may live a little
bit more tranquilly than have the people of my generation.
History, of course, has left us a rather tangled network of
prejudices and hatreds and suspicions that are not easy to eradi-
cate, and these are intensified by differences in ideologies —
doctrinaire positions that seem to set men one against another,
and make it difficult for us to live like we should like to live.
Now people don't want conflict — ^people in general. It is only,
I think, mistaken leaders that grow too belligerent and believe
that people really want to fight.
I hope that you have learned in your year here that this country
does have certain basic principles — ^beliefs — that though not often
expressed in the home and in the schools is nevertheless a very
basic part of our existence.
We believe in the individual. We believe that every individual
is endowed with certain rights — to worship as he pleases, to think
as he pleases, to speak as he pleases, to work at the kind of pro-
fession that he himself wants.
682
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 151
So, if we live true to these principles, we are bound to have a
government — country — that does not want to fight. Because it
is one truly of the people and for the people.
And so, as we go to Geneva, trying to interpret this belief and
this conviction, we are hopeful that there may be some way in
which all of you can live out your lives tranquilly, helping over
the years to promote the kind of understanding that you have
gathered in the past year, that you will help to spread in your own
countries when you go home, helping to spread the understanding
that will lead to the peacefulness of your own lives and those that
come after you. It is easily possible that the kind of conventions
that you people have been having among yourselves, with those
you have visited, and that our young Americans are having in
your countries, may be far more important in the long run than
the kind to which I am going.
Never forget, you have got a long time to live in this world, and
so you want to make certain that you do your part with a full com-
prehension of the facts and with an open-minded, conciliatory
attitude toward the other fellow's viewpoint. But, never sacrifice
the basic principle that the human being is the important thing
on this planet.
I am not sure, youngsters, why I got so serious just as I came
out here to see you all, but possibly it is because I have spent so
much of my life with young people — ^young soldiers — ^young
people. I like them, and trust them. And honestly, my con-
fidence in what you — this group — those like you — those that
come after you — can do in this world is unbounded.
Don't ever let anyone tell you you are licked.
Good luck to each of you.
NOTE : The President spoke in the Rose Garden at 1 2 : 00 noon.
683
^ 152 Public Papers of the Presidents
152 ^ Letter Accepting the Resignation of Mrs .
Oveta Gulp Hobby, Secretary of Health, Education,
and Welfare. July 13, 1955
Dear Oveta:
This is one of the hardest letters I have ever had to write.
For months, since you first discussed them with me, I have rec-
ognized that personal obligations and responsibilities might make
your resignation as Secretary an inescapable decision. I now
have no alternative than to accept it, effective August first. But
I and all who know you as a dedicated, inspired American leader
will miss your voice and counsel in Government.
Twice, in Uttle more than a decade, you have earned the thanks
and respect of your fellow-citizens. Few — men or women — ^have
brought to heavy tasks and critical challenges such great spirit,
integrity and vision or such readiness to spend energy and high
talent in the country's service.
Under your command in the Second World War, the Women's
Army Corps opened a new field of service for American women.
From the very outset of its organization, they demonstrated their
value and capacity in the most trying circumstances. More than
a hundred thousand women, led by you, proved themselves — in
their devotion to duty and in their contribution to victory —
worthy comrades of our fighting men.
In this Administration, as the first Secretary of the newly
created Department of Health, Education and Welfare, you or-
ganized into an integrated program many units and agencies of
Govemment. Great qualities of leadership were essential. You
brought them to your mission along with a perseverance, a wise
patience, a deep understanding of the personal problems of our
people, and a dedication that difficulties could not shake. You
made the heart in Government a visible fact and an effective
influence.
We are still too close to the beginnings of the new Department
684
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1Q55 ^ 153
to see fully and in a wide perspective all that you have accom-
plished. But I know that history will hail you in this field, too,
as a courageous pioneer in the service of your country.
In official Washington, many thousands as well as I will miss
you. On the personal side, none will miss you more than Mrs.
Eisenhower and myself. But all of us know that wherever you go,
whatever you do, every talent you have will be at work for the
good of America.
With affectionate regard to you and Governor Hobby,
Sincerely,
Dwight D. Eisenhower
note: Mrs. Hobby served as the first World War II Mrs. Hobby was head
Secretary of Health, Education, and of the Women's Army Corps with
Welfare from April 1 1, 1953, to Au- the rank of Colonel,
gust I, 1955. Her letter was made For remarks by the President and
public with the President's reply at a Mrs. Hobby following the accept-
ceremony held in the Conference ance of the resignation, see Item 153,
Room at the White House. During below.
153 ^ Remarks Following the Acceptance of the
Resignation of Secretary Hobby. July 1 3 , 1955
WELL, OVETA, this is a sad day for the administration. My
mind goes back to the day I first met you in London — in 1942
I suppose it was — ^when you came over there as head of the WAG
Corps, something entirely new in my experience. But you were
the first one that sold it to me, and I must say it proved itself,
under your leadership, to be one of the finest organizations that
the Army has ever had.
In these last two years — two years and a half — ^your talents
have again been devoted to the service of your country, and most
effectively. And I would think I could best express the feeling
of the Cabinet toward you by quoting the Secretary of the Treas-
ury— I am sure he wouldn't mind. The other day in my office,
685
^ 153 Public Papers of the Presidents
shortly after you had told me that you would have to go, I said to
him that we were going to lose you. And his eyes popped open
and he said, "What? — the best man in the Cabinet !"
That is the feeling that the whole Cabinet has towards you.
I assure you that none of us will forget your wise coimsel, your
calm confidence in the face of every kind of difficulty, your con-
cern for people everywhere, the warm heart you brought to your
job as well as your talents. We are just distressed to lose you, but
the best wishes of the entire executive department — indeed, I
think of the Congress and all Washington that knows you — ^will
go with you as you go back, and we will be very hopeful that you
will have many fine, happy years there from here on.
[Following Mrs. Hobby's response^ the President resumed
speaking.]
Oveta, if I had known that you felt like that, I never would
have accepted your letter of resignation.
Mrs. Secretary — I can still say that — thank you very much.
note: The President's letter accept- months, Mr. President, when you
ing Mrs. Hobby's resignation appears came to this Office, and realize what
as Item 152, above. has transpired in those 31 months, I
Mrs. Hobby's response to the am a very, very happy citizen.
President's remarks follows : In those 31 months we have
Thank you very much, Mr. Presi- moved away from the shadow of
dent. war; we have moved into the greatest
Mr. President, during the past 31 prosperity this country has ever
months, I have had the most singular known, with more people working,
opportunity. I have had an op- greater wages, and being able to buy
portunity to serve with you, to serve more of the good things of life,
a man whose entire life has been de- And now perhaps we stand in the
voted to the people of the United area of widest peace, and perhaps on
States. I have had the most unfail- the threshold of a universal peace,
ing support and leadership from you When I think of what has been ac-
in trying to develop sound programs complished in your 3 1 months, I feel
for the American people in the field humble and grateful to have had a
of health, education, and welfare, part in it. When I think of the peo-
And as I look back over the 31 pie of the United States who have
686
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ^955 ^ ^54
had their pensions and their social lems and bringing them up here — I
security protected by a stable dollar, feel particularly blessed.
Mr. President — the smallest varia- Now, Mr. President, as you go to
tion in the purchasing power of the Geneva for all of us, I believe that
dollar in 42 years — the time we have every one of us will be praying that
kept records; when I think of the there, in that meeting, the first step
millions of people that have been will be taken toward a truly universal
given an opportunity under social peace. And I for one, Mr. President,
security and the hundreds of thou- have never had such a privilege. I
sands that will be given an opportu- know this country would have been
nity under vocational rehabilitation, blessed at any time to have had your
and when I think of the millions of leadership, but in these crucial years
people that will benefit from your in world affairs, I truly feel that God
wise policies in education — in letting has had His hand on the United
the people of this country think States in the kind of leadership you
through their own education prob- have given us.
154 ^ Letter to Secretary Wilson Marking the
Third Anniversary of Operation Skywatch.
Ju/); 13,1955
[ Released July 13, 1955. Dated June 21, 1955]
Dear Mr. Secretary:
The third anniversary of Operation Skywatch on July four-
teenth affords me an opportunity to express once again my respect
and admiration for those citizens who continue to give unselfishly
of their time and effort in the Ground Observer Corps.
Through their steadfastness they help to do, in the only way it
can be done, a job of vital importance to all Americans. To all
in the Ground Observer Corps I should like to say again that I
cannot over-emphasize the importance of the role they, volun-
teers, play in national defense. As you have pointed out, they
have undoubtedly strengthened the capabilities of our continental
defense system, and in so doing they have helped to deter
aggression.
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^ 154 Public Papers of the Presidents
As you mark the third anniversary of Skywatch, please convey
to all Ground Observers past and present my personal word of
appreciation and congratulations. I hope the effort to seek ad-
ditional volunteers for the expanded program will meet with the
greatest success.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
155 f Special Message to the Congress Upon
Signing the Department of Defense Appropriation
Act. July 13, 1955
To the Congress of the United States:
I have today approved H.R. 6042, making appropriations for
the Department of Defense for the fiscal year ending June 30,
1956, and for other purposes. I have done so because the funds
which the bill makes available are urgently needed by the De-
partment of Defense. Except for this imperative need, I would
have withheld my approval of the bill, for I am advised by the
Attorney General that one of its provisions, section 638, con-
stitutes an unconstitutional invasion of the province of the
Executive.
Section 638 deals with the authority of the Department of
Defense to rid itself of many of the manifold activities that it has
been performing with its civilian personnel, and that can be
adequately and economically performed by private industry with-
out danger to the national security. That section states that funds
appropriated in the bill cannot be used to enable the Secretary of
Defense to exercise this authority if, in the case of any activity of
the Department proposed to be terminated, the Appropriations
Committee of the Senate or the Appropriations Committee of the
House of Representatives disapproves such proposed termination.
The Constitution of the United States divides the functions of
688
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 155
the Government into three departments — the legislative, the ex-
ecutive, and the judicial — and establishes the principle that they
shall be kept separate. Neither may exercise functions belonging
to the others. Section 638 violates this constitutional principle.
I believe it to be my duty to oppose such a violation. The
Congress has the power and the right to grant or to deny an ap-
propriation. But once an appropriation is made the appropria-
tion must, under the Constitution, be administered by the execu-
tive branch of the Government alone, and the Congress has no
right to confer upon its committees the power to veto Executive
action or to prevent Executive action from becoming effective.
Since the organization of our Government, the President has
felt bound to insist that Executive functions be maintained unim-
paired by legislative encroachment, just as the legislative branch
has felt bound to resist interference with its power by the Execu-
tive. To acquiesce in a provision that seeks to encroach upon the
proper authority of the Executive establishes a dangerous prec-
edent. I do not, by my approval of H.R. 6042, acquiesce in the
provisions of section 638, and to the extent that this section seeks
to give to the Appropriations Committees of the Senate and
House of Representatives authority to veto or prevent Executive
action, such section will be regarded as invalid by the executive
branch of the Government in the administration of H.R. 6042,
unless otherwise determined by a court of competent jurisdiction.
One other rider added to the bill is most unfortunate. This
rider — contained in section 630 — ^virtually precludes the services
from considering the purchase of foreign-made spim silk yarn for
cartridge cloth.
This rider — attached to the bill without adequate opportunity
for reasons against it to be presented — runs directly counter to
the steps which have been taken by the administration in the jSeld
of Government procurement policy. No reason appears why
foreign-made spun silk yam, or indeed any other article or com-
modity of foreign origin, should be singled out for special exemp-
tion from the general provisions of the "Buy American" legisla-
689
^ 155 Public Papers of the Presidents
tion. By making it virtually impossible for our friends abroad to
sell us goods when such goods are materially less expensive to our
taxpayers than those that can be procured domestically, such
provisions could effect a deadly attrition of our whole inter-
national trade policy and bring about impairment of our relations
with other nations.
It is my earnest hope that as soon as possible the Congress will
repeal section 630 of the bill in its entirety.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
note: As enacted, H.R. 6042 is Pub- stated that "the proviso which pur-
lic Law 1575 84th Congress (69 Stat, ports to vest disapproval authority in
301). either of the two Appropriations
In response to the President's re- Committees is separable from the re-
quest, the Attorney General wrote mainder of the Act and, if viewed as
an opinion as to the validity of cer- imposing an invalid condition, does
tain provisions in section 638 of the not affect the validity of the remain-
act. In his letter of July 13, made ing provisions."
public July 14, the Attorney General
156 ^ Message to the Congress Transmitting the
Ninth Annual Report on United States
Participation in the United Nations.
July 15, 1955
To the Congress of the United States:
I transmit herewith, pursuant to the United Nations Participa-
tion Act, the ninth annual report on United States participation
in the United Nations, covering the year 1954.
In a decade of trying years, the United Nations has developed
from a blueprint for peace into a living, functioning organization.
It was fitting that an impressive commemoration of the signing
of the United Nations Charter ten years ago should have recently
taken place in San Francisco to focus attention on the accomplish-
ments and principles of the United Nations.
690
Dwight D, Eisenhower, ig5§ ^ 156
I was privileged to bring to this gathering a special message
from the Congress expressing, on behalf of the people of the
United States, our deep desire for peace and our hope that all
nations will join with us in a renewed effort for peace.
Out of the United Nations' many actions in 1954, the following
are of special interest to the United States, for they worked to the
benefit of American foreign policy.
I. Atomic Energy for Peace:
The atom has unlocked untold opportunities in the world of
peaceful progress. I know of no better way to improve the lot
of mankind and raise its hopes than by pushing ahead vigorously
in the development of the atom for the purpose of peace. That
is why I went before the General Assembly in 1953 ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^
nations apply their ingenuity and resourcefulness in a program of
international cooperation in this field.
The faith of the American people in the world's readiness for
this challenge have not been disappointed. The progress in a
short space of time has been dramatic.
I authorized Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., to announce
to the General Assembly in the fall of 1954 the intention of the
United States to make available 100 kg. of fissionable material to
assist nations in their own programs.
On December 4, 1954, the General Assembly adopted a resolu-
tion entitled "International Cooperation in Developing the
Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy." This was done with historic
unanimity, after the rejection of Soviet amendments, 60 to o.
By this resolution the Assembly endorse the establishment of an
International Atomic Energy Agency to organize the pooling of
atomic knowledge and materials for peaceful ends, and decreed
the holding of an international technical conference under United
Nations auspices to explore the promise of the atom and develop
methods for its practical use. That conference — ^which may well
be the broadest exchange of scientific and technical information
in history — ^is to begin August 8 in Geneva.
691
^ 156 Public Papers of the Presidents
United Nations' action in this field made the atoms-for-peace
project into an instrument for constructive international progress.
It reminded people the world over that the United States is their
partner in their search for peace and plenty. It renewed also
the hope for real participation by the Soviet Union — a hope
which was central to the original proposal. We will welcome the
participation of all interested nations in these activities. But we
will not slow the wheels of progress if some do not choose to join
with us.
2. Prisoners in Communist China:
Of all the important matters before the United Nations in
1954, none so strongly engaged the emotions of the American
people as the case of the fighting men detained by the Chinese
Communists. A historic 47-5 vote by the General Assembly
condemned their detention and directed Secretary-General
Hammarskjold to leave no stone unturned to seek their release.
The limited success reached thus far proves: the potency of
the United Nations in focusing world opinion; the diplomatic
skill and irrepressible perseverance of Mr. Hammarskjold in a
most difficult task; the steady helpfulness of friendly nations whom
divisive propaganda could not frighten away from us; and, by no
means least important, the patience and wise self-restraint of our
own people. May these qualities serve to convince Communist
China that it should end the wrongful detention of all surviving
United Nations prisoners, whatever their nationality. The pro-
longed anguish of these men and their nearest kin arouses the
sympathies of the civilized world.
3. Guatemala:
The conflict in Guatemala was closer to our homeland than any
other which the Security Council has ever faced. In June 1954
Guatemalan patriots began an armed revolt to eject a govern-
ment whose Communist sponsorship was becoming ever more
obvious and to restore a free government.
692
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 156
Immediately the pro-Communist government invoked its right
to be heard by the United Nations Security Council. The Coun-
cil met forthwith. The Guatemalan representative demanded,
with conspicuous Soviet backing, that the United Nations inter-
vene to stop the revolt.
The United States Representative, Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.,
insisted that the Soviet Union "stay out of this Hemisphere" — a
restatement of the Monroe Doctrine in contemporary terms. Fur-
ther, he urged the Council to let the proper regional body — the
Organization of American States — deal with the situation in
Guatemala and neighboring countries. He pointed out that if the
United Nations were to intervene in local disputes over the heads
of responsible regional organizations, the entire system of regional
security sanctioned by the United Nations Charter would be in
jeopardy.
Today Guatemala is again securely restored to the community
of free nations. A challenge by world communism within our
hemisphere has been met and overcome.
4. Disarmament and Security:
Neither lasting peace nor the real reduction of international
tensions can be realized until progress in disarmament becomes a
fact. As nuclear capabilities have increased to staggering pro-
portions, disarmament has become, literally, a problem of survival
for all mankind.
In 1954, a subcommittee of Canada, France, the United King-
dom, the United States, and the Soviet Union held its first round
of private discussions. In five weeks of meetings newly detailed
proposals were laid before the Soviet representative, but with no
result.
But, in the General Assembly in September, the Soviets gave the
appearance of reversing their adamant position and stated their
acceptance of at least some principles of a sound program. We
are carefully weighing this Soviet step, and the subsequent Soviet
693
^ 156 Public Papers of the Presidents
proposal in May 1955, in the broad restudy of United States dis-
armament policy which is now in progress.
By this continuing exploration in the disarmament field, as
well as by recommendations for strengthening collective action
against any future aggression, and by watchful influence over the
dangerous areas of the world, the United Nations in 1954
continued to serve the cause of peace.
5. Economic and Social Actions:
The spectacular potentialities of the atom for peaceful purposes
must not be allowed to overshadow the slow but sound progress
of the United Nations in the economic and social field.
The most far-reaching new step in 1954 was the approval by
the General Assembly of the establishment of an International
Finance Corporation to stimulate the setting up and expansion of
productive private enterprises in underdeveloped countries. The
Corporation will be set up as an affiliate of the International Bank
for Reconstruction and Development and will provide capital
in private enterprises without requirement of government
guarantees.
The work of the United Nations on behalf of refugees also re-
ceived new impetus in a General Assembly decision authorizing
the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to raise
funds and undertake a four-year program designed to achieve
permanent solutions for certain refugees in Europe, most of them
still unsettled since World War II, who are not eligible for other
aid programs. The United States strongly supported this decisive
step to solve a distressing human problem.
We are able, in 1954, through the power of the United Nations
in shaping world opinion, to further expose the repressive system
of forced labor in Communist countries. The outstanding report
of the United Nations Ad Hoc Committee on Forced Labor was
officially considered for the first time by the Economic and Social
Council, which subsequently condemned the use of forced labor
for political and economic purposes. The United States Repre-
694
Dwight D. Eisenhower, igs^ ^ 156
sentative, Mrs. Oswald B. Lord, was also able to expose before
the General Assembly newly discovered facts and recent regula-
tions which demonstrated that the system of forced labor had been
extended with Soviet help to Communist China.
Other economic and social programs of the United Nations and
the Specialized Agencies — including technical assistance, Korean
reconstruction, aid to Palestine refugees, the Children's Fund,
food and agricultural assistance, labor, health, and education —
continued to help in making the United Nations known to millions
of people around the globe as a living, constructive force. The
United Nations Specialized Agencies, specifically the Interna-
tional Labor Organization and the United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization, received the tribute of
sudden participation by the U.S.S.R.
Whatever the reason for its changed attitude, we welcome it as
further proof of the importance and world reputation of the
Specialized Agencies; and also as an extension of points at which
the Soviet rulers may — ^if they wish — broaden fruitful cooperation
with the rest of the world. This development challenges the
United States to maintain its watchfulness and constructive activ-
ity in all these fields in which the Soviet Union has at length shown
an interest.
The United States representatives have actively used the United
Nations' forum to expound our ideas and ideals and reveal the
fallacies of communism.
All these things have happened after reduction in the previous
year of our American share of United Nations costs and while
we worked out a program in which all Americans holding impor-
tant office at the United Nations were screened in accordance
with FBI procedures.
These are highlights from one year's activity in the United
Nations' search for peace among nations. That year is chronicled
in more detail in the attached report.
The vitality of the United Nations and American support for
the United Nations were never more needed than now. We are
695
^ 156 Public Papers of the Presidents
in a period of great flux in international affairs. There are signs
that the world may be entering a new phase in international rela-
tionships. For the first time since the United Nations Charter
came into force, the Heads of the Governments of the United
States, the United Kingdom, France, and the U.S.S.R. will be
meeting. They will, I hope, be able to identify the outstanding
divisive issues and develop methods to try to solve them. I for
one will enter these discussions with a full awareness of the
opportunities offered by the United Nations to contribute to the
peace of the world. If these meetings reach useful areas of
agreement in the handling of international problems, then they
will open new vistas looking toward further agreement. This can
only mean that the United Nations will have new and wider
opportunities to build upon the foundations thus laid.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
NOTE : The report is published in sage the President referred to House
House Document 166 (84th Gong., Concurrent Resolution 157 (84th
ist sess.) . Cong.5 I St sess., 69 Stat. B9) .
In the third paragraph of the mes-
157 ^ Statement by the President Upon Signing
the Public Works Appropriation Act.
7U/3; 15,1955
I HAVE TODAY approved H.R. 6766, "Making appropriations
for the Atomic Energy Commission, the Tennessee Valley Author-
ity, certain agencies of the Department of the Interior, and civil
functions administered by the Department of the Army for the
fiscal year ending June 30, 1956, and for other purposes." I have
approved this bill with great reluctance. There are two matters
which are of deep concern to me.
The first is the reduction made in the funds available to the
Atomic Energy Commission. The amount provided in the bill,
696
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig55 ^ 157
together with the estimated amount carried over from 1955,
would provide the Commission with total obligational authority
of $ 1 ,3805847,000 for operating expenses in 1 956. This amount is
$144,4045000 less than was requested. A reduction of this magni-
tude could seriously interfere with the Commission's plans to
produce atomic weapons5 to develop propulsion reactors for the
Navy and the Air Force, and to develop peaceful applications of
atomic energy5 including the production of electric power.
These are most crucial programs in maintaining a strong na-
tional defense and in maintaining this Nation's leadership in
bringing the benefits of atomic energy to the service of mankind
both here and abroad.
For these reasons, I would hope that the Congress would recon-
sider its action and make supplementary amounts available so
as to avoid serious disruptions in this most vital program.
The second matter which concerns me is the large increase in
the number of new construction starts for the Corps of Engineers
and the Bureau of Reclamation. Many of these projects which
have been added by the Congress have not had detailed engineer-
ing studies completed. As a result, we have no basis for deter-
mining their financial soundness and their ultimate cost to the
Federal Government.
In all, one hundred and seven unbudgeted projects were added
by Congress. We can only guess what their total cost to the tax-
payers will ultimately be because of this lack of detailed engineer-
ing studies on many of them. The best guess that can be made
at the present time is upwards of $1.5 billion, but when planning
is completed, this guess, in the light of past experience, may well
prove to be far too low. While the first-year appropriations
made in this bill amount to only about $47 million, the appropria-
tions and expenditures in future years will increase sharply and
quickly reach a half -billion-dollar level.
As a consequence of these considerations, initiation of the
added projects cannot be undertaken until the detailed engineer-
ing plans have been completed and we have a sound basis for cost
697
^157 Public Papers of the Presidents
estimates. In the case of projects involving reimbursable items,
such as electric power and water supply, we must be assured that
satisfactory financial arrangements have been completed for
return of the Federal investment.
The public is entitled to this measure of protection to the tax
dollars that go into the construction of these projects.
note: As enacted, H.R. 6766 is Public Law 163, 84th Congress (69 Stat.
354)-
158 ^ Statement by the President Upon Signing
the Act Providing for a Highway Bridge Across
LakeTexoma. July 15, 1955
I HAVE TODAY signed S. 1318, "To modify the project for the
Denison Reservoir on Red River in Texas and Oklahoma in order
to provide for a highway bridge across Lake Texoma."
Although the United States is under no legal obligation to build
this bridge, there is some equity in having the United States
assume part of the costs. The war-caused denial of materials to
the States of Oklahoma and Texas made it impossible for the two
States to construct the bridge prior to the flooding of the lake by
the United States. With the lake now flooded, extra costs
of construction will have to be incurred.
However, the war-caused denial of materials, which prevented
the building of the bridge before the flooding of the reservoir, was
not a factor in 1946 and the years following, and I am at a loss to
understand why action on the bridge has been so long delayed.
During this period construction costs were increasing rapidly, and
under the bill all of these increased costs are assigned to the
United States. It seems to me that at the very most, the United
States should not have to bear more than the extra costs resulting
from flooding. I therefore recommend that the Congress reassess
the relative shares assigned by the bill and increase the require-
698
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 159
ment for local contributions before Federal appropriations are
made available.
note: As enacted, S. 13 18 is Public Law 164, 84th Congress (69 Stat. 365).
159 ^ Statement by the President Upon Signing
Bill for the Relief of the Highway Construction
Company. July 15,1955
I HAVE TODAY approved H.R. 4182 for the relief of Highway
Company of Ohio, Incorporated, although a proviso inserted in
the bill gave me some concern because its meaning is not made
clear. That proviso reads as follows :
^^Provided, That in making such determination of the excessive
profits of the Highway Construction Company, the Tax Court of
the United States may take into consideration the affiliation of
that company with any other company, but the findings of such
court shall be limited to determining only the amount, if any, of
the excessive profits of the Highway Construction Company and
such court shall have no authority under this Act to determine the
amount, if any, of the excessive profits of any company affiliated
with such Highway Construction Company/'
After inquiries concerning the intended effect of this proviso,
I am assured that it was designed for the sole purpose of protecting
the interests of the United States.
note: As enacted, H.R. 4182 is Public Law 208, 84th Congress (69 Stat.
A72).
699
^ i6o Public Papers of the Presidents
1 60 ^ Letter to the Chairman, House Committee
on Ways and Means, Concerning United States
Membership in the Organization for Trade
Cooperation. July 15, 1955
Dear Mr. Chairman:
I appreciate your July fourteenth letter and readily understand
your problem of arranging adequate Committee consideration of
H.R. 5550 which would authorize U.S. membership in the
Organization for Trade Cooperation.
The Committee on Ways and Means has borne a heavy burden
of difficult and constructive legislation in this session of Congress.
Much of that constructive effort has been concerned with legisla-
tion implementing various parts of the Administration's program
in the field of foreign economic policy.
More remains to be done in this field. As your letter indicates,
and as we recently discussed in my office, the passage of H.R. 5550
is especially important. This legislation will do much to vouch-
safe to the American people and the free world the gains which
will accrue from continuation of the enlightened trade policy
provided for in H.R. i. To assure orderly consideration of trade
problems arising between nations is vital to our own interests as
a great trading nation and to the interests of those joined with us
in the cause of freedom. This great purpose will be powerfully
advanced by Congressional approval of the proposed Organiza-
tion for Trade Cooperation.
I share your view that it would be ill-advised to launch consid-
eration of H.R. 5550 in your Committee when so little time re-
mains in this session. A matter of this vital importance should
have thorough hearings, discussion and debate.
The wise course of action, therefore, it seems to me, is the one
you suggest in your letter. I am pleased indeed to have your as-
700
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ i6i
surance that H.R. 5550 will be among the very first measures to
be considered by your Committee next year.
With kind regard.
Sincerely,
Dwight D. Eisenhower
note: Chairman Jere Cooper's letter of July 14 was released with the
President's reply.
161 ^ Radio and Television Address to the
American People Prior to Departure for the Big
Four Conference at Geneva. July 1 5, 1 955
[ Delivered from the broadcast room at the White House at 8 : 1 5 p.m. ]
Good evening friends:
Within a matter of minutes I shall leave the United States on
a trip that in some respects is unprecedented for a President of the
United States. Other Presidents have left the continental limits
of our country for the purpose of discharging their duties as Com-
mander in Chief in time of war, or to participate in conference at
the end of a war to provide for the measures that would bring
about a peace. But now, for the first time, a President goes to
engage in a conference with the heads of other governments in
order to prevent wars, in order to see whether in this time of
stress and strain we cannot devise measures that will keep from us
this terrible scourge that afflicts mankind.
Now, manifestly, there are many difficulties in the way of a
President going abroad for a period, particularly while Congress
is in session. He has many constitutional duties; he must be here
to perform them. I am able to go on this trip only because of
the generous cooperation of the political leaders in Congress of
both political parties who have arranged their work so that my
absence for a period will not interfere with the business of the
Government. On my part I promised them that by a week from
40308—59 47 7^^
^ i6i Public Papers of the Presidents
Sunday, on July 24th5 I shall be back here ready to carry on my
accustomed duties.
Now it is manifest that in such a period as I am able to spend
abroad, we cannot settle the details of the many problems that
afflict the world. But of course I go for a very serious purpose.
This purpose is to attempt with my colleagues to change the spirit
that has characterized the intergovernmental relationships of the
world within the past ten years. Now — ^let us think for a moment
about this purpose. Let us just enumerate a few of the problems
that plague the world; the problem of armaments and the burdens
that people are forced to carry because of the necessity for these
armaments; the problem of the captive states, once proud people
that are not allowed their own form of government — freely chosen
by themselves and under individuals freely elected by themselves;
the problem of divided countries, people who are related to each
other by blood, kinship and who are divided by force of arms into
two camps that are indeed expected to be hostile to each other.
Then we have the problem of international interference in the
internal affairs of free governments, bringing about a situation
that leads to subversion, difficulties and recriminations within
countries — sometimes even revolutions.
These problems are made all the more serious by complica-
tions between governments. These problems of which I speak
often have arisen as an aftermath of wars and conflicts. But
governments are divided also by differing ambitions, by differing
ideologies, by mutual distrust and the alarm that each creates.
Because of these alarms, nations build up armaments and place
their trust for peace and protection in those armaments. These
armaments create greater alarms, and so we have a spiral of
growing uneasiness and suspicion and distrust. That is the kind
of thing that the world faces today. For these things there is no
easy settlement. In the brief time that this conference can exist
it is impossible to pursue all of the long and tedious negotiations
that must take place before the details of these problems can be
settled.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1Q55 ^ 161
Our many postwar conferences have been characterized too
much by attention to details, by an effort apparently to work on
specific problems, rather than to establish a spirit and attitude in
which to approach them. Success, therefore, has been meager.
Too often, indeed, these conferences have been mere opportu-
nities for exploitation of nationalistic ambitions, or, indeed, only
sounding boards for the propaganda that the participants wanted
to spread to the world.
If we look at this record we would say, "Why another confer-
ence? What hope is there for success?" Now, the first thing that
I ask you is, "Do we want to do nothing; do we want to sit and
drift along to the inevitable end of such a contest — ^new tensions
and then to war or at least to continuing tensions?"
We want peace. We cannot look at this whole situation with-
out realizing, first, that pessimism never won any battles, whether
in peace or in war. Next, we will understand that one ingredient
has been missing from all these conferences. I mean an intention
to conciliate, to understand, to be tolerant, to try to see the other
fellow's viewpoint as well as we see our own. I say to you, if we
can change the spirit in which these conferences are conducted
we will have taken the greatest step toward peace, toward future
prosperity and tranquility that has ever been taken in the history
of mankind.
I want to give you a few reasons for hope in this project: first,
the people of all the world desire peace — that is, peace for people
everywhere. I distinguish between people and governments here
for the moment, for we know that the great hordes of men and
women who make up the world do not want to go to the battle-
field. They want to live in peace — ^not a peace that is a mere
stilling of the guns, but a peace in which they can live happily,
and in confidence that they can raise their children in a world of
which they will be proud.
That common desire for peace is something that is a terrific
force in this world and to which I believe all political leaders in
the world are beginning to respond. They must recognize it.
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^ i6i Public Papers of the Presidents
Another item. Did you note this morning the speech made by
Premier Bulganin in Moscow? Every word he said was along
the lines that I am speaking. He talked of conciliation and toler-
ance and understanding. I say to you, I say to all the world, if
the words that he expressed are as truly reflective of the hearts
and minds of all the people in Russia, and the hearts and minds
of all the people in all the world everywhere, there will be no
trouble between the Russian delegation and our own at this
coming conference.
Now I want to mention another item that is important in this
conference. The free world is divided from the Communist
world by an iron curtain. The free world has one great factor
in common. We are not held together by force but we are held
together by this great factor.
It is this. The free world lives xmder one religion or another.
It believes in a divine power. It believes in a supreme being.
Now this, my friends, is a very great factor for conciliation and
peace at this time. Each of these religions has as one of its basic
commandments words that are similar to our Golden Rule — "Do
unto others as you would have them do unto you." This means
that the thinking of those people is based upon ideas of right, and
justice, and mutual self-respect and consideration for the other
man. This means peace, because only in peace can such concep-
tions as these prevail. This means that the free people of the
world hate war; they want peace and are fully dedicated to it.
Now, this country, as other free countries, maintains arms. We
maintain formations of war and all the modern weapons. Why?
Because we must. As long as this spirit that has prevailed up to
now continues to prevail in the world, we cannot expose our
rights, our privileges, our homes, our wives, our children to risk
which would come to an unarmed country. But we want to make
it perfectly clear that these armaments do not reflect the way we
want to live. They merely reflect the way, under present condi-
tions, we have to live. Now it is natural for a people steeped in a
religious civilization, when they come to moments of great impor-
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Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^s ^ i6i
tance — ^maybe even crises such as now we face — to turn to the
divine power that each has in his own heart, for guidance, for
wisdom, for some help in doing the thing that is honorable, that
is right.
I have no doubt that tonight throughout this country and
indeed throughout the free world, that such prayers are ascend-
ing. This is a mighty force, and it brings to me the thought that
through prayer we could also achieve a very definite and practical
result at this very moment.
Suppose on the next sabbath day observed by each of our
religions, Americans, 165 million of us, went to our accustomed
places of worship, and, crowding those places, asked for help, and
by so doing demonstrated to all the world the sincerity and depth
of our aspirations for peace. This would be a mighty force.
None could then say that we preserve armament because we want
to. We preserve it because we must.
My friends. Secretary Dulles and I go to this conference in
earnest hope that we may accurately represent your convictions,
your beliefs, your aspirations. We shall be conciliatory because
our country seeks no conquest, no property of others. We shall
be tolerant because this nation does not seek to impose our way of
life upon others. We shall be firm in the consciousness of your
material and spiritual strength and your defense of your rights.
But we shall extend the hand of friendship to all who will grasp
it honestly and concede to us the same rights, the same under-
standing, the same freedom that we accord to them.
We, the Secretary and I, shall do our best with others there to
start the world on the beginning of a new road, a road that may
be long and difficult, but which, if faithfully followed, will lead
us on to a better and fuller life.
Thank you and goodnight.
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Public Papers of the Presidents
1 62 ^ Remarks at the Keflavik Airport, Iceland.
July 16, 1955
Mr. President^ ladies and gentlemen:
I think it a fortunate circumstance for me that this mission to
Europe brought me again to your country which has such a long
history of friendship with my own. This is a much more pleasant
day than when I last visited you — that was in mid- January.
This trip takes me to Europe in a search for peace. With my
colleagues at the Geneva Conference, I shall hope that the cause
of peace can be advanced for all the world — that people like
yours — ^like ours — ^like the thirteen nations that are with us in
NATO — all the others can achieve a more tranquil life with
freedom and with justice.
I think it a very great privilege that I have a chance here for a
very brief period to talk with you about the problems that lie
before us and which are common to our two countries.
Thank you very much.
note: The President spoke at 10:50
a.m. His opening words "Mr. Presi-
dent" referred to President Asgeir
Asgeirsson of Iceland. President
Asgeirsson's remarks follow:
Mr. President, we are very pleased
to welcome you to our country. This
is a short stop, and we know how
pressing your time is and how impor-
tant your mission.
We wish you well and also success
in your importsint work at the meet-
ing in Geneva. We also wish you
success in the work for peace and
security.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^5 ^ 164
163 ^ Remarks Upon Arrival at the Airport in
Geneva. July 16, 1955
Mr. President:
My wife and I — ^the party with us — are deeply touched by the
honor you have paid us by coming here to the airport to greet us
as we land in this wonderful nation of Switzerland.
We are honored that the Governor of the Republic and Canton
of Geneva should come out — and the Mayor of the city.
Some eleven years ago, Mr. President, I came to Europe with
an army, a navy, an air force, with a single purpose : to destroy
Nazism. I came with the formations of war and all of the
circumstances of war surrounded that journey at that time.
This time I come armed with something far more powerful :
the good will of America — the great hopes of America — the as-
pirations of America for peace. That is why I have come here,
in this beautiful country of yours, to meet with my colleagues
from other countries to see whether it is not possible to find some
road that will lead all mankind into a more tranquil, better, fuller
way of life.
I thank you very much.
NOTE : The President's opening words referred to President Max Petitpierre
of Switzerland.
1 64 ^ opening Statement at the Geneva
Conference. July 18, 1955
WE MEET HERE for a simple purpose. We have come to find
a basis for accommodation which will make life safer and happier
not only for the nations we represent but for people elsewhere.
We are here in response to a universal urge, recognized by Premier
Bulganin in his speech of July 15, that the political leaders of our
great countries find a path to peace.
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^ 164 Public Papers of the Presidents
We cannot expect here, in the few hours of a few days, to
solve all the problems of all the world that need to be solved.
Indeed, the four of us meeting here have no authority from others
that could justify us even in attempting that. The roots of many
of these problems are buried deep in wars, conflicts and history.
They are made even more difficult by the differences in govern-
mental ideologies and ambitions. Manifestly it is out of the
question in the short time available to the heads of government
meeting here to trace out the causes and origins of these problems
and to devise agreements that could with complete fairness to all
eliminate them.
Nevertheless, we can, perhaps, create a new spirit that will
make possible future solutions of problems which are within our
responsibilities. And equally important we can try to take here
and now at Geneva the first steps on a new road to a just and
durable peace.
The problems that concern us are not inherently insoluble. Of
course, they are difficult; but their solution is not beyond the
wisdom of man. They seem insoluble under conditions of fear,
distrust, and even hostility, where every move is weighed in terms
of whether it will help or weaken a potential enemy. If those
conditions can be changed, then much can be done. Under such
circumstances, I am confident that at a later stage our Foreign
Ministers will be able to carry on from where we leave off to find,
either by themselves or with others, solutions to our problems.
No doubt there are among our nations philosophical convic-
tions which are in many respects irreconcilable. Nothing that
we can say or do here will change that fact. However, it is not
always necessary that people should think alike and believe alike
before they can work together. The essential thing is that none
should attempt by force or trickery to make his beliefs prevail and
thus to impose his system on the unwilling.
The new approach we of this conference should seek cannot
be found merely by talking in terms of abstractions and generali-
ties. It is necessary that we talk frankly about the concrete prob-
708
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 164
lems which create tension between us and about the way to begin
in solving them.
As a preface, may I indicate some of the issues I think we should
discuss.
First is the problem of unifying Germany and forming an all-
German government based on free elections. Ten years have
passed since the German armistice — and Germany is still divided.
That division does a grievous wrong to a people which is entitled,
like any other, to pursue together a common destiny. While that
division continues, it creates a basic source of instability in Europe.
Our talk of peace has little meaning if at the same time we per-
petuate conditions endangering the peace. Toward Germany,
the four of us bear special responsibilities. While any conclusions
we reach would be invalid unless supported by majority opinion
in Germany, this problem should be a central topic for our meeting
here. Must we not consider ways to solve it promptly and justly.
In the interest of enduring peace, our solution should take
account of the legitimate security interests of all concerned. That
is why we insist a united Germany is entitled at its choice, to
exercise its inherent right of collective self-defense. By the same
token, we are ready to take account of legitimate security interests
of the Soviet Union. The Paris agreements contain many pro-
visions which serve this purpose. But we are quite ready to con-
sider further reciprocal safeguards which are reasonable and
practical and compatible with the security of all concerned.
On a broader plane, there is the problem of respecting the
right of peoples to choose the form of government under which
they will live ; and of restoring sovereign rights and self-govern-
ment to those who have been deprived of them. The American
people feel strongly that certain peoples of Eastern Europe, many
with a long and proud record of national existence, have not yet
been given the benefit of this pledge of our United Nations war-
time declaration, reinforced by other wartime agreements.
There is the problem of communication and human contacts
as among our peoples. We frankly fear the consequences of a
40308—59 48 7^9
^ 164 Public Papers of the Presidents
situation where whole peoples are isolated from the outside world.
The American people want to be friends with the Soviet peoples.
There are no natural differences between our peoples or our na-
tions. There are no territorial conflicts or commercial rivalries.
Historically, our two countries have always been at peace. But
friendly understanding between peoples does not readily develop
when there are artificial barriers such as now interfere with com-
munication. It is time that all curtains whether of guns or laws
or regulations should begin to come down. But this can only be
done in an atmosphere of mutual respect and confidence.
There is the problem of international communism. For 38
years now, its activities have disturbed relations between other
nations and the Soviet Union. Its activities are not confined to
efforts to persuade. It seeks throughout the world to subvert law-
ful governments and to subject nations to an alien domination.
We cannot ignore the distrust created by the support of such
activities. In my nation and elsewhere it adds to distrust and
therefore to international tension.
Finally, there is the overriding problem of armament. This is
at once a result and a cause of existing tension and distrust. Con-
trary to a basic purpose of the United Nations Charter, arma-
ments now divert much of men's effort from creative to non-
productive uses. We would all like to end that. But apparently
none dares to do so because of fear of attack.
Surprise attack has a capacity for destruction far beyond any-
thing which man has yet known. So each of us deems it vital that
there should be means to deter such attack. Perhaps, therefore,
we should consider whether the problem of limitation of arma-
ment may not best be approached by seeking — as a first step —
dependable ways to supervise and inspect military establishments,
so that there can be no frightful surprises, whether by sudden
attack or by secret violation of agreed restrictions. In this field
nothing is more important than that we explore together the
challenging and central problem of effective mutual inspection.
Such a system is the foundation for real disarmament.
710
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 164
As we think of this problem of armament, we need to remember
that the present burden of costly armaments not only deprives our
own people of higher living standards, but it also denies the peo-
ples of underdeveloped areas of resources which would improve
their lot. These areas contain much of the world's population
and many nations now emerging for the first time into political
independence. They are grappling with the urgent problem of
economic growth. Normally they would receive assistance par-
ticularly for capital development from the more developed na-
tions of the world. However, that normal process is gravely
retarded by the fact that the more developed industrial countries
are dedicating so much of their productive effort to armament.
Armament reduction would and should insure that part of the
savings would flow into the less developed areas of the world to
assist their economic development.
In addition, we must press forward in developing the use of
atomic energy for constructive purposes. We regret that the
Soviet Union has never accepted our proposal of December 1953
that nations possessing stockpiles of fissionable material should
join to contribute to a "world bank" so as, in steadily increasing
measure, to substitute cooperation in human welfare for compe-
tition in means of human destruction. We still believe that if the
Soviet Union would according to its ability contribute to this
great project, that act would improve the international climate.
In this first statement of the Conference, I have indicated very
briefly some of the problems that weigh upon my mind and upon
the people of the United States and where solution is largely within
the competence of the four of us. As our work here progresses
I hope that all of us will have suggestions as to how we might
promote the search for the solution of these problems.
Perhaps it would be well if each of us would in turn give a
similar indication of his country's views. Then we can quickly
see the scope of the matters which it might be useful to discuss
here and arrange our time accordingly.
Let me repeat. I trust that we are not here merely to catalogue
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^ 164 Public Papers of the Presidents
our differences. We are not here to repeat the same dreary
exercises that have characterized most of our negotiations of the
past ten years. We are here in response to the peaceful aspira-
tions of mankind to start the kind of discussions which will inject
a new spirit into our diplomacy; and to launch fresh negotiations
under conditions of good augury.
In that way, and perhaps only in that way, can our meeting,
necessarily brief, serve to generate and put in motion the new
forces needed to set us truly on the path to peace. For this I am
sure all humanity will devoutly pray.
165 ^ Remarks at the Research Reactor
Building, Palais des Nations, Geneva.
July 20, 1955
I AM very grateful to the experts in charge of this building for
conducting me through the reactor building and showing me so
many of the working controls and operations.
Of course, I am very pleased that our country is able here to
establish this reactor to help the scientists of the world to make
progress along the lines of peaceful use of the atomic energy
science, for the welfare of mankind.
In the United States we have so far made agreements with 24
different nations for the use of this same type of research reactor.
There are students from 19 different countries going to school in
the United States, learning about the technology that applies
here — and you can see how necessary that is, just by looking
around.
There are students from 32 countries undertaking to learn about
the use of radio isotopes, and so on. So all in all this business is
proceeding, and we are very pleased to have a part in it. We
have set aside 200 kilograms of fissionable material so far to assist
in the effort.
712
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ i66
I am very hopeful that more than govermnents will get inter-
ested in this project. I hope that private business and profes-
sional men throughout the world will take an interest, and provide
an incentive in finding new ways that this new science can be used.
In the meantime, I hope that everybody who gets a chance to
see this one, will learn that there are really many, many ways in
which atomic science can be used for the benefit of mankind and
not destruction.
Thank you very much.
note: The President spoke at 3:20 p.m.
1 66 ^ Statement on Disarmament Presented at
the Geneva Conference. July 2 1 , 1 955
Mr, Chairman^ Gentlemen:
Disarmament is one of the most important subjects on our
agenda. It is also extremely difficult. In recent years the
scientists have discovered methods of making weapons many,
many times more destructive of opposing armed forces — but also
of homes, and industries and lives — than ever known or even
imagined before. These same scientific discoveries have made
much more complex the problems of limitation and control and
reduction of armament.
After our victory as Allies in World War 11, my country rapidly
disarmed. Within a few years our armament was at a very low
level. Then events occurred beyond our borders which caused
us to realize that we had disarmed too much. For our own
security and to safeguard peace we needed greater strength.
Therefore we proceeded to rearm and to associate with others in
a partnership for peace and for mutual security.
The American people are determined to maintain and if neces-
sary increase this armed strength for as long a period as is
necessary to safeguard peace and to maintain our security.
But we know that a mutually dependable system for less arma-
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^ 1 66 Public Papers of the Presidents
ment on the part of all nations would be a better way to safeguard
peace and to maintain our security.
It would ease the fears of war in the anxious hearts of people
everywhere. It would lighten the burdens upon the backs of the
people. It would make it possible for every nation, great and
small, developed and less developed, to advance the standards of
living of its people, to attain better food, and clothing, and shelter,
more of education and larger enjoyment of life.
Therefore the United States government is prepared to enter
into a sound and reliable agreement making possible the re-
duction of armament. I have directed that an intensive and
thorough study of this subject be made within our own govern-
ment. From these studies, which are continuing, a very impor-
tant principle is emerging to which I referred in my opening
statement on Monday.
No sound and reliable agreement can be made unless it is com-
pletely covered by an inspection and reporting system adequate
to support every portion of the agreement.
The lessons of history teach us that disarmament agreements
without adequate reciprocal inspection increase the dangers of
war and do not brighten the prospects of peace.
Thus it is my view that the priority attention of our combined
study of disarmament should be upon the subject of inspection
and reporting.
Questions suggest themselves.
How effective an inspection system can be designed which
would be mutually and reciprocally acceptable within our coun-
tries and the other nations of the world? How would such a
system operate? What could it accomplish?
Is certainty against surprise aggression attainable by inspec-
tion? Could violations be discovered promptly and effectively
counteracted?
We have not as yet been able to discover any scientific or other
inspection method which would make certain of the elimination
of nuclear weapons. So far as we are aware no other nation has
7H
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig55 ^ i66
made such a discovery. Our study of this problem is continuing.
We have not as yet been able to discover any accounting or other
inspection method of being certain of the true budgetary facts
of total expenditures for armament. Our study of this problem
is continuing. We by no means exclude the possibility of finding
useful checks in these fields.
As you can see from these statements, it is our impression that
many past proposals of disarmament are more sweeping than can
be insured by effective inspection.
Gentlemen, since I have been working on this memorandum to
present to this Conference, I have been searching my heart and
mind for something that I could say here that could convince
everyone of the great sincerity of the United States in approaching
this problem of disarmament.
I should address myself for a moment principally to the Dele-
gates from the Soviet Union, because our two great countries
admittedly possess new and terrible weapons in quantities which
do give rise in other parts of the world, or reciprocally, to the
fears and dangers of surprise attack.
I propose, therefore, that we take a practical step, that we
begin an arrangement, very quickly, as between ourselves — ^im-
mediately. These steps would include :
To give to each other a complete blueprint of our military
establishments, from beginning to end, from one end of our coun-
tries to the other; lay out the establishments and provide the blue-
prints to each other.
Next, to provide within our countries facilities for aerial pho-
tography to the other country — we to provide you the facilities
within our country, ample facilities for aerial reconnaissance,
where you can make all the pictures you choose and take them to
your own country to study, you to provide exactly the same f aciU-
ties for us and we to make these examinations, and by this step to
convince the world that we are providing as between ourselves
against the possibility of great surprise attack, thus lessening dan-
ger and relaxing tension. Likewise we will make more easily
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^ 1 66 Public Papers of the Presidents
attainable a comprehensive and effective system of inspection and
disarmament, because what I propose, I assure you, would be but
a beginning.
Now from my statements I believe you will anticipate my sug-
gestion. It is that we instruct our representatives in the Subcom-
mittee on Disarmament in discharge of their mandate from the
United Nations to give priority effort to the study of inspection and
reporting. Such a study could well include a step by step testing
of inspection and reporting methods.
The United States is ready to proceed in the study and testing
of a reliable system of inspections and reporting, and when that
system is proved, then to reduce armaments with all others to the
extent that the system will provide assured results.
The successful working out of such a system would do much to
develop the mutual confidence which will open wide the avenues
of progress for all our peoples.
The quest for peace is the statesman's most exacting duty.
Security of the nation entrusted to his care is his greatest responsi-
biUty. Practical progress to lasting peace is his fondest hope.
Yet in pursuit of his hope he must not betray the trust placed in
him as guardian of the people's security. A sound peace — ^with
security, justice, wellbeing, and freedom for the people of the
world — can be achieved, but only by patiently and thoughtfully
following a hard and sure and tested road.
NOTE : The President's opening cil of Ministers, U.S.S.R., who served
words "Mr. Chairman" referred to as chairman at this meeting.
Nikolai Bulganin, Chairman, Coun-
1 67 ^ Statement on East-West Contacts
Delivered at the Geneva Conference.
July 22, 1955
ACCORDING to the adopted agenda, today we meet to discuss
methods of normaHzing and increasing the contacts between our
716
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 167
nations in many fields. I am heartened by the deep interest in
this question, which interest implies a common purpose to under-
stand each other better. Unfortunately there exist unnecessary
restrictions on the flow between us of ideas, of things and of
people.
Like other questions we have considered during the past four
days, this one cannot be considered independently or in isolation.
All are related by their direct importance to the general objective
of lessening world fears and tensions.
To help achieve the goal of peace based on justice and right
and mutual understanding, there are certain concrete steps that
could be taken:
( 1 ) To lower the barriers which now impede the interchange
of information and ideas between our peoples.
( 2 ) To lower the barriers which now impede the opportunities
of people to travel anywhere in the world for peaceful, friendly
purposes, so that all will have a chance to know each other face-
to-face.
(3) To create conditions which will encourage nations to in-
crease the exchange of peaceful goods throughout the world.
Success in these endeavors should improve the conditions of
life for all our citizens and elsewhere in the world. By helping
eliminate poverty and ignorance, we can take another step in
progress toward peace.
Restrictions on communications of all kinds, including radio
and travel, existing in extreme form in some places, have oper-
ated as causes of mutual distrust. In America, the fervent belief
in freedom of thought, of expression, and of movement is a vital
part of our heritage. Yet during these past ten years even we
have felt compelled, in the protection of our own interests, to
place some restrictions upon the movement of persons and
communications across our national frontiers.
This conference has the opportunity, I believe, to initiate con-
crete steps to permit the breaking down of both mild and severe
barriers to mutual understanding and trust.
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Now I should like to turn to the question of trade. I assume
that each of us here is dedicated to the improvement of the con-
ditions of life of our own citizens. Trade in peaceful goods is an
important factor in achieving this goal. If trade is to reach its
maximum capability in this regard, it must be both voluminous
and world-wide.
The United Nations has properly been concerned in making
available to the people of the imder-developed areas modern
technology and managerial abilities, as well as capital and credit.
My country not only supports these efforts, but has undertaken
parallel projects outside the United Nations.
In this connection the new atomic science possesses a tremen-
dous potential for helping raise the standards of living and pro-
viding greater opportunity for all the world. World-wide interest
in overcoming poverty and ignorance is growing by leaps and
bounds, and each of the great nations should do its utmost to assist
in this development. As a result new desires, new requirements,
new aspirations are emerging almost everywhere as man climbs
the upward path of his destiny. Most encouraging of all is the
evidence that after centuries of fatahsm and resignation, the
hopeless of the world are beginning to hope.
But regardless of the results achieved through the United Na-
tions effort or the individual efforts of helpful nations, trade
remains the indispensable arterial system of a flourishing world
prosperity.
If we could create conditions in which unnecessary restrictions
on trade would be progressively eliminated and under which
there would be free and friendly exchange of ideas and of people,
we should have done much to chart the paths toward the
objectives we commonly seek.
By working together toward all these goals, we can do much to
transform this century of recurring conflict into a century of en-
during and invigorating peace. This, I assure you, the United
States of America devoutly desires — as I know all of us do.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig55 ^ i68
1 68 ^ Memorandum to Federal Agencies on the
United Fund and Community Chest Campaigns.
July 22, 1955
Memorandum for the Heads of Executive Departments and
Agencies:
This fall over 21,000 health, welfare and recreation organiza-
tions will combine their appeals in a United Fund or Community
Chest campaign in each of 1900 communities across the country.
Many campaigns will include the needs of such national agencies
as the Red Cross, USO, and those fighting heart disease, cancer,
polio, tuberculosis, cerebral palsy and other health problems.
Such campaigns will seek substantially more than the $302,500,-
000 raised last year.
The total will be considerably more than will be raised by all
the other health and welfare appeals in the country combined.
Clearly then, this fund raising effort is the most important in
which any of us will be asked to participate during the ensuing
year.
The campaigns will be carried on during the period from Labor
Day to Thanksgiving. I am asking all branches of the Federal
Government, as well as all citizens and organizations, to concen-
trate their effort and support on the cause during that period.
To assure the leaders of United Community Campaigns of
America, representing local Community Chests and United
Funds, of the cooperation of the Federal Government, I have ap-
proved the appointment of the Honorable George M. Humphrey,
Secretary of the Treasury, as Vice Chairman for the Federal Gov-
ernment of United Community Campaigns.
I am confident that you will extend the full cooperation of your
Department in each community throughout the United States and
its territories and possessions where it conducts its operations.
Such cooperation should include the effective solicitation of all
employees, the acceptance of equitable unit goals, and the setting
719
^ 1 68 Public Papers of the Presidents
up of an adequate collection method for the convenience of those
who wish to make contributions on an installment basis.
It is my hope that all employees will give generously — ^not be-
cause they must, but because they may — ^keeping in mind the wide
variety and large number of organizations they will be supporting
through their gifts to this single appeal.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
note: This memorandum was released at Geneva.
169 ^ Letter to Prime Minister MaungNu
Concerning the Gift of the Burmese People.
July 22, 1955
Dear Mr. Prime Minister:
I know that you will be personally interested in the arrange-
ments I have made for the use of the generous gift from the people
and Government of the Union of Burma which you entrusted to
me during your recent visit.
As you requested, the money will be used for the benefit of the
children of those members of the United States armed forces who
lost their lives or were incapacitated in the Burma campaign. To
that end, I have directed that the fund be assigned in three equal
portions to the American Legion, the Veterans of Foreign Wars,
and AMVETS. Each of these three prominent veterans organi-
zations has been carrying on worthy programs of assistance to the
children of veterans of the armed services of the United States.
Each of them, under the terms of its charter, will be able to
establish a separate fund to achieve the purpose you indicated.
The gift of the Union of Burma will thus strengthen and help to
perpetuate the beneficial activities of those organizations.
I wish again to express my appreciation and that of the people
of the United States for this heart-warming expression of the close
720
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 170
friendship and community of interests that exist between our two
countries.
Sincerely,
Dwight D. Eisenhower
NOTE : This letter was released at made by the gallant members of the
Geneva. The text of the Prime United States Armed Forces who
Minister's letter of June 29, 1955, took part in the liberation campaign,
which accompanied the gift, follows: As a token of our appreciation of
the sacrifices made by these gallant
My dear Mr. President, ^^^^ I ^^^^d ask you to accept this
cheque for five thousand dollars
The people and Government of ($5,000.00), the money to be used
the Union of Burma remember with in some appropriate manner for the
gratitude the valuable contribution benefit of the children of those who
made by the United States towards lost their lives or were incapacitated
the liberation of their country from in the Burma campaign,
the Japanese militarist yoke. In par- Yours sincerely,
ticular they recall the heroic sacrifices Maung Nu
170 ^ Closing Statement at the Final Meeting of
the Heads of Government Conference at Geneva.
July 2% 1955
Mr. Chairman, Gentlemen:
I welcome and warmly reciprocate the spirit of friendliness and
good intent that have characterized the statements of the two
preceding speakers. But I do hope that my silence respecting
certain of the statements made by the immediately preceding
speaker will not by any means be interpreted as acquiescence on
my part — ^far from it.
But it has seemed to me that in the closing minutes of this con-
ference there is no necessity for me to announce to this conference
and to the world the United States position on the important
questions we have discussed. These I hope and believe have
already been made clear. Therefore it has not seemed particu-
721
^ lyo Public Papers of the Presidents
larly fitting once more to recite them in detail. Rather I content
myself with some reflections on our work of the past week and an
expression of some hopes for the future.
This has been an historic meeting. It has been on the whole a
good week. But only history will tell the true worth and real
values of our session together. The follow-through from this
beginning by our respective Governments will be decisive in the
measure of this Conference.
We have talked over plainly a number of the most difficult and
perplexing questions affecting our several peoples and indeed the
peoples of the entire world.
We did not come here to reach final solutions. We came to see
if we might together find the path that would lead to solutions and
would brighten the prospects of world peace.
In this final hour of our assembly, it is my judgment that the
prospects of a lasting peace with justice, well-being, and broader
freedom, are brighter. The dangers of the overwhelming tragedy
of modern war are less.
The work of our Foreign Ministers as they strive to implement
our directives will be of great importance, perhaps of even more
than what we have done here. Theirs is the task, reflecting the
substantive policies of their Governments, to reach agreement on
courses of action which we here could discuss only in broad terms.
I know we all wish them well.
I trust we will all support the necessary adjustments which they
may find our Governments must make if we are to resolve our
differences in these matters.
If our peoples, in the months and years ahead, broaden their
knowledge and their understanding of each other, as we, during
this week, have broadened our knowledge of each other, further
agreement between our Governments may be facilitated. May
this occur in a spirit of justice. May it result in improved well-
being, greater freedom, and less of fear or suffering or distress for
mankind. May it be marked by more of good will among men.
These days will then indeed be ever remembered.
722
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 171
I came to Geneva because I believe mankind longs for freedom
from war and rumors of war. I came here because of my lasting
faith in the decent instincts and good sense of the people who
populate this world of ours. I shall return home tonight with
these convictions unshaken, and with the prayer that the hope of
mankind will one day be realized.
NOTE : The President's opening words Edgar Faure of France who served
"Mr. Chairman" referred to Premier as chairman at this meeting.
171 ^ Remarks on Leaving Geneva.
July 23, 1955
Ladies and gentlemen:
As I leave Geneva, I want most of all, in saying goodbye, to
thank the Mayor of this City, and each of its citizens who have
been so cordial in the welcome they have extended to the American
delegation.
My thanks of course include also the government — ^its Presi-
dent, all its officials, and of course to include the Governor of this
Canton.
It has been a very great privilege to be among you and we will
carry away many happy memories of your beautiful scenery and
your very warm spirit of welcome and hospitality towards us.
I hope, indeed, that maybe some day I shall come back here
again, when I am less busy and when I can see more of the people
and less of the inner side of council chambers.
Goodbye and good luck to each of you.
NOTE : The president spoke at the airport just before boarding the Columbine
to return to Washington.
723
^ 172 Public Papers of the Presidents
172 ^ Statement by the President Upon Signing
Bill Concerning Mineral Claims Filed on Public
Lands. Ju/); 23, 1955
I HAVE TODAY approved H.R. 589 1 . This legislation strongly
endorsed by both Secretary of the Interior McKay and Secretary
of Agriculture Benson, is one of the most important conservation
measures affecting public lands that has been enacted in many
years.
In recent years thousands of mining claims have been filed on
public lands every year, not for bona fide mining purposes but for
the purpose of obtaining claim or title to valuable timber, summer
home sites, or grazing land and water. H.R. 5891 will put a stop
to such practices. In doing so it will make possible sound man-
agement of the timber resources of our public lands. At the same
time the legislation will greatly improve the position of the bona
fide miner by enabling him to increase his valuable contribution
to the development of the Nation's mineral resources.
The legislation represents a great forward step in our con-
servation program.
note: As enacted, H.R. 5891 is Public Law 167, 84th Congress (69 Stat.
367).
173 ^ Remarks at Washington National Airport
on Returning From Geneva. July 24, 1 955
Ladies and Gentlemen:
After the hard week that I have been through it's very heart-
warming to have such a reception as this as I come back to our
Capital City.
Just what will be the result of this conference, of course, no one
knows but the coming months will tell much. But in the mean-
724
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 174
time, we do know that new contacts have been established and
there is evidence of a new f riendKness in the world. For my part,
if there is one man I would single out as deserving the thanks of
the American people, it would be Foster Dulles, a man who repre-
sents us in every kind of conference with the greatest of dignity
and the greatest of skill. I am sorry he is not here this morning —
his plane seems to be a little slower than mine and so he is not here
at this moment.
Again thanks to all of you for coming out, distinguished citizens
and everybody else. It's really great to be home. Thank you.
1 74 ^ White House Statement Following
Bipartisan Meeting on the Geneva Conference.
July 25, 1955
THE PRESIDENT and the Secretary of State in their meeting
today with the Legislative Leaders of both parties outUned the
discussions at the Geneva Conference.
The President assured the leaders that no secret agreements
had been made nor had any private papers been initialled during
the Conference.
The President expressed the belief that the outstanding feature
of the meeting was the apparently sincere desire expressed by the
Soviet Delegation to discuss world problems in the future in an
atmosphere of friendliness and a willingness to sit down together
to work out differences. The President added that this, of course,
is a hopeful development but quite naturally, does not, of itself,
warrant any relaxation of the mutual security measures we and
our allies of the free world are now pursuing.
The Secretary of State then gave a detailed presentation of
the day-to-day discussions at the Geneva Conference and an
analysis of the final agreed directive.
725
^ 175 Public Papers of the Presidents
175 ^ Radio and Television Address to the
American People on the Geneva Conference.
July 25, 1955
[ Delivered from the President's Office at 10 : 30 p.m. ]
Good evening friends:
Secretary Dulles and I, with our associates, went to the Big
Four Conference at Geneva resolved to represent as accurately as
we could the aspirations of the American people for peace and
the principles upon which this country believes that peace should
be based.
In this task we had the bi-partisan, indeed almost the unani-
mous, support of the Congress. This fact greatly strengthened
our hand throughout the negotiations. Our grateful thanks go
out to all your Senators and your Congressmen in the United
States Congress. Aside from this, we had, during the past week,
thousands of telegrams of encouragement and support from you
as individuals. Along with these came similar telegrams from
great organizations, church organizations, business and great
labor organizations.
All of these combined served to make us feel that possibly we
were faithfully representing the views that you would have us
represent. Now peace — the pursuit of peace — involves many
perplexing questions. For example :
Justice to all nations, great and small ;
Freedom and security for all these nations ;
The prosperity of their several economies and a rising standard
of living in the world ;
Finally, opportunity for all of us to live in peace and in security.
Now, naturally, in the study of such questions as these, we don't
proceed recklessly. We must go prudently and cautiously — both
in reaching conclusions and in subsequent action. We cannot
afford to be negligent or complacent. But, we must be hopeful.
726
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ CJ 1 75
We must have faith in ourselves and in the justice of our cause.
If we don't do this, we will allow our own pessimism and our own
lack of faith to defeat the noblest purposes that we can pursue.
Now, because of the vital significance of all these subjects, they
will be exhaustively surveyed by our government over a period of
many weeks. Tonight the most that I can give to you are a few
personal impressions and opinions that may have some interest for
you and certainly have some bearing on the outcome and on the
progress of those negotiations.
Of course, an interesting subject that could be taken up, had I
the time, would be the personalities of the several delegations,
the relationship or apparent relationships of one to the other —
the principal considerations that seem to motivate them. These
would all have a bearing on this problem. But I forego them and
take up instead just two general opinions in which I am sure every
American shares:
The first of these, that we must never be deluded into believing
that one week of friendly, even fruitful, negotiation can wholly
eliminate a problem arising out of the wide gulf that separates,
so far. East and West. A gulf as wide and deep as the difference
between individual liberty and regimentation, as wide and deep
as the gulf that lies between the concept of man made in the
image of his God and the concept of man as a mere instrument
of the State. Now, if we think of those things we are apt to be
possibly discouraged.
But I was also profoundly impressed with the need for all of
us to avoid discouragement merely because our own proposals,
our own approaches, and our own beliefs are not always im-
mediately accepted by the other side.
On the night I left for Geneva, I appeared before the television
to explain to you what we were seeking. I told you that we were
going primarily to attempt to change the spirit in which these
great negotiations and conferences were held. A transcript was
made of that talk, and I should like now to read you one paragraph
from it.
727
^ 175 Public Papers of the Presidents
This is what I said with respect to our purpose : "We reaUze
that one ingredient has been missing from all past conferences.
This is an honest intent to conciliate, to understand, to be tolerant,
to try to see the other fellow's viewpoint as well as we see our own.
I say to you if we can change the spirit in which these conferences
are conducted, we will have taken the greatest step toward peace,
toward future prosperity and tranquility that has ever been taken
in all the history of mankind."
During last week in formal conferences, and in personal visits,
these purposes have been pursued. So now there exists a better
understanding, a closer unity among the nations of NATO.
There seems to be a growing realization by all that nuclear war-
fare, pursued to the ultimate, could be practically race suicide.
There is a realization that negotiations can be conducted with-
out propaganda and threats and invective.
Finally, there is a sharp realization by the world that the United
States will go to any length consistent with our concepts of decency
and justice and right to attain peace. For this purpose, we will
work cooperatively with the Soviets and any other people as long
as there is sincerity of purpose and a genuine desire to go ahead.
In the course of carrying on these discussions there were a num-
ber of specific proposals, some of which were items on the official
agenda. That agenda contained German reunification and
European security, disarmament and increased contacts of all
kinds between the East and the West.
Most of these conference meetings were given wide publicity
and even some of the specific suggestions made in those conferences
likewise were publicized. In any event, I can assure you of one
thing :
There were no secret agreements made, either understood
agreements or written ones. Everything is put before you on the
record.
Outside of these conference meetings there were numerous un-
official meetings — conversations with important members of the
728
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 175
other delegations and, of course, very specifically with the Soviet
delegation.
In these conversations a number of subjects were discussed and
among them the Secretary of State and I specifically brought up,
more than once, American convictions and American beliefs and
American concern about such questions as the satellites of Eastern
Europe and the activities of international Communism. We
made crystal clear what were American beliefs about such matters
as these.
Now to take up for a moment the items on the official agenda.
Probably no question caused us as much trouble as that of
German reunification and European security. At first we thought
that these could be dealt with separately, but the American dele-
gation concluded that they had to be dealt with as one subject.
We held that Germany should be reunited under a government
freely chosen by themselves, and under conditions that would
provide security both for nations of the East and for nations of
the West — in fact in a framework that provided European
security.
In the matter of disarmament, the American government be-
lieves that an effective disarmament system can be reached only
if at its base there is an effective reciprocal inspection and overall
supervision system, one in which we can have confidence and each
side can know that the other side is carrying out his commitments.
Now because of this belief, we joined with the French and the
British in making several proposals. Some were global, some
were local, some were sort of budgetary in character. But all
were in furtherance of this one single objective, that is, to make
inspection the basis of disarmament proposals.
One proposal suggested aerial photography, as between the
Soviets and ourselves by unarmed peaceful planes, and to make
this inspection just as thorough as this kind of reconnaissance can
do. The principal purpose, of course, is to convince every one
of Western sincerity in seeking peace. But another idea was this :
729
^ 175 Public Papers of the Presidents
if we could go ahead and establish this kind of an inspection as
initiation of an inspection system we could possibly develop it
into a broader one, and eventually build on it an effective and
durable disarmament system.
In the matter of increasing contacts, many items were discussed.
We talked about a freer flow of news across the curtains of all
kinds. We talked about the circulation of books and particularly
we talked about peaceful trade. But the subject that took most
of our attention in this regard was the possibility of increased visits
by the citizens of one country into the territory of another, doing
this in such a way as to give each the fullest possible opportunity
to learn about the people of the other nation. In this particular
subject there was the greatest possible degree of agreement. As
a matter of fact, it was agreement often repeated and enthusiasti-
cally supported by the words of the members of each side.
As a matter of fact, each side assured the other earnestly and —
often that it intended to pursue a new spirit of conciliation and
cooperation in its contacts with the other. Now, of course, we are
profoundly hopeful that these assurances will be faithfully carried
out.
One evidence as to these assurances will, of course, be available
soon in the language and the terminology in which we will find
speeches and diplomatic exchanges couched. But the acid test
should begin next October because then the next meeting occurs.
It will be a meeting of the Foreign Ministers. Its principal pur-
pose will be to take the conclusions of this conference as to the
subjects to be discussed there and the general proceedings to be
observed in translating those generalities that we talked about
into actual, specific agreements. Then is when real conciliation
and some giving on each side will be definitely necessary.
Now, for myself, I do not belittle the obstacles lying ahead on
the road to a secure and just peace. By no means do I under-
estimate the long and exhausting work that will be necessary
before real results are achieved. I do not blink the fact that all
of us must continue to sacrifice for what we believe to be best for
730
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 176
the safety of ourselves and for the preservation of the things in
which we beHeve,
But I do know that the people of the world want peace. More-
over, every other individual who was at Geneva likewise felt this
longing of mankind. So, there is great pressure to advance con-
structively, not merely to reenact the dreary performances, the
negative performances of the past.
We, all of us, individually and as a people now have possibly
the most difficult assignment of our nation's history. Likewise,
we have the most shining opportunity ever possessed by
Americans. May these truths inspire, never dismay us.
I believe that only with prayerful patience, intelligence, cour-
age and tolerance, never forgetting vigilance and prudence, can
we keep alive the spark ignited at Geneva. But if we are success-
ful in this, then we will make constantly brighter the lamp that
will one day guide us to our goal — a just and lasting peace.
Thank you. Good night to each of you.
176 ^ The President's News Conference of
7m/);27, 1955.
THE PRESIDENT. Good momiug. Please sit down.
I see you haven't got the air conditioning machinery yet.
[Laughter]
I think that it is needless for me to take too much time in the
attempt to emphasize the importance I attach to the week through
which we have just passed.
Some of you, of course, were in Geneva. You made your own
conclusions as to the personalities that we met, the relationships
between them, the degree of sincerity you attach to their words.
But one thing is indisputable. For one week of argument and
debate that sometimes was, to say the least, intense, never once
did we have a recurrence of the old method of merely talking to
constituencies in terms of invective and personal abuse and
731
^ 176 Public Papers of the Presidents
nationalistic abuse. That in itself is a great gain and one that I
hope we shall never lose; because certainly we are going to
progress in things of the mind, in things involving policy, only if
we discuss differences in objective terms, not in the terms that
cause additional antagonism before you get down at all to the
heart of the subject that is imder discussion.
I don't mean to say that the week was one of such glowing
promise that it offers almost a certainty of a new era starting now.
I do say there was a beginning of this kind made, and if we are
wise enough to do our part, it is just possible that something to
the great benefit of man may eventuate.
Now, if I can go from great nationalistic subjects, public sub-
jects, to something that concerns only me and my family: this
may not be news, but I got home to be greeted by my daughter-in-
law with the statement that if all goes well, I will be a grandfather
for the fourth time next Christmas — [applause] — ^which, of
course, was a happy ending to the week.
We will go to questions.
Q. Merriman Smith, United Press : Mr. President, in connec-
tion with you disarmament proposal, would you extend the privi-
lege of aerial reconnaissance to atomic energy installations?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I wouldu't waut now to go into the
complete details that would have to be worked out by professionals
and technicians meeting to form the plan that would give effect
to the general proposal I made.
I would say this: that everything, the blueprint of which I
spoke, the layout of your military establishments, in my opinion,
should be complete.
This would not necessarily involve your manufacturing and
production plants; but I would certainly, under the scheme I was
thinking of, place a minimum of prohibited areas. I think that
I would allow these planes, properly inspected, peaceful planes, to
fly over any particular, area of either country that they wanted to,
because only in this way could you convince them that there wasn't
732
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig55 ^ 176
something over there that maybe was, by surprise, ready to attack
them, you see,
Q. Robert E, Clark, International News Service: Mr. Presi-
dent, can you tell us if you see anything improper in Secretary
Talbott's business activities and how you feel about his remaining
on as Secretary of the Air Force?
[Chorus of ''CouldnH hear W]
THE PRESIDENT. This was a question about Secretary Talbott
and the investigation that he is undergoing before the committee
of Congress.
I have no objection to answering this at this moment as far as
I am able. But I do warn you that it will take me a httle bit of
time.
First, I do not believe that any man can properly hold public
office merely because he is not guilty of any illegal act; and, of
course, in this case there is no charge of any illegal act.
But I believe it was in or somewhere about the end of October,
early November, of 1952, I tried to explain my conception of
what a public servant owed to the Government, to the people —
that his actions had to be impeccable, both from the standpoint
of law and from the standpoint of ethics.
So what is now involved is, was a proper standard of ethics
violated?
This comes, I assume, to this particular point: was an office
used improperly or was a man in an office merely trying to use
his own personal influence completely divorced from his office?
I assume that is the issue that the committee of Congress is now
looking into.
Now, I should like to make one thing clear: those parts of
Secretary Talbott's official duties with which I have come in con-
tact have been almost brilliantly performed.
He has done, by and large, and so far as I know of these activ-
ities, exactly what I believe a Secretary of one of the armed
services should do.
4030S— 59 49 733
^ 176 Public Papers of the Presidents
I suppose the world knows that for some years he has been a
personal friend.
Nevertheless, my feeling at this moment, in a way, is of a bit
of suspended animation. I am going to read the complete record
of everything that I can find on this myself, and I will have to
make final decision on the basis of the ethics involved.
Now, I would not take any action while this investigation is
going on because, first of all, the investigation should be conducted
while he is a public servant, and he has a perfect right to be heard
in every bit of defense he can bring forward.
As far as I am concerned then, the matter is temporarily in
abeyance, but it is going to be handled by myself personally.
I do want to make clear again that when I came back and
heard about this, no one has intimated any suggestion of fraud
or of wrongdoing in the sense of law. That is clearly out of the
question.
Q, Edward Milne, Providence Journal-Bulletin: Mr. Presi-
dent, as a matter of principle, and not specifically in Mr. Talbott's
case, because we don't yet have all the facts, how do you distin-
guish the office from the man in the office? What is that fine
line? How do you distinguish?
THE PRESIDENT. As a matter of fact, I really am not prepared
to talk about that in any length. It is a difficult one. For myself,
I think the only way for a public servant is to avoid any indiscre-
tion that even leans in that way or even gives the appearance that
an office might be used. But I do want in this case to be com-
pletely just and see the whole record.
Q. Frank van der Linden, Charlotte Observer: Mr. President,
the Senate Judiciary Committee yesterday indefinitely deferred
a vote on the confirmation of Simon Sobeloff, your Solicitor
General, to the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals.
I would like to ask whether you are displeased with that delay,
and if that should go through the recess of Congress, do you plan
to send up a recess appointment?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, you givc me news; I didn't know this.
734
Dwight D. Eisenhower y ig^^ ^ 1 76
Now, as you know, Mr. Sobeloff was appointed from a judge-
ship to the office of SoUcitor General.
In that office, I have had a number of contacts with him, and
have been impressed with what I thought was his judicial type of
mind. I thought he was an excellent appointment to the court.
Now, I am not going to challenge, by implication or indirection
or any other way, the right of the Senate to make its thorough
investigation through its committees of any nominee I send up
there for any office.
I don't know what it is about, so I can't comment any further
except to say I thought it was an excellent appointment.
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Sir, there is a law on
the books that says Brigadier General W. W. White, who is Staff
Director for Petroleum Logistics, can keep on active duty in his
job and, at the same time, draw a salary as former vice president
of Esso Export Corporation from his old corporation.
I wondered what you think about the administration of this
law that permits a high-ranking officer to be recalled to active
duty and serve over a subject that is the same as his former
corporation.
THE PRESIDENT. I Can't possibly conmient on that one until I
see the case. This is the first time I ever knew there was a special
law applying to a special person. I would like to look that up.
[Addresses Mr. Hagerty] Will you remember?
Q. William S. White, New York Times: Mr. President, would
you care to make any forecast to us of the possibility of a min-
isterial level meeting with the Chinese in light of what the Secre-
tary of State said yesterday?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I couldu't gucss at this moment as to a
meeting at the ministerial level.
I think you know the record of this whole project up to this
moment. I read this morning Secretary Dulles' statement, so to
my knowledge it is exactly accurate all the way through, what has
come about, why we did raise this level of meeting, and sent Mr.
Johnson to Geneva to carry it out.
735
^ 176 Public Papers of the Presidents
N0W5 what will come from there, what the next step will be,
I am not quite sure.
Q. Clark R. MoUenhoff , Des Moines Register and Tribune :
Mr. President, there has been testimony of the SEC Chairman
that Sherman Adams intervened before the SEC, which was a
quasi-judicial body. Testimony was given by the Chairman on
that score. The Democrats are contending that there was some-
thing improper in intervening with any quasi-judicial body.
I wondered if you looked into that and you have any comment
you would like to make about it.
THE PRESIDENT. I lookcd iuto it ouly to this extent: I am sure
that the head of the Commission has given the entire story. I
understand he is back before the committee, and certainly if he
has omitted any details, he should give them now.
I believe that Governor Adams has informed the Senate com-
mittee that he hasn't a single detail to add; that the story has been
told and that is all there is to it.
Q. Garnett D. Homer, Washington Evening Star: In connec-
tion with the Dixon- Yates matter, and in view of the fact that the
Senate Investigation Subcommittee recently brought out for the
first time the part played in initiating the Dixon- Yates contract
by Adolphe Wenzell of the First Boston Corporation, which cor-
poration later became the financing agent for Dixon- Yates, in
view of all of that, do you believe your directions last summer for
disclosure of the complete record in the case were carried out by
the agencies concerned?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I didn't know that anyone had alleged
that he was the initiator because no such statement has ever been
made to me.
But what I have done is this: I have gotten back Mr. Dodge
who was Director of the Budget when all this was done, when the
1954, I believe, policy on this whole proposition was made, and
he is going down before one of the committees. Isn't that correct?
Mr. Hagerty : Yes, sir.
THE PRESIDENT. He is goiug dowu before one of the commit-
736
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 176
tees with instructions to do this: to tell every possible item that
has anything whatsoever to bear on Dixon- Yates, and see whether
we can get the whole list of information properly coordinated
and placed before the people that are investigating it.
Q. Edward P. Morgan, American Broadcasting Company:
Mr. President, may we go back to the summit for a moment?
Now that one of our main objectives at Geneva seems to be in
the process of being achieved, namely the lessening of tensions,
is there a danger that they may sag so far that they may trip our
defenses, so to speak, and if so, do you have some specific proposals
by which we might avoid them?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, there may be some little fear of that,
but I would think that as long as the United States has such
people as Secretaries Dulles and Wilson, people like Admiral
Radford and our current Chiefs of Staff, people to keep us alert
to all these things, I would doubt that, in fact, we would as a
Government sag too far in the direction that you indicate.
Now, your question therefore must be directed towards peoples'
thinking, just, "Well, we say we had a nice meeting," and so you
forget that item to turn your mind to something else.
I would say scarcely so. I have a number of responses to the
talk I made the other evening, and it is astonishing how many
agree that what we have to do is to steer the course between
never being negative but never being complacent. They agree
to that.
It is a difficult thing. And you have to be watchful. But I
don't believe that as long as we have people that are so ready to
call our attention to those things and things of that nature we
need fear much.
Q. Mrs. May Craig, Maine Papers: Mr. President, in relation
to the talks with the Red Chinese in Geneva next week, Mr.
Dulles said yesterday that in the talks we would make no arrange-
ments which would prejudice the rights of the Nationalist Chinese.
My question is, how can we make any arrangements in the
absence of the Nationalist Chinese?
737
^ 176 Public Papers of the Presidents
THE PRESIDENT. Well, onc of the biggest causes for this meet-
ing is our prisoners and civilians illegally held in China. Certainly
we claim that all of our prisoners captured in uniform were
illegally held and only four of those have been released. There
were fifteen.
The first arrangement we are concerned about is how to get
them back. That doesn't involve in any respect the Nationalist
Chinese.
Q. Mrs. Craig: However, sir, Mr. Dulles left the door open
for almost any other kind of a discussion.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, wc wiU havc to learn what it is they
want to discuss, just exactly as we learned at Geneva many, many
things that others wanted to discuss there, but we said only those
things which we, as the representatives of four governments are
competent to discuss.
We couldn't determine the fate of an Arab nation or an African
nation or a South American or anything else. We weren't there
for that purpose.
We must find out, though, what they want to talk about. Then
there would have to be a next advance; and it might be, as some-
one else suggested, eventually you have to go to a ministerial level
of meeting to get these straightened out.
I wouldn't know.
Q, Mrs. Craig: Sir, the context of his statement on arrange-
ments was in relation to the Formosa area and not in relation to
the airmen.
THE pre;sident. Mrs. Craig, I just will have to refer you back
to the statement. You were apparently trying to interpret exactly
what he meant, and you had better ask him.
Q. Lloyd M. Schwartz, Fairchild Publications : Mr. President,
I believe you had a request from the copper industry to invoke the
Taft-Hartley cooling-off injunction to put an end to the strike. I
wondered if you were considering such action?
THE PRESIDENT. Certain telegrams on this subject came in,
and they were immediately referred to the Secretary of Labor.
738
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^s ^ 176
Of course, the right to bring that up involves, of course, always
the existence or threatened existence of a national emergency,
though it will take real study to determine what the situation is.
Q. Donald J. Gonzales, United Press: Did you discuss at
Geneva with Soviet leaders the possibility of your visiting Russia
or their coming to the United States, either socially or at an
official level?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, as you know, on the agenda was the
subject of liberalizing contacts. We talked a very great deal, not
only about officials visiting back and forth, but increasing oppor-
tunities for citizens of each country to go more freely within the
other to learn for themselves what their opposite numbers in the
other country looked like, how they felt and how they lived.
In the very many personal conversations I had with these
people, of course, these things never were made in forms of pro-
posals. But opportunities were discussed in a general way — in
arranging, let us say — throughout the whole echelons of Govern-
ment and everything else. But they were never placed in the
forms of proposals or definite suggestions.
Q. John Herling, Editors Syndicate : Mr. President, Secretary
of Labor Mitchell says that he is recommending to you that you
sign the dollar minimum wage which has been passed by both
House and Senate.
Do you plan to accept his recommendations, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. I Can't say for the moment, because he hasn't
been in yet to see me. When he comes in to see me, why, I will
make up my mind what to do; but he hasn't been in yet.
Q. Fletcher Knebel, Cowles Publications: Mr. President, you
were quoted by congressional sources as having told the Monday
meeting that Premier Bulganin jokingly said he hoped you would
run again ; is that correct? [Laughter]
THE PRESIDENT. I dou't think I said Premier Bulganin. I said
one of my Russian associates. [Laughter]
Q. Alan S. Emory, Watertown Times: Sir, there are two in-
terpretations in Congress being placed on your recommendation
739
^ 176 Public Papers of the Presidents
for 35,000 additional public housing units to be constructed in the
law now before the House. One is that these would be entirely
new public housing starts. The other is that these would be, as
Congress approved last year, replacement units for families made
homeless as a result of urban redevelopment or slum clearance
projects.
Could you tell us which one is correct, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. Always, ouc of the special definite purposes
of public housing programs was to provide places for those people
who were dispossessed by reason of urban redevelopment and
slum clearance. I believe, and I say this with some trepidation
because my memory is not always correct, I believe that it was in
last year's bill that they limited it to that use.
To my mind, the limitation is unnecessary; but I don't know
what is the status of the thing before Congress at this moment.
Q. Edward T. FoUiard, Washington Post and Times Herald:
Mr. President, while you have been away, the bus and trolley
strike here has continued.
As I remember it, at the last press conference you suggested that
both sides get around a table and try to thrash this thing out and
reach a settlement. They haven't done so, and the prospect is
that this strike will be on by the time you leave for Denver.
I wonder if you had any further suggestions?
THE PRESIDENT. I really haven't at this moment, Mr. FoUiard,
for the simple reason I hadn't thought about it since I came back,
and no one has made any reports on it.
But I do hold to this: in the long run, the managerial and labor
elements in our economy must find means of resolving their own
differences or our form of economy and government becomes
endangered.
You can have the services of mediators, you can have all sorts
of things to protect yourself in the event of grave national
emergency, but by and large we must depend upon the good sense
of America to meet this type of problem, and I mean the good
740
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 176
sense of the people engaged, or we are going to have much more
difficulty than we have now.
Q. John Kenton, New York Journal of Commerce: Mr.
President, if we may look ahead for the moment to the next
Geneva conference beginning next month on atoms for peace,
there was a press conference over at the Atomic Energy Commis-
sion about 2 weeks ago at which there seemed to be a little bit of
confusion over two statements that you, Mr. President, had made
at two different times.
One, that our attitude toward this conference was not that we
were going into a contest, and the other that we were going to
put our best foot forward.
Now, the point was made that the American manufacturing
concerns that are going over there to exhibit in the trade fair at
Geneva are certainly going over there with the intention of trying
to outsell their competitors from other countries, and we never got
the point completely cleared as to whether there were any wraps
other than the Atomic Energy Law of 1954 ^^ American com-
mercial participation in the conference.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, it is a Uttle difficult to address myself to
a question I don't quite understand. [Laughter]
But I do say this: we are not going over there just to show that
we are better than anyone else in the world in a certain line of
scientific advancement.
We are going over there to help incite the interest of all the
world in this new science and how it can be helpful to mankind.
I personally went to see this part of the exhibition that we have
put over there.
I said we were going to put our best foot forward. If we are
going to try to help people in this regard, we are certainly not
going to keep two-thirds of our scientists and our industrialists and
people working on it at home, and show only one-third of what
we have done and what we believe are the opening vistas in this
direction.
So I say we are going to do our very best.
4030&— 59^ 50 74^
^ lyS Public Papers of the Presidents
But we didn't enter, didn't propose or go to this thing just with
the idea of contesting or putting our affairs in comparison with
somebody else's.
Q. Ray L. Scherer, National Broadcasting Company: Mr.
President, how did you get along with Marshal Zhukov?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, cxccllently, of course, because — I must
reinforce what I have said before.
In the personal contacts of this meeting I saw nothing that
violated the strictest rules of good manners and deportment.
Quite naturally, Marshal Zhukov and I had the common recol-
lections of 6 months' cooperative work in Berlin, to say nothing of
a common reminiscence of the final campaigns of World War II
in Europe.
Now, on top of that, he wanted to tell me things about Russia,
in general, or about the Soviet Union in general, about his own
life, about what is happening there. He came to the first meet-
ing— I believe we had two hours and a half together — and I told
him I would regard it quite confidentially; it would never become
a part of the official records, because he visited me personally.
After all, he is a Marshal, and I happen to be head of a state.
He said, "You are perfectly free to tell any part of it." He
didn't come to talk in deep secrecy.
But, in general, it was to impress upon me the deep desire of
the Soviets for peace.
He went into many subjects. For example, their new concept
of collective leadership; it was a very interesting thing, but it was,
also, an hour's conversation. And you can see some evidence of
its practice — ^you don't have just one figure coming to an inter-
national conference, you have three or four of them constantly
conferring, and apparently producing a viewpoint for the world.
But there was nothing in it except, you might say, a personal
and friendly exposition of the same things that we heard in the
conference, but on a larger scale.
Q. Clark R. MoUenhoff, Des Moines Register and Tribune:
I hate to go back to Dixon- Yates again, but there was one thing
742
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ^955 ^ ^7^
I don't think was completely clear. There were some AEC
officials, Mr. Fields and Mr. Cook, who testified that Mr. Wen-
zelFs name was knowingly eliminated from the Dixon- Yates
chronology; and, of course, they stated this was on the recom-
mendation of the Bureau of the Budget.
I wondered if you knew anything of this, and if you did know
of it, if you would like to comment on whether you thought it was
important.
THE PRESIDENT. I dou't intend to comment on it any more at
all. I think I have given to this conference, time and again, the
basic elements of this whole development, and everything that I
could possibly be expected to know about it. I said Mr. Dodge,
who initiated this whole thing, is going down before the com-
mittee to again begin the process of taking this thing from its
inception and following it through until he turned over to Mr.
Hughes; and I believe that Mr. Hughes is to be there if they
want him again.
Now, they can tell the entire story, and I don't know exactly
such details as that. How could I be expected to know? I never
heard of it.
Q. William M. Blair, New York Times: Are you satisfied, sir,
with the Reserve bill that Congress has sent to you?
THE PRESIDENT. No. At Icast there are one or two items that
strike me as being rather thoughtlessly handled. But I haven't
studied it in detail yet. I will have to look at it and I could
comment on that maybe next week. I haven't studied it in detail,
but I have heard of one item of differences in pay that seem
incomprehensible to me.
Q. Joseph Chiang, Chinese News Service: Mr. President, do
the United States Government agree to have two Chinas if they
are sure there would be a peace in the world for a good while?
THE PRESIDENT, Did you Say who agreed to that?
Q. Mr. Chiang: Do your Government agree to have a two
Chinas
THE PRESIDENT. The subjcct in that form has never been dis-
743
^ 176 Public Papers of the Presidents
cussed that I know of, certainly I have never discussed the subject
in that form with Secretary Dulles; but I don't see how it could
be under present conditions.
Merriman Smith, United Press : Thank you, Mr. President.
note: President Eisenhower's sev- from 10:31 to 11:03 o'clock on
enty-fourth news conference was Wednesday morning, July 27, 1955.
held in the Executive Office Building In attendance: 184.
177 ^ Remarks at the Ceremony Marking the
Issuance of the Atoms for Peace Stamp.
July 28, 1955
Mr. Postmaster General^ distinguished members of the diplomatic
corpSy my friends:
As the Postmaster General has said, we have here a stamp that
looks to the future, and its design has followed that conception.
Yet, it tends also to pose to us a question that is as old as history:
Shall the inventiveness of man be used for good or for evil?
Every discovery we have made, even the use of fire to warm our
bodies, to cook our food, has also been used as one of the devastat-
ing weapons of war to bring destruction to enemies. Every single
thing that man has discovered can be used for good or for evil
depending upon the purpose of man. This would seem to imply
that man indeed has to look within himself before he can predict
with any certainty, with any possibility of accuracy whatsoever,
before he can determine what will be the final results of a great
invention such as the discovery of nuclear fission and nuclear
fusion.
The United States, as you well know, has been attempting to
do its part in promoting the peaceful, the good uses of this new
science. The Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission has
outlined some of them to you. And, I should like to go further
and leave no stone unturned in order to discover new ways in
744
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^
^ 111
which all of us nations that love peace can, without threat to
anybody else, without fear for our own security, move forward in
this field.
Now, because of this beUef , because of this feeling, because of
this hope, I call your attention to what I think is a fortunate
feature in the design of this stamp. We have the world bound
together by new forces, bound together by the natural forces of
science, and of nature, not split by them.
I hope, I devoutly pray that this is an augury of what will occur
in the future — that through these great benefits there will become
so deeply impressed upon our minds the benefits that can come
from this new science, that finally men will look within themselves
and find the courage to reject the impulses of their own avarice,
their own selfishness, their own greed, be it individual or national,
and attempt at least in this kind of work to proceed toward the
good of us all.
Thank you very much for coming.
note: The ceremony was held on sembly of December 8, 1953: "To
the White House lawn. The Presi-
dent spoke following remarks by the
Postmaster General and the Chair-
man of the Atomic Energy Commis-
sion, which were also released.
The Postmaster General noted
that the stamp carried a quotation
from the President's address before
the United Nations General As-
find the way by which the inventive-
ness of man shall be consecrated to
his life." Chairman Strauss called
attention to the fact that the stamp
was dedicated only a few days before
the opening in Geneva of the first
International Conference on the
Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy.
745
^ 178 Public Papers of the Presidents
178 ^ Statement by the President on
Congressional Action Regarding a Nationwide
System of Highways. July 28, 1955
I AM deeply disappointed by the rejection by the House of
Representatives of legislation to authorize a nationwide system of
highways.
The nation badly needs new highways. The good of our
people, of our economy and of our defense, requires that
construction of these highways be undertaken at once.
There is difference of conviction, I realize, over means of
financing this construction. I have proposed one plan of financ-
ing which I consider to be sound. Others have proposed other
methods. Adequate financing there must be, but contention over
the method should not be permitted to deny our people these
critically needed roads.
I would devoutly hope that the Congress would reconsider this
entire matter before terminating this session.
1 79 ^ Statement by the President Regarding
Release of United States Airmen by Communist
China. August i, 1955
THE ENTIRE country will feel a sense of relief and hail with joy
the announcement that the eleven United States airmen held in
Communist China since 1953 are at last to be released.
Our first thoughts go to the men and their families who have
been separated for so long. The Government will use every
appropriate facility to assure the speedy reunion of these families.
The United States extends thanks to all who have contributed
to this humanitarian result, particularly the United Nations and
its Secretary General who actively sought this result on behalf of
the United Nations Command in which these eleven flyers served.
746
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ i8o
1 80 ^ Special Message to the Congress
Recommending Changes in Act Relating to
Construction of Irrigation Systems on Federal
Projects by Local Agencies. August i, 1955
To the Congress of the United States:
Because of the great importance of Western irrigation to the
Nation as a whole, on July 4, 1955 I approved H.R. 103 "To pro-
vide for the construction of distribution systems on authorized
Federal reclamation projects by irrigation districts and other
public agencies." That approval, however, was given with re-
luctance because of serious defects in the act.
Although it contains desirable features for cooperation between
the Federal Government and local agencies, the Act falls short
of according to the United States the protection which it requires.
Important in that connection is the proviso that title shall at all
times reside in the contracting water users. With that proviso in
the law the United States lacks the means of assuring that the
loans will be repaid, that the systems will be constructed in ac-
cordance with the plans, specifications and other engineering re-
quirements of the Secretary of the Interior, and that they will be
operated in conformity with the reclamation laws. Accordingly,
I recommend that the Act be amended so as to require, prior
to the consummation of any loan, the transfer to the United States
of the titles to the systems and rights of way held or acquired by
the borrowers. Titles to those properties should remain in the
United States until the loan is repaid.
In keeping with such recommendation, it is desirable that only
revokable permits be granted across any of the lands of the United
States. That limitation necessarily follows in view of the fact
that the United States will probably advance virtually all of the
funds which will be expended in the development of the distribu-
tion systems. Moreover, those funds are to be advanced for the
747
^ 1 80 Public Papers of the Presidents
specific purpose of ejffectuating the objectives of the reclamation
laws. Thus, as stated, retention of title in the United States will
assure to it adequate means of enforcing those laws. For that
reason, easements for the rights of way should not be granted
by the United States.
As a consequence, the Act should be revised to eliminate those
provisions which authorize the Secretary of the Interior or the
head of any other executive department to sell and convey neces-
sary rights of way. In lieu of that clause, it is suggested that all
rights of way which are granted to borrowers pursuant to the act
be brought within the provisions of those Congressional enact-
ments relating to the granting of permits for rights of way across
the lands of the United States. The safeguards contained in
those Acts are necessary for the protection of the United States.
Because of the fact that large sums of money will be advanced
pursuant to the Act, it should contain measures precluding "wind-
falls" to the borrowers. An amendment explicitly requiring them
to account in full to the Secretary of the Interior in regard to all
disbursements of borrowed funds and to return at once for appli-
cation towards amortization of the loans all funds which are not
expended in the construction of the distribution systems would
suffice as a safeguard against possible "windfalls."
Because of the need for having the corrective measures, that
I have outlined applicable to all loans made under the Act, I hope
that such measures will be adopted as promptly as possible after
the convening of the next session of the Congress.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
181 ^ Remarks to Members of the Bull
Elephants Club. August 2, 1955
THANK YOU, Mr. Wolfson, members of the Committee.
My name is D wight D. Eisenhower. I live in the house to your
left front and work in the office to your left. I was told to come
748
Dwight D. Eisenhower y igs^ ^ i8i
out here to meet Bull Elephants, and I must say every day in
Washington you learn something.
Of course I am complimented by the sentiments of the resolu-
tion you have just heard read. When any American believes that
another is qualified for holding public office, high or low, he is
paying to that other person a very deep compliment because
standards for public service should be, and I think in the main are,
such that anyone who holds Federal office, or State or municipal
office, is really set apart somewhat in the consciousness of America.
So, I am truly grateful to those people for the confidence they
express.
Now, if I can say anything that would be worth your while
after coming all the distance from the other end of Pennsylvania
Avenue through this heat to give me a chance to greet you, it cer-
tainly will not be, and should not be, about me, my person, or my
future decisions. It should be about the country and the Govern-
ment for which you work, the Nation that you serve, and the
party through which you perform that service. I think it would
also be imnecessary for me to go back into what we hope for this
country.
We hope, of course, in general terms for peace — peace with
honor and security, for a fine flourishing and expanding economy
and for the opportunity for all to participate in the productivity
that that economy should have.
We hope for growing opportunities for ourselves and for our
younger friends, and those coming after us, and our own children.
But, when we talk about our party as an instrument to bring those
things about, then we get a little closer I think to what we call
legislative programs, things to implement the Government's part
in achieving these great goals and aspirations.
I assure you that I for one know something of the great part you
play in bringing about those programs. I have on my staff a few
people who, had they stayed down there, would probably be
eligible for membership in the Bull Elephants; Jack Martin and
749
^ i8i Public Papers of the Presidents
Gerry Morgan and others and Max Rabb, who have served down
on the Hill with you.
They never let me forget what the principal secretaries and the
filing clerks and all the others that answer the phones do, what
they mean to legislation, what they mean to good will, what they
mean to oiling the machinery that will allow a political party to
achieve its own will on the Senate and House floors. But, I would
like to talk a little bit more, go a little deeper into this matter of
a party than just the mechanisms, the oiling of the machinery, the
preventing of friction. We want, of course, honor and integrity
in Government. We cannot only work for it, we cannot only
preach it, we can exemplify it, and by that amount strengthen our
party. We can also help to represent to all people in our own
districts, in our own municipalities, and here in Washington, the
desire of the Republican Party that this Nation go forward as it
was conceived — ^where individual opportunity for every man
should be equally shared, where opportimity should be limitless
so far as his capacities, his own ability, will enable him to take
advantage of it.
We want no regimented state. We want no direction from the
Federal Government where that is not necessary. We want, in
our individual sense, the maximum of freedom so long as we do
not trespass on the freedom of others.
But, when we come to the problem of determining where does
the Federal Government's responsibility begin and end in all
this — ^now we are really attacking the problem that each political
party must solve for itself, in specific terms, before I think it can
stand up and say : this is the party through which you can achieve
the kind of ambitions of which I am talking, or this is the party
that has another doctrine.
It is idle to say that the Federal Government can be as stand-
offish with respect to the affairs of Detroit, Michigan; or Abilene,
Kansas; or San Antonio, Texas; as it was let us say loo years ago.
Life has gotten more complicated.
Our whole international situation affects each of us more closely
750
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ 1Q55 ^ 181
than it did then, and the Federal Government is solely in charge
of foreign relations. So, we have to determine : where do we want
the Federal Government to go into this business and where do we
want it to draw the line that they shall not go past. That is the
kind of problem we have.
For myself I beUeve this — I believe that it is stated better by
Lincoln than any other man — he said the function of Government
is to do for the individual all of those things which he cannot do
at all or which he cannot so well do for himself; but in all those
things where the community or the individual can take care of his
own affairs, the Federal Government ought not to interfere. That
isn't quite an exact quotation, but it is almost exact. Now that
is the kind of rule I think we should set up for ourselves.
We must never be a party that is indifferent to the sufferings
of a great community where, through some unusual cause, people
are out of work, where people can't educate their own children,
where through any kind of disaster, natural or economic, people
are suffering.
We must not only be alive to the requirements of that situation,
but we must be alive to preventing it. But we must not put the
Federal Government into this thing to the extent that we kill
individual initiative, that we destroy the local responsibility for
as far as it should reach in these matters. If we do, then we are
starting to thread the way to regimentation, to Federal control.
I believe that if we stand for what I would call the great middle
way in determining this line between Federal control and proper
functions of the Federal Government, that if we stand irrevocably,
inevitably, for decency and honor in Government, if we stand for
peace abroad, for strength by which we protect ourselves while
we are bringing about more peaceful relations, then in general
we are doing what the Republican Party stands for. I believe if
successful in carrying out this kind of a program, the Republican
Party will continue to stay in power. That is because it will have
proved itself worthy of the confidence of the United States, will
have proved that it is in the hands of competent, devoted, loyal
751
^ i8i Public Papers of the Presidents
people who are extremists neither in the terms of being a reac-
tionary or of believing in complete Federal control and responsi-
bility, whether it be power, or whether it be anything else. It will
have proved that we are the kind of people who can be trusted
with the running of Federal, State, and local government.
Now, if we are going to achieve the kind of organization that
I so roughly pictured, if we are to be successful in that, it is not
enough merely to have fine presidential, vice presidential, sena-
torial, gubernatorial, and congressional candidates — all the way
down the line.
We must also have loyal workers, workers that provide the
staffs as you do for the leaders of such a group, who are devoted
to a cause, because you believe in something. You believe in
something that, because of the vastness of this Nation, is some-
times difficult to explain, but which you have in your heart very
clearly written there. You believe in something, and you are
carrying it out, in order for our Nation to have the benefit of that
kind of a policy and program, and not primarily because you
want to work in Washington. And I say that especially on a day
like this!
Your efforts are above selfish ambition, no matter how am-
bitious one may be, and of course ambition is necessary. Some-
one told me the other day: ambition is like tempering steel — too
little and the steel is no good; too much and it is brittle and
breaks. Something to think about. Little bit like salt in your
food. Of course you must have it, but your ambition, your burn-
ing ambition, must always be for the country — and for yourself
as it fits into doing the very best you can for that country.
Now, I suppose that a person here could take up a lot of the
special bills before Congress that I am interested in, plead for
help, and probably do a better job than I do when I sometimes
address some of your bosses. I am not going to do that. It is not
my function here this morning, but rather to thank you. For
all of the work you have done, for the work you are doing, thank
you very much, very much indeed, and I hope that again one of
752
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig55
q 182
these days I will get a chance to see you. Thank you for the
compliment of coming out in this heat to see me. Goodbye.
The President spoke on the as the leader of the people of the
United States and of our Republican
Party. We also state without a dis-
senter among our ranks that if you
do accept the Republican nomina-
tion next year, we, who in many in-
stances are a direct liaison to the
grass roots of the voting forces
throughout the United States, will
devote our unceasing efforts, our
whole-hearted support, our very all
to easing the burden of your cam-
paign.
Most sincerely yours,
Gib Darrison
(Miller, N.Y.)
Monty Monroe
(Betts of Ohio)
Paul Squires
(Harden of Indiana)
Norman Wolfson
(Kean of N.J.)
Chairman, Bull
Elephants Club, Ike Committee
NOTE
South Lawn of the White House.
His opening words referred to Nor-
man Wolfson, President of the Club,
which consists of administrative and
secretarial assistants to the Repub-
lican Members of Congress. Mr.
Wolfson read the following state-
ment :
Dear Mr, President:
It would be superfluous to tell you
of the pleasure it is for us to meet
with you today. We are not going
to petition you to accept the Repub-
lican nomination again in 1956 for
we know the constant efforts, so
much more persuasive than ours
could be, toward that end. But, we
of the Bull Elephants Club, male as-
sistants to the Republican Members
of the House, would like to impart
two thoughts at this time. It is with
profound respect that we look on you
182 ^ Statement by the President Upon Signing
the Mutual Security Appropriation Act.
August 2, 1955
I HAVE TODAY approved H.R. 7224, the Mutual Security Ap-
propriation Act, 19565 which appropriates $2,765,8755000 for
further carrying out the Mutual Security Act of 1954.
There are several provisions in the Act relating to Direct forces
support and Defense support where particular countries arc
named as eligible recipients of assistance in specified amounts. I
753
^ 1 82 Public Papers of the Presidents
regard these provisions as authorizations, and also as Umitations
on the availabiUty of the amounts specified, rather than as direc-
tives. To construe them otherwise would raise substantial Con-
stitutional questions.
note: As enacted, H.R. 7224 is Public Law 208, 84th Congress (69 Stat.
435)-
1 83 ff Citation and Remarks at Presentation of
the Medal of Freedom to Robert B. Anderson.
^M^M^^3, 1955
[ Text read by Commander Edward L. Beach, Naval Aide to the President ]
GITATION TO ACCOMPANY THE AWARD
OF THE MEDAL OF FREEDOM TO
ROBERT B. ANDERSON
To ROBERT B. ANDERSON, for exceptionally meritorious service in
furtherance of the security of the United States.
As Secretary of the Navy Mr. Anderson rendered a brilliant
performance in the administration of that service. As Deputy
Secretary of Defense he continued to apply in superb fashion
sound judgment and keen foresight in formulating and resolving
programs of interest to this nation and its allies.
Through his work in international affairs — in particular, his
service as Defense Member of the Operations Coordinating Board
and his participation in meetings of the North Atlantic Council
and in the development of the St. Lawrence Seaway program —
he has contributed to the sound advancement of our national
security .
In these activities and in many other ways Mr. Anderson has
rendered great service to his country. It is my pleasure to award
him the Medal of Freedom.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
754
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 184
[Remarks of the President]
I must say that if you give these only to persons going away, I
really am fairly disappointed to be giving you this. It has been a
wonderful experience to have you here, I am sorry you are
leaving us so early — ^next Friday, I believe — ^but we will look for-
ward to your coming back sometime to the service of your country
because the kind of performance you have rendered is one that
we would like to see repeated often here.
NOTE : The President spoke in the your administration and to serve with
Rose Garden. Mr. Anderson re- Mr. Wilson. All I can say now is
plied : that I will always be obedient to any
"Thank you, sir. wishes that you may have, and God
"Mr. President, I would say that bless you in your work."
there has never been a more reward- Mr. Anderson served as Secretary
ing experience of my life, and I have of the Navy from February 4, 1953,
never had a greater privilege nor a through May 3, 1954, and then as
greater honor than to serve under Deputy Secretary of Defense through
August 4, 1955.
184 ^ Statement by the President Upon Signing
Bill Relating to the Red River Flood Control
Project. August 3^ 1955
ALTHOUGH H.R. 4362, relating to the construction of Cooper
Dam and Reservoir on South Sulphur River, Texas, and to the
construction of certain other improvements on various of its trib-
utaries, contains features which I believe violate good govern-
mental fiscal practice, I have approved the bill because of its
generally worthwhile purpose.
The act will modify the authorized flood control project for
the Red River below Denison Dam to provide for construction of
Cooper Dam and Reservoir on South Sulphur River, Texas, and
for construction of channel improvements, levees, and drainage
works along various tributaries in Texas, Oklahoma, Arkansas,
755
^ 184 Public Papers of the Presidents
and Louisiana. Construction is authorized substantially in ac-
cordance with the recommendations contained in a report of the
Chief of Engineers and is subject to the conditions that local
interests contribute toward the cost of construction of Cooper
Dam the amounts allocated to water supply and, with respect to
other works, (a) provide lands, easements and rights-of-way,
(b) hold and save the United States free from damages, and
(c) maintain and operate the works.
The act requires local interests to contribute toward the cost
of construction, maintenance and operation of Cooper Reservoir
the amounts allocated to water supply, but it makes no provision
for a local contribution in consideration of the benefits from en-
hancement of land values attributable to the flood protection
anticipated from the improvements which are authorized. Fail-
ure of the act to require adequate sharing of costs in consideration
of these benefits is a serious departure from a well established
policy under which those who receive the benefits from an increase
in property values due to higher land use made possible by a
project are expected to share in the cost of the project
improvements.
The specific effect of the non-incorporation in the bill of the
existing general policy will be to increase the Federal cost of the
project by more than $900,000. Not only does it seem inequitable
to relieve the beneficiaries of the enhancement of land values from
this project from the standard requirement for cost sharing which
has been imposed on the beneficiaries of other similar projects,
but equally important, it will almost certainly be cited as a prece-
dent for similar waivers of local participation in many other
projects unless corrective action is taken.
For these reasons I earnestly hope that the Congress will re-
assess the sharing of costs authorized by the act and increase the
requirement for local contributions before Federal appropriations
are made available.
note: As enacted, H.R. 4362 is Public Law 218, 84th Congress (69 Stat.
449)-
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 185
185 ^ The President's News Conference of
August 4, 1955.
THE PRESIDENT. Good aftemoon, ladies and gentiemen.
With Congress over, I suppose it is time for a brief roundup of
successes and failures.
We talked about a great deal during this session and now we
will apparently have a recess for a while.
In the field of foreign affairs I think this Congress, like the one
before it, has shown a complete appreciation of the need for
bipartisan approach, and I think that any advances that the
Government has been able to make in the whole field of foreign
affairs must be credited likewise to the action of Congress as well
as to the skill of our Secretary of State and many other negotiators.
I think that the whole record of both the 83d and 84th Con-
gresses in this respect — and I am talking about the mass votes and
support — has been commendable, and certainly I for one am
deeply grateful.
Now, in the field of domestic legislation, we have first of all
to look at the background of the actual situation. America is
today enjoying almost unprecedented prosperity. I think last
month our employment was an alltime high, with unemployment
well below 4 percent.
The incomes are up, purchasing is up; and above all, America
has had over this period of the last 2 J/2 years a sound stabilized
dollar which has, of course, preserved the values of pensions and
insurance policies and the like.
Now, if we are going to keep that kind of thing moving, it
means that there must forever be action, not only in the economic
and industrial field on the part of the individuals in our system of
free enterprise, but Government as well; where its actions in the
whole field of credit and taxation and other kinds of economic
legislation touch upon our economy, it must look forward to the
future. It cannot rest on any record, no matter how good.
757
^ 185 Public Papers of the Presidents
I think, about the end of June, I was asked here about the
record of Congress and the legislation I thought I needed; and
besides referring back to my opening state of the Union speech
last January, I reached in my pocket and pulled out a little list,
which I still have. [Laughter]
Now, you will remember there were 13 items on it: highway
construction, military reserves, military survivors' benefits, hous-
ing legislation, health program, school construction, mutual
security appropriation. Refugee Act amendments, water resources,
customs simplification, minimum wage, the atomic ship, and
Hawaiian statehood.
Of those 13, only 4 have been enacted into law, although it is
true that before June there were others that did affect this whole
economic situation and our domestic circumstances.
But of these 13, only military reserves, housing legislation,
mutual security appropriation, and minimum wage were enacted
into law, and some of those, in my opinion, with provisions that
were not wise.
There are four of the remaining nine that I think are abso-
lutely vital to our future, and some that must be handled as soon
as Congress comes back. They are: school construction for our
children, the health program, the highway program, and the
water resources.
You will remember in the water resources program, when I
mentioned that before, I brought up especially such projects as
the Upper Colorado River, the Frying Pan, and the Cougar, and
others. I still believe that we must attack these things intelli-
gently on a broad base or we cannot expect to continue the kind
of prosperity, the kind of full employment, that we are now enjoy-
ing. And so it would be completely futile on my part to say that
in this field, in this domestic field, that I believe we have been as
successful in this past Congress as we should have been.
We must make progress, and it will be my earnest effort as
quickly as the next Congress opens, to bring these things very
emphatically to the attention of both the House and the Senate.
758
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^s ^ 185
I think that is all I have to say. We will go to questions.
Q. Robert E. Clark, International News Service: Mr. Presi-
dent, Premier Bulganin appears to have rejected your aerial in-
spection and military blueprint plans on the grounds that they are
unrealistic. Can you tell us how you feel about this, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. I bclievc his exact language was that he
thought his proposal of May loth with its provisions for inspec-
tion were more realistic than were the suggestions I made.
Speaking informally at Geneva, I said if they trusted that kind
of an inspection system, it was all right with us; we would adopt
both. And I proposed — I said, let's take them both.
Now, we are engaged here in the beginning of developing
methods by which we can tell, we can have great confidence that
the other fellow is doing exactly what he said he would do; and
secondly, we would hope that this would be an approach toward
real disarmament.
Now, these are matters that take long examination by experts.
I don't understand that the Premier closed the door, and I merely
say we are ready to accept and examine any kind of system that
looks fair to us and to both sides.
Q. Charles S. von Fremd, CBS News: The Atomic Energy
Commission announced today, sir, that from what they, from their
own explorations, that the Russians had exploded some type of
thermonuclear bomb. I wonder if you could tell us what sig-
nificance this means to you, and if it represents possibly some-
thing that might not be as optimistic as you felt at the summit.
THE PREsroENT. I belicvc you made one error in your premise.
I do not believe they said "thermonuclear." I believe they
merely said an explosion of atomic character.
I am not going to attempt at this moment to interpret this
incident in terms of Soviet intent. I would say that if in their
scientific development, if they found that they had come to the
place where they could go no further without tests, they just made
tests as a matter of course.
You know, there have been several series since 1949 when the
759
^ 185 Public Papers of the Presidents
first one, I believe, was detected. This could mean anything, but
not necessarily, as I see it, not necessarily a change in their, let
us say, more conciliatory attitude that they have shown in the past
weeks and months.
Q. Edward T. FoUiard, Washington Post and Times Herald:
Mr. President, it seems as if something is always happening to
puncture that moratorium you talked about in the spring.
Yesterday some Ohio Republicans called on you to urge you to
run again, and they represented you as saying this: that if you
could foresee what the situation will be a year from now, presum-
ably the world situation, if you could foresee that, then you could
say what your plans for 1956 would be.
They also quoted you as remarking on the strong sense of duty
one gets in a long service, long career in the armed services.
Could you say, Mr. President, whether Geneva has made it
more or less likely that you will run in 1956? [Laughter]
THE PRESIDENT. Eddie, I cau say this : this now pushes my year
that I don't have to answer this far forward. I said a year from
the last question would be the moratorium.
Q. Mr. FoUiard : I might withdraw that question. [Laughter]
THE PRESIDENT. I was talking to a group of very staunch Re-
publicans, I assure you, and naturally questions such as you bring
up now normally arise when there is such a gathering of that kind.
What I intended to imply, that if I now were such an infallible
prophet that I could understand all about the world situation,
the domestic situation, and my own situation, including the way I
felt, and possibly with the health and everything else, as of that
moment, then there would be no great excuse for deferring the
decision.
I have not that gift of prophecy.
Q. Frank van der Linden, Nashville Banner: Mr. President,
Senator George led a delegation of Congressmen and Senators
from the cotton and textile States into your office Monday for
discussion of a proposal to move some of this surplus cotton over-
760
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 185
seas, and also to levy import quotas on textiles. I wonder what
your policy is going to be on that, sir.
THE PRESIDENT. I think that very soon the Secretary of Agri-
culture will be able to come up with something that, if it does not
wholly meet the views of everybody in the administration, that we
shall have to say, what we intend to do in the immediate future.
Now, just one word about that delegation. Senator George
suggested a meeting. I invited him up, and I think it was the
first idea that two or three were to come with him. It ended up,
I believe, with 60 or about that.
But I want to make this clear. I found that for a moment, at
least, my office was a place for a debating society. There were
views expressed that were as bitterly antagonistic to this 2-price
system and quota system as you can well imagine. So it is one of
those questions for which there is no easy answer, and I am not
going to try to forestall the completion of studies within the
Cabinet so that it can be announced at the proper time.
Q. Chalmers M. Roberts, Washington Post and Times Herald :
Mr. President, to return to the disarmament matter a minute, I
take it from what you said about Bulganin's statement, you are
not discouraged about the prospects of some progress in this field
as a whole. Is that correct, sir?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, Mr. Robcrts, here is the situation: our
foreign ministers are going to meet in October, there was opened
up at Geneva a more or less broad road of approach to these
several problems which were agreed that the foreign ministers
should study, and among them was disarmament. So I think that
the statements that Mr. Bulganin has made should not be taken
as at all foreclosing his readiness or the readiness of the Soviet
representatives to discuss the matter.
Q. Mr. Roberts : Could I ask this also, sir? Is it your intention
that when the U.N. Disarmament Subcommittee meets later this
month, that the United States will have a new and complete
program to offer, or will it be pretty much what you made public
at Geneva?
761
^ 185 Public Papers of the Presidents
THE PRESIDENT. I Can't answcr in complete detail. As you
know, Governor Stassen is working on this constantly and is trying
to coordinate the views of the several departments of Government,
and there will unquestionably be new ideas of more specific type
than I expressed at Geneva.
At Geneva I expressed a readiness on the part of the United
States to pursue a course of mutual reciprocal disarmament in
any, almost any type where we could be sure that everybody was
acting in good faith. My inspection proposal was just a mere
beginning that I wanted to propose of a type of inspection system
that would ensure that confidence.
I think, therefore, that you can expect some new proposals, but
naturally none of them will be in a final, fixed and rigid position.
Otherwise there would be no room for negotiations.
Q. Sarah McClendon, El Paso Times: Sir, Senator Matthew
Neely said it would be a conflict of principle as well as a conflict
of interests for the Defense Department to continue to have as its
petroleum logistics director General W. W. White, who is also
on the payroll of Esso Export Corporation.
You said last time you would inquire into this situation. I
wonder if you have had time to do so.
THE PRESIDENT. I Understand that my press secretary had
given you the answer.
Q. Mrs. McClendon: No, sir.
THE PRESIDENT. The auswcr is that there was no special legis-
lation passed for General White. It was legislation that dates
from 1941 , and I believe renewed in 1948, which does not apply to
reserve officers, which General White is. He is not a regular
officer at all; he has the title of General, though in the reserves.
It authorizes the Government to employ such people without re-
quiring them to go through the same divesting of interests that
you do regulars.
That is the situation under which General White was employed
and, of course, it would be idle to employ as a consultant anyone
762
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ^955 ^ 185
who didn't know something about the petroleum business. He is
bound to come from the petroleum industry.
Now, I believe beyond that, the Defense Department has issued
a very complete statement; and beyond what I have said, I should
say, "Go to see Secretary Wilson."
Q. Milton B. Freudenheim, Chicago Daily News: Mr. Presi-
dent, I have been asked to ask you whether you will be able to go
to Chicago for the Governors' Conference.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I dou't think there are any plans. I
don't even think I have had any negotiations with them on that
subject at all for this particular meeting.
Q. Mr. Freudenheim : Another question that they asked me to
ask you
THE PREsroENT. That they asked? Who is "they"?
Q. Mr. Freudenheim : The Chicago Daily News.
THE PRESIDENT. Oh, I scc. All right. [Laughter]
Q. Mr. Freudenheim: I think you may have indicated as to
your plans for calling a special session on highway legislation.
Were you telling us a moment ago that you would wait until
Congress came back?
THE PRESIDENT. No, I didn't say I would wait. As of this
moment, after all, a special session is a rather critical and serious
thing, an expensive thing. I have not by any manner of means
dismissed the possibility that that might be needful, but as of now,
I have made no such decision whatever.
Q. Mr. Freudenheim: Thank you, sir.
Q. William Theis, International News Service: Mr. President,
could you tell us now as to what your intentions are as to signing
the housing bill?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I havc just gotten the preliminary
studies on it, and actually I was talking about it within the half
hour. I couldn't say exactly, because it does have some features
that I am not certain yet whether they are permissive or directive,
and I must take a look at that part of it.
Q. Richard L. Wilson, Cowles Publications: Mr. President,
763
^ 185 Public Papers of the Presidents
recently in Congress and in the newspapers, the suggestions have
been made that some sort of a new negotiation is under way with
the Red Chinese which might involve the status of Quemoy,
Matsu, and Formosa. Is any such negotiation under way, and if
not, what is the nature of the present negotiations?
THE PRESIDENT. The prcscut negotiations were called to dis-
cuss the question of nationals of one country retained within the
territory of the other.
Now, it was admitted that the discussions might find other sub-
jects which could be discussed, but both the Secretary and I have
frequently stated we are not going to discuss the affairs of our
friends when our friends are absent. We count the Nationalists
on Formosa as our friends. We are not going to discuss their
future or their destiny or anything about them until they are there.
Q. Charles E. Shutt, Telenews: Along that same line, sir, it
has been suggested in some quarters that further negotiations be
planned with the Red Chinese as a result of the Geneva talks that
are going on now. If after suitable preliminary conferences were
held, would you at all favor a summit meeting with all parties
concerned to settle Asian tensions?
THE PRESIDENT. I think uot at this time. I think it would be
far too much in advance to talk about the possibility of a summit
meeting. They have implications that do not follow upon
meetings at a somewhat lower level.
Now, I believe the Secretary has said that it is within the realm
of possibility that these meetings will lead to negotiations possibly
on ministerial level, but I think nothing further has been hinted at.
Q. David P. Sentncr, Hearst Newspapers: Is there any possi-
bility that you might call a special session of Congress to deal with
the highway legislation?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I tried to answer that question a minute
ago. There is always the possibility, but as of this moment, I
have no decision. I have made no decision of that kind.
Q. Mr. Sentner : And if the next Congress takes it up without
764
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 185
a special session, do you plan to make a new proposal for financing
the method of construction?
THE PRESIDENT. I did Say in my original recommendations
that I recognized there could be more than one method of financ-
ing, but at a time when we wanted definitely to allocate certain
user type of money to the paying of those roads, we needed the
roads now, and when Congress very definitely and I think maybe a
lot more people do not want to raise the public debt, there re-
mained one method: the corporation or the authority method.
And that is the one I proposed.
I might accept some modification, of course I would. But
what I want first of all is roads, and then a way to pay for it that
will be acceptable and fair to the taxpayers.
Q. Clark R. MoUenhoff, Des Moines Register: Mr. President,
I wonder if you could tell us how you feel Air Secretary Talbott's
activities measured up to the standards that you wish to maintain
in your administration?
THE PREsroENT. I think the record speaks for itself. I have
nothing more to add to that.
Q. Martin Agronsky, American Broadcasting Company: Mr.
President, it has been remarked that in the negotiations at
Geneva, that we have been referring to the representatives of the
Chinese Communist Government as the People's Republic of
China. In return, the Chinese Communists are referring to us
as the United States instead of apparently the usual title, which is
a capitalistic aggressor. And generally the atmosphere seems to
be one in which people now think there has been a change in the
attitude of our Government toward the possible recognition of
the legitimacy of the Chinese Government, that is, the Chinese
Communist Government.
Has there been any development along those lines, sir, and does
this difference in nomenclature that we are now officially using
have any significance?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I would say this : the change of nomen-
40308—59 51
765
^ 185 Public Papers of the Presidents
clature is without significance, because possibly — I wasn't even
personally aware of any change. When you are sitting in con-
ference and your conferees may refer to a particular group under
a certain name, you naturally are in the habit of referring
to it the same way. So this question of nomenclature is without
significance whatsoever.
Now, several times I have stated that as long as Red China is
branded as a dictator by the United Nations, which it still is, due
to the fact that its armies are in North Korea, we have no choice
of our own, and I don't know how the United Nations has a choice
of its own. There are other outstanding complaints which I
have outlined time and again, and I have no idea that under ex-
isting circumstances there would be a change of the kind you
indicated in our policy.
Q. Robert J. Donovan, New York Herald Tribune : Did you
say "branded a dictator" or "branded an aggressor?"
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I mcau "branded an aggressor." If I
said "dictator," I was wrong. Branded an aggressor by the
United Nations for going into Northern Korea, you will recall.
Q. Joseph R. Slevin, New York Herald Tribune: Mr. Presi-
dent, do you believe there is a serious threat of inflation?
THE PRESIDENT. What is that?
Q, Mr. Slevin: Do you believe that there is a serious threat of
inflation at this time?
THE PREsroENT. I wouldu't Say "serious threat," but let us re-
member that any free economy is always in a situation of balance,
even though it is going forward in its expansion and in its pro-
ductivity. There are always present the two, twin dangers of de-
flation and inflation, and the function of Government so far as it
affects this matter at all is to be watchful, to be vigilant and alert,
and to take measures from time to time that tend to move in one
direction if the signs are we are moving in the other. But as of
this moment we have, I repeat, an activity, a productivity, that is
almost beyond calculation, measured by former standards. So
766
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig55 ^ i86
the time is here to be watchful; but I wouldn't say there was
serious danger, no.
Robert E. Clark, International News Service : Thank you, Mr.
President.
note: President Eisenhower's sev- 2:32 to 2:55 o'clock on Thursday
enty-fifth news conference was held afternoon, August 4, 1955. ^^
in the Executive Office Building from attendance : 201.
1 86 ^ Letter to the Treasurer of the United States
Appointing Her Chairman of the
Interdepartmental Savings Bond Committee.
August 4, ig^^
Dear Mrs. Priest:
I have today issued an executive order establishing the Inter-
departmental Committee for the Voluntary Payroll Savings Plan
for the Purchase of United States Savings Bonds. This Com-
mittee will have the function of promoting the purchase of United
States Savings Bonds by employees in the Executive Branch of the
Government through regular voluntary pay allotments on the
Payroll Savings Plan.
The maintenance of stability in the economic life of the in-
dividual, the community and the Nation is well served by the wide-
spread distribution of the national debt through the purchase of
United States Savings Bonds by the people. It is important to
the welfare of our country that this support of the national debt-
management function be continued and fostered to the greatest
extent possible. Federal employees should be encouraged to
maintain their leadership in the purchase of Savings Bonds
through the Payroll Savings Plan and thus by example give im-
petus to the movement throughout the business and industrial
community.
767
^ 1 86 Public Papers of the Presidents
I hereby appoint you as Chairman of the new Interdepart-
mental Committee.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
187 ^ Memorandum to Federal Agencies
Gonceming the Voluntary Payroll Savings Plan for
the Purchase of U.S. Savings Bonds.
August 4, 1955
Memorandum to the Heads of Departments and Agencies:
I have this day issued an executive order establishing the Inter-
departmental Committee for the Voluntary Payroll Savings Plan
for the Purchase of United States Savings Bonds.
This Committee provides a vehicle for the effective promotion
of the Payroll Savings Plan. The maintenance of stability in the
economic life of the individual, the community and the Nation, is
well served by the widespread distribution of the national debt
through the purchase of United States Savings Bonds by the
people. It is important to the welfare of our country that this
support of the national debt-management function be continued
and fostered to the greatest extent possible. Federal employees
should be encouraged to maintain their leadership in the purchase
of Savings Bonds through the Payroll Savings Plan and thus by
example give impetus to the movement throughout the business
and industrial structure.
The functions of the said Committee are, in general, the same
as those performed by the Interdepartmental Committee for the
Peacetime Voluntary Payroll Savings Plan for the Purchase of
United States Savings Bonds established by Executive Order No.
9953 of April 23, 1948. That order, which is superseded by the
order issued today, designated Edward F. Bartelt, Fiscal Assistant
Secretary of the Treasury, as Chairman of the committee estab-
768
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 188
lished by it. Mr. Bartelt served as Chairman of the Committee
until his recent retirement from the Government service.
The new order provides that the Chairman of the committee
estabKshed thereby shall be appointed by the President. I have
appointed Mrs. Ivy Baker Priest, Treasurer of the United States,
as Chairman of the Interdepartmental Committee for the Volun-
tary Payroll Savings Plan for the Purchase of United States Sav-
ings Bonds. I urge that each of you give Mrs. Priest your
full support and cooperation in carrying on the work of the
Committee.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
1 88 ^ Citation Accompanying the Distinguished
Service Medal Presented to Admiral Robert B.
Carney. August 4, 1955
[ Text read by Comdr. Edward L. Beach^ Naval Aide to the President ]
THE PRESIDENT of the United States takes pleasure in award-
ing the Distinguished Service Medal (Gold Star in lieu of Fourth
Award) to
ADMIRAL ROBERT B. CARNEY, UNITED STATES NAVY
for service as set forth in the following
Citation :
For exceptionally meritorious service to the Government of
the United States in a duty of great responsibility as Chief of
Naval Operations and Member of the Joint Chiefs of Staff for
a period of two years commencing 17 August 1953. Exercising
the highest quality of command leadership during this period of
intemational tension, Admiral Carney displayed foresight and
keen understanding in directing the unified commands for which
he was executive agent. He greatly furthered combat readiness
of Naval operating forces by insisting upon incorporating the
769
^ 1 88 Public Papers of the Presidents
latest scientific developments into naval construction programs.
As a Member of the Joint Chiefs of Staff he participated in the
formulation of strategic plans for the defense of the United States
and the establishment of policy dedicated to maintaining peace
and freedom throughout the world. In this capacity he fostered
and promoted the most harmonious relationships among the
Services. Admiral Carney's contribution to the aspirations of
mankind and to the Government of the United States will always
reflect the highest credit upon himself and the United States
Naval Service.
Dw^iGHT D. Eisenhower
NOTE : The President made the presentation in the Rose Garden.
189 ^ Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill
Concerning Term of Office of Subversive Activities
Control Board Members. August 6, 1955
I AM withholding approval of S. 2171, an Act "To amend the
Subversive Activities Control Act so as to provide that upon the
expiration of his term of office a member of the Board shall con-
tinue to serve until his successor shall have been appointed and
shall have qualified."
The language of this bill is incorporated in identical terms in
S. 2375 which I have approved today. Under the circumstances,
approval of S. 2 171 is unnecessary and would result in a nullity
and possible confusion.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
770
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ 1Q55 ^ 190
1 90 ^ Exchange of Letters Between the President
and Chancellor Adenauer of Germany on the
Geneva Conference. August 6, 1955
[ Released August 6, 1955. Dated August i, 1955 ]
Dear Mr. Chancellor:
I was most happy to receive your letter of July twenty-fifth,
expressing satisfaction with the results of the recent Geneva Con-
ference. I particularly appreciate what you said about my con-
tribution to those results. At the same time, I am fully aware
that progress at Geneva would not have been possible without
that unity of peaceful purpose among the Western Allies which
you, Mr. Chancellor, have done so much to estabUsh.
We must now look forward to a period of arduous and con-
tinuing negotiation in the effort to achieve the aims of peace and
justice for all men in an atmosphere which will permit the growth
of freedom. As you know, I consider that the reunification of
your country is of first importance in the process of establishing
foundations for a lasting peace. I agree fully with your view that
the maintenance of Western unity is vital to the ultimate achieve-
ment of these objectives and welcome your assurances of coopera-
tion toward this end on the part of the German Federal
Government.
With assurances of my high esteem and personal regard,
Sincerely,
Dw^iGHT D. Eisenhower
note: Chancellor Adenauer's letter, tiations of the past week. I know,
dated July 25, follows : dear Mr. President, what a great part
^ , , ^ . , yo^ played in this, for which I should
Dear Mr. President: n ^
like to express to you my sincere
On this day I should like particu- thanks.
larly to tell you how strongly I am I believe that you can look back
impressed by the united bearing of on the results of the four power con-
the western powers during the nego- ference of the past week with much
771
^ 190 Public Papers of the Presidents
satisfaction. The discussions have in bringing the Soviets to a reason-
without doubt clarified the positions able solution of the large problems
of both sides. The door is opened to which affect us all in equal manner,
further negotiations. The west can On the way to this end, which will
approach these negotiations with be long, wearisome, and full of risks,
closed ranks. It is especially valuable close cooperation is required on the
that agreement with the Soviets was part of everyone of good will,
successfully reached upon a conmion I may say to you that you can fully
agenda, which provides a useful rely in this matter upon the attitude
basis, in the western interests, for the of the German Federal Government,
future negotiations. With friendly greetings and best
I feel that we should be quite clear wishes,
that only by maintaining the united Sincerely yours,
attitude of the west will we succeed Adenauer
191 ^ Message to the United Nations Conference
on the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy at Geneva.
August 8, 1955
[ Read by Lewis L. Strauss, Chairman, Atomic Energy Commission ]
Members of the Conference:
Please accept my warmest greetings and sincere good wishes, on
behalf of the people of the United States, for the success of this
first international conference on the peaceful uses of atomic
energy, held under the auspices of the United Nations.
You — the world's foremost nuclear scientists and engineers,
who are penetrating the mysteries of atomic energy — ^most surely
know how the atom stands ready to become man's obedient,
tireless servant, if man will only allow it.
The knowledge and vision which you possess carries with it a
great opportunity — and a great challenge. Your lives are dedi-
cated to the search for knowledge and truth. You hold the
respect of your peoples because they look to you for words of calm,
unadorned scientific fact.
772
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 191
You can best unfold to the peoples of the world the bright
promise of the benign atom.
You meet in Geneva under conditions favorable to this great
purpose.
No other scientific gathering of such scope and importance, or
of such widespread interest, has ever taken place. The peoples
of the world are represented. At hand is a rich opportunity to
restore old lines of free scientific communication which have been
disrupted for so many years. The knowledge and skills which
each of you has acquired in his own country to put the atom to
work for peaceful purposes will be circulated and shared in the
friendly atmosphere of hospitable Switzerland with its age-old
tradition of freedom.
This atmosphere is encouraged also by the fact that the United
Nations Resolution of last December 4, which created your Con-
ference, limited its concern to scientific and technical matters.
It is expressly nonpolitical.
You meet, therefore, as free men of science, interested only
in enriching man's store of knowledge about this wonderful
discovery.
Science speaks in many tongues. The advancement of the
nuclear arts has been the work of men of many nations. That is
so because the atom itself is nonpolitical. It wears no nationality
and recognizes no frontiers. It is neither moral nor immoral.
Only man's choice can make it good or evil. The phenomenon of
nuclear fission having been revealed to man, it is still left to him
to determine the use to which it shall be put.
On December 8, 1953, I had the privilege of addressing the
General Assembly of the United Nations on the subject which
occupies this conference — ^world cooperation for the peaceful uses
of atomic energy.
I stated then, and I reaffirm now, that the United States
pledges its determination to help find ways by which the mirac-
ulous inventiveness of man shall not be dedicated to his death,
but consecrated to his life.
40308—59 52 773
^ 191 Public Papers of the Presidents
This pledge which we gave twenty months ago has become the
law of our land, written into our statutes by the American Con-
gress in the new Atomic Energy Act of 1954. The new act states
in forthright language that we recognize our responsibilities to
share with others, in a spirit of cooperation, what we know of the
peaceful atomic art. To further encourage such cooperation with
other nations, the new act relaxed the previously existing restric-
tions on independent atomic research and development by private
industry, thereby further clearing the way for cooperation with
others.
Since our new Atomic Energy Act became law a year ago, we
have striven in many ways and ever in a spirit of good will to
translate its words and its purpose into concrete action.
That is the way we interpret our responsibility and the respon-
sibility of all nations of good will.
We appeal not alone to governments to join with us in this
cooperative endeavor. We are hopeful also that business and
professional groups throughout the world will become interested
and will provide incentives in finding new ways that this science
can be used.
All of the enUghtened nations of the world are spending large
sums every year on programs of health, education, and economic
development. They do so because they know that disease,
ignorance, and the lack of economic opportunity are the dark
breeding places of disorders and wars.
Every scientific tool available has been brought to bear in this
effort.
Atomic science is the newest and the most promising tool of all.
In your capable hands, I am confident it can be made to per-
form greatly for the betterment of human hving.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
NOTE : The conference was held at Lewis L. Strauss, Chairman, Dr. Wil-
Geneva, August 8-20. On July i the lard F. Libby, Vice Chairman, and
White House announced that the Dr. 1. 1. Rabi, Dr. Detlev W. Bronk,
U.S. delegation would consist of and Dr. Shields Warren, members.
774
Dwight D, Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 192
192 ^ Statement by the President Upon Signing
the Reserve Forces Act of 1 955 . August 9, 1955
I HAVE TODAY approved the Reserve Forces Act of 1955.
Although the bill falls short of the program which I sent to the
Congress by my special message on January 13, 1955, and which
the Department of Defense urged the Congress to adopt,
nevertheless the bill does contain provisions that will definitely
strengthen the Reserve structure.
( 1 ) It provides a statutory means of assuring that our Federal
Reserves will be composed of prior-trained men on a planned
basis.
( 2 ) It will permit an increase in the Ready Reserve manpower
ceiling from 1,500,000 to 2,900,000.
( 3 ) It clearly establishes the obligation to participate in reserve
training and provides for effective and reasonable enforcement
measures to achieve this participation.
(4) It authorizes the President to order up 1,000,000 Ready
Reservists in an emergency proclaimed by him.
I am, however, concerned by the failure of the bill to afford the
same guarantees of prior training for the National Guard as it
has done for the Reserves. The bill is also deficient in failing
to grant authority to induct into the Reserve if sufficient numbers
to meet military requirements are not obtained voluntarily.
The securing of sufficient numbers in the Reserve on a voluntary
basis will undoubtedly be hampered by the unwarranted disparity
under the bill between the $78 per month offered to members of
the National Guard who volimteer to undergo initial active duty
for training, and the $50 per month provided for members of the
Reserve who undergo identical, initial training.
In my special message of January thirteenth and in recom-
mendations of the Department of Defense, it was urged that pro-
visions be included to insure a hard core of prior-service personnel
to the National Guard. Not only did the Congress fail to include
775
^ 192 Public Papers of the Presidents
such provisions, but it also excluded the National Guard from the
provisions for interim incentives to secure participation of prior-
service personnel in the various reserve training programs.
I have serious doubts that in the absence of further statutory
authority, the National Guard can fully attain its planned size,
and the standards of military proficiency and readiness, that are
essential in our mobilization planning. I am, therefore, in-
structing the Secretary of Defense and the Joint Chiefs of Staff to
conduct a continuing review of National Guard programs and
standards to determine whether they meet the imperative require-
ments of our first line defenses.
The bill reduces the present eight-year military obligation to
six years. The effect of this reduction will not manifest itself to
any great degree in the immediate future. Such reduction is,
however, a matter that merits careful study to determine whether,
at some future period, it will be necessary to request restoration of
the eight-year obligation.
Taking into consideration all factors and the essential need to
build strong reserves, I am instructing the Secretary of Defense
to take immediate and effective action to utilize the means that
the bill provides to augment and strengthen the Reserve Forces
throughout the country and to prepare for presentation to the
next session of the Congress amendments necessary to correct the
deficiencies in this legislation.
note: The Reserve Forces Act of A White House release of that date
1955 is Public Law 305, 84th Con- quoted the President as saying: "No
gress (69 Stat. 598). For the Presi- time should be lost in moving toward
dent's message of January 13, see the goal of stronger Reserves as
Item 1 2, above. rapidly as the new law permits. It
On August 13 the President issued is my sincere hope that young Ameri-
Executive Order 10629 (3 CFR, cans will respond to this volunteer
1955 Supp.) authorizing enlistments program in such measure as to insure
in the Ready Reserve of the Army its success."
Reserve and Marine Corps Reserve.
776
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig55 ^ 194
193 ^ Statement by the President Upon Signing
H.R. 7684 Authorizing Salary Payment to an
Interim Appointee to the Atomic Energy
Commission. August lo, 1955
I SIGN this measure because of the necessity of its first section
which permits payment of salary to an interim appointee to fill
the existing vacancy on the Atomic Energy Commission.
The second section is an unnecessary piece of legislation and
irrelevant to the first section. I have previously expressed my
views on this method of legislating and will not repeat them here.
The purpose of the second section is stated to be to give all Com-
missioners equal access to information necessary in the perform-
ance of their duties as Commissioners. Existing law fully
accompUshes this with its provisions for equal responsibility and
equal authority for each member of the Commission. Most
Commissioners have previously indicated their belief that the
existing law is adequate and clear. The Chairman of the Com-
mission has nevertheless recommended that I sign the bill and I
accordingly do so.
note: As enacted, H.R. 7684 is Public Law 337, 84th Congress (69 Stat.
630).
194 ^ Statement by the President Upon Signing
the Housing Amendments of 1 955 .
August 11,1955
I HAVE TODAY signed S. 2126, the Housing Amendments of
1955. This Act contains important provisions which were rec-
ommended by the Administration and which are needed so that
the Federal Government may help private enterprise and our
local communities to eliminate and prevent slums and urban
777
^ 194 Public Papers of the Presidents
blight and to provide good housing for all of our people.
The Act provides additional authority and funds for the broad-
ened program of slum clearance and urban renewal authorized
by law last year. It also continues the Federal Housing Admin-
istration's loan insurance aids, thereby enabling families of mod-
erate income to acquire or improve their own homes. Our people
benefit doubly from these measures, because they result in more
and better housing and because they help to maintain a high level
of employment in the construction industry and in the many
other industries which supply it with materials and equipment.
The Act carries out my recommendations for enlarging and
improving the present temporary program under which funds
are advanced to local public agencies for the planning of their
public works. Such advance planning will make it possible
to begin construction as necessary. In addition, the Act provides
new aid for meeting the very urgent housing needs of military
personnel and their f amiUes.
Because of these very important and desirable provisions of
the Act, I have given it my approval despite several other
provisions about which I have serious objections.
I had recommended to the Congress a two-year program of
Federal aid to local communities for the construction of 70,000
new low-rent public housing units. Instead, the Act provides
for 45,000 new units on a one-year basis. The full program
which I recommended is needed, and it can be carried out by our
local communities and the Federal Government in a more orderly
and efficient manner over a two-year period. It is also important
for the low-rent housing aids to be coordinated with the slum
clearance and urban renewal aids, and for each of these types of
aids to be made available by the Federal Government only to
communities which have adopted workable programs for dealing
with the problem of slums and urban blight in their own midst.
The Act fails to make adequate provision for carrying out these
objectives.
I also have serious objections to the provisions of the bill which
778
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ igss ^ 194
would create still another independent agency in the executive
branch by detaching the Home Loan Bank Board, including the
Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Corporation, from the
Housing and Home Finance Agency. The primary purpose of
the Home Loan Bank Board and the Insurance Corporation is to
assist savings and loan associations and building and loan associa-
tions in providing funds for the purchase of homes. Such associa-
tions are now making almost 40 percent of all home loans and
constitute our largest single lender group in the field of home
financing. The Housing and Home Finance Agency was estab-
lished to enable one accountable ofiicial, under the supervision
of the President, to coordinate Federal programs designed to en-
courage private financing of homes with other housing and
community development activities of the Government. The
grant of independence for the Home Loan Bank Board is a back-
ward step which will seriously impair such coordination and
thrust an unnecessary supervisory burden on the President.
In addition, the Act makes several other changes in basic hous-
ing laws which, at best are of questionable necessity. New
lending authority totaling many hundreds of millions of dollars is
provided which was not recommended by the Administration and
is not made subject to the normal appropriation review process.
For example, the bill authorizes a greatly enlarged direct-lending
program for construction of purely local public works. I believe
that there was inadequate study of the appropriateness or extent
of the need for this type of aid. In the matter of the college
housing program, while this program has been a desirable one and
its expansion was justified, the reduction made by the bill in the
interest rate to an artificially low level will curtail, if not com-
pletely eliminate, the availability of private investment funds
which have begun to flow toward college housing. The result
will be that instead of more capital being available for this type
of loan, there will be substantially less capital in the aggregate.
It is my hope that the defects in the Act will be corrected by the
779
^ 194 Public Papers of the Presidents
Congress at the earliest opportunity in the light of further study
and of actual experience in its administration.
note: As enacted, S. 2126 is Public Law 345, 84th Congress (69 Stat. 635) .
195 ^ Statement by the President on the Death of
Ambassador John E. Peurifoy and His Son.
August 12,1955
I HAVE just been informed of the tragic death of Ambassador
John E. Peurifoy and his son. A brilliant career diplomat, Am-
bassador Peurifoy served his country exceptionally well for many
years. The United States and the free world has lost an out-
standing champion of freedom and peace.
On the personal side, Mrs. Eisenhower and I have lost a valued
friend. We extend our deepest sympathy to Mrs. Peurifoy in the
great loss she has sustained.
note: Mr. Peurifoy was serving as Ambassador to Thailand at the time of
his death in an automobile accident.
196 ^ Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill for
the Relief of the E.J. Albrecht Company.
August 12,1955
I HAVE WITHHELD my approval from the bill (H.R. 1393)
"For the relief of the E. J. Albrecht Company."
The bill directs the Secretary of the Treasury to pay $142,-
007.75 to the E. J. Albrecht Company as reimbursement for
actual losses sustained by it in performing its contract with the
United States for the construction of the outlet works for Sardis
Dam on the Little Tallahatchie River, near Sardis, Mississippi.
After an exhaustive review, the Court of Claims dismissed this
claim as being without merit. While this decision was based on
780
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 196
legal grounds, the opinion issued by the Court in connection with
its decision shows, particularly when taken in conjunction with
the rest of the record, that there is no basis for affording relief to
the contractor on equitable grounds. From these sources it is
clear that the overriding causes of the losses which the contractor
sustained were its own acts or omissions and the weather con-
ditions it encountered in the performance of the work. I see
nothing in these circumstances giving rise to equitable liability on
the part of the government.
The continued success of the policy of awarding public con-
tracts by competitive bids depends, of course, on the knowledge
that successful bidders will be held to their bids with the same
strictness as if they were dealing with private contractors. Re-
lieving bidders of losses occasioned by the submission of bids that
were successfully low because of over-optimism or failure to
accoimt for risks would not only strike a serious blow at the
integrity of the competitive bidding system but would be unfair
to more provident bidders who might otherwise have received the
awards. It would deprive the government of benefits resulting
from favorable circumstances occurring during the performance
of a contract while requiring compensation for losses encountered
as a result of unfavorable circumstances.
There are no circimistances in this case that would serve to
distinguish it from others wherein contractors with the United
States have suffered losses for which the government was not
responsible. In view of this fact and in the absence of any
equitable considerations in favor of the contractor, I perceive no
merit in the claim for special treatment in this case.
Accordingly, I am constrained to withhold my approval from
the bill.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
781
^ 197 Public Papers of the Presidents
197 ^ Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill To
Change the Military Record of Stephen Swan
Ogletree. August 12, 1955
I HAVE WITHHELD my approval of enrolled enactment H.R.
6232, Eighty-fourth Congress, "To include as Spanish-American
War service under laws administered by the Veterans' Adminis-
tration certain service rendered by Stephen Swan Ogletree during
the Spanish-American War."
The effect of this legislation would be to determine by legisla-
tive decree, contrary to the facts, that, for the purpose of laws
administered by the Veterans' Administration, Stephen Swan
Ogletree rendered at least seventy days' active military service as
a member of Company G, 2d Regiment, Alabama Volunteer
Infantry, and was honorably discharged therefrom. No benefits
would accrue by reason thereof prior to the date of receipt of an
application to be filed subsequent to the date of its enactment.
There have been a number of affidavits submitted in support of
Mr. Ogletree's contention that he served on active duty during
the Spanish- American War. These affidavits are all dated some
twenty-nine or more years after the occurrence of the events to
which they relate. In some, the affiant could "almost" swear that
Mr. Ogletree served with Company G, 2d Regiment, Alabama
Volunteer Infantry. In others, the affiant states that Mr. Ogle-
tree did serve with that organization. However, most of these
affidavits are entirely consistent with the official records of the
organization which show that any service of Mr. Ogletree with
that organization was prior to the time that it entered into active
federal service. In addition, the statement of one individual, who
was of the opinion that Mr. Ogletree did serve in active federal
service, indicates that during such period the commanding officer
of the company was J. H. Brazila. The records of the company
show that Brazila did not command the company while it was in
federal service. Therefore, it is apparent that the passage of time
782
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 197
has dimmed the recollection of the individuals who made these
affidavits and that they have become confused as to the actual
period of time during which the company was in federal service
or when Mr. Ogletree was a member thereof.
Military records pertaining to Mr. Ogletree show quite clearly
that he was not a member of Company G, 2d Regiment, Alabama
Volunteer Infantry, while that organization was in federal serv-
ice. The frequent muster rolls submitted on behalf of that organ-
ization, certified by the commanding officer and by the individual
who acted as mustering officer, not only show the men who were
present with the organization but also all men who were members
of the organization during the period and who were absent for
any reason whatsoever. The name of Stephen Swan Ogletree
does not appear on any of these muster rolls.
Company G, 2d Regiment, Alabama Volunteer Infantry, was
mustered into federal service on May 31, 1898. During the
Spanish- American War, regulations provided that before volun-
teer organizations were mustered into the service of the United
States, the members thereof should be medically examined to
determine whether or not they were physically qualified for active
military service. Retained records of the 2d Regiment, Alabama
Volunteer Infantry, clearly show that Mr. Ogletree was medically
examined in accordance with such regulations, that he was re-
jected for service because of physical disqualification at least 12
days prior to the time that this organization was mustered into
the service of the United States, and that he was returned to his
home at Eufaula, Alabama, through issuance of a "request for
transportation", which provided as follows :
M. No. : 28 ^yo Request for Transportation
Good for: One days from date. Date: Mobile, Ala., May ig, i8g8
To: The L&NRRCo.
For: John H, Nowlund and 26 men; no pounds extra baggage
Go. & Regt. : Co. ''G/' 2d Regt. Ala. Vols.
From: Mobile, Ala. To: Eufaula, Ala,
Via : The L&N and Central of Ga.
En route from : Mobile, Ala. To : Eufaula, Ala.
783
^ 197 Public Papers of the Presidents
Remarks: Recruit^ Co, G^ 2d Regt., Ala. Vol., rejected by Medical Board;
issued on authority of telegram dated May 5, i8g8y H, C. Corbiriy AG,
[Adjutant General]. See other side.
[Other side] * * * Stephen S. Ogletree * * ^
Section 131 of the Legislative Reorganization Act, approved
August 2, 1946 (60 Stat. 812)5 provides, pertinently, as follows:
No private bill or resolution (including pension bills) ^ * * * authorizing
or directing * * * the correction of a military or naval record, shall be
received or considered in either the Senate or the House of Representatives.
H.R. 6232 would change the military records of Stephen Swan
Ogletree.
Section 207 of the Legislative Reorganization Act, supra,
established the Army Board for the Correction of Military
Records. That Board was established for the purpose of review-
ing military records and recommending to the Secretary of the
Army the correction of any such records, where, in the judgment
of the Board, such action might be necessary to correct an error
or remove an injustice. Upon the recommendation of the Board,
the Act authorized the Secretary to take corrective action. No
application for the correction of the military records of Stephen
Swan Ogletree has been received by that Board.
The Congress, by general legislation, has determined that cases
of this character should be considered by the Army Board for the
Correction of Military Records rather than by the legislature
itself. The affidavits which have been presented in Mr. Ogle-
tree's behalf are entirely consistent with the fact that any service
which he may have rendered was prior to the time that the organ-
ization was mustered into federal service. Official records per-
taining to the matter show quite clearly that Mr. Ogletree was
not at any time during the Spanish- American War in the service
of the United States. Under such circumstances, to determine
by legislative decree that he rendered any active military service
during such war and was honorably discharged therefrom would
be entirely discriminatory. There is nothing in law or equity
784
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 198
which would justify approval of this bill. To do so would confer
upon Mr. Ogletree benefits provided for Spanish- American War
veterans to which he is no more entitled than are other individuals
who may have been members of local volunteer units prior to the
time the unit was mustered into the federal service, but who were
physically disqualified for federal service and were rejected prior
to the mustering-in of the unit. I cannot, in justice, approve this
enrolled enactment.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
198 ^ Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill
Amending the Internal Revenue Code of 1 954.
August 12,1955
I HAVE WITHHELD my approval from the bill H.R. 6887,
"To extend for one year the application of section 108(b) and to
amend section 2053 of the Internal Revenue Code of 1 954." This
bill would extend for one year a section of the Revenue Code de-
signed to facilitate certain railroad reorganizations. In addition,
it would safeguard certain bequests to charity from the pyramid-
ing effect of State and Federal inheritance and estate taxes.
Federal law properly exempts bequests to charity from estate
taxation. In some situations, however, the intent of the Federal
law is negated by the imposition of State taxes on charitable be-
quests. As a result of a provision of Federal law designed to
prevent tax avoidance, such State taxes in turn give rise to in-
creased Federal tax liabilities. H.R. 6887 is intended to relieve
charitable bequests in these situations to the extent that Federal
legislation can do so.
I am sympathetic with the objectives of both portions of the bill.
However, I am informed that there are three defects in the part
of the bill dealing with the estate tax, which are sufficiently serious
to require my disapproval.
785
^ 198 Public Papers of the Presidents
First, this legislation would often increase Federal tax liabilities
on estates containing bequests to charity.
Second, the legislation would, in certain situations, accrue not
to the benefit of charity but to other heirs.
Third, it would disturb existing well established relationships
between Federal and State inheritance and estate tax liabilities
based on the credit against Federal tax liability allowed for taxes
paid to States since 1926. Since the State tax on the charitable
bequest is deductible under the bill, it would no longer be counted
in determining the amount which may be claimed by the estate
as a credit for State taxes paid against the Federal tax liability.
However, the tax imposed under the so-called State pick-up laws,
which are designed to absorb the full credit allowable against
the Federal estate tax, is based upon the total State tax otherwise
levied (including the tax on the charitable bequest). Conse-
quently, many State pick-up laws would not pick up the full
amount allowable as a credit. Enactment of this bill would
probably stimulate State legislation to enlarge the credit for taxes
paid to States.
In view of these defects in the legislation, I must reluctantly
withhold my approval from the bill, H.R. 6887.
My reluctance would be greater, however, had I not been ad-
vised that the defects in section 2 of the bill can be remedied and
that section i and section 2, appropriately remedied, can be
enacted so as to apply retroactively without any serious difficulty.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
786
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1Q55 ^ 199
199 ^ Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill To
Reconvey to Former Owners Certain Lands
Acquired for Reservoir Projects in Texas.
August 12,1955
I HAVE WITHHELD my approval from H.R. 7195, "To pro-
vide for adjustments in the lands or interests therein acquired for
reservoir projects in Texas, by the reconveyance of certain lands
or interests therein to the former owners thereof."
The bill would authorize the Secretary of the Army to make
adjustments in the land holdings of the United States acquired
for five Texas reservoir projects (Belton, Benbrook, Garza-Little
Elm, Grapevine, and Whitney Reservoirs) by reconveyance of
certain lands to former owners, or the grantee, devisee, or
successor in title of a former owner of contiguous property.
The Secretary has no authority to adjust land holdings where
title has been acquired by purchase. The bill would provide the
Secretary with authority to make such adjustments through re-
conveyance of lands or interests in lands to former owners at what
the Secretary determines to be the original purchase price, ad-
justed to take into account improvements, damages, or interests
retained by the United States.
However, H.R. 7195 goes further and requires the Secretary to
determine whether the rights of a grantee, devisee, or successor
in title of a former owner of contiguous property are equitably
superior to the rights of the former owner himself. The law
reports are replete with decisions which disclose the problems
with which courts have been confronted in giving just recogni-
tion to asserted equitable interests in title to a tract of land.
Moreover, in such cases the courts have enjoyed the historic cau-
tionary benefits of the judicial process, such as notice and hearing,
rights of intervention, the rules of evidence, and judicial prece-
dents in a particular jurisdiction with respect to the application
787
^ 1 99 Public Papers of the Presidents
of equitable principles. The bill does not provide, and the Sec-
retary of the Army does not have, comparable cautionary benefits
for an administrative proceeding in which he would be required
to engage in the subtle problems involved in weighing justly the
equitable superiority or inferiority of the rights, on the one hand
of a former owner of a tract, and, on the other hand, of those of
the grantee or successor in title to a contiguous tract of property.
This provision would unjustly expose the Secretary to a series
of burdensome and time-consuming administrative proceedings
which are entirely alien to his statutory responsibilities. It would
inevitably subject him to criticism from unsuccessful contestants.
These unnecessary burdens and the attendant criticism can, and
should, be avoided.
It is my firm opinion that, except for the return of lands or
interests directly to the former owners or their heirs in cases of
this kind, lands no longer required for project purposes should, if
determined to be excess to the needs of the Department, be re-
ported to the General Services Administration for disposal in
accordance with general legislation providing for the disposi-
tion of excess and surplus Government-owned property. I see
no reason for establishing a new and special category of pri-
ority holders based on a chain of title from a former owner of
contiguous property.
I have approved legislation authorizing similar adjustments by
reconveyance of lands to former owners (or their heirs) upon
application by them at Demopolis Lock and Dam, Alabama, and
at Jim Woodruff Lock and Dam, Florida and Georgia, because
I am convinced of the soundness of the principle behind the
revised reservoir land acquisition policy of the Departments of
the Army and the Interior.
I recommend that the Congress reconsider H.R. 7195 and enact
a bill along those lines for the five reservoir projects in Texas to
which the bill is applicable.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
788
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 201
200 ^ Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill for
the Relief of Fred P. Hines. August 12,1 955
I HAVE WITHHELD my approval of S. 204, 84th Congress,
"An Act For the relief of Fred P. Hines".
The bill would direct the Administrator of Veterans' Affairs to
pay to Mr. Fred P. Hines the sum of $778.78, which sum repre-
sents the amount claimed as the cost of private hospital and
medical expenses incurred in connection with the treatment of a
disability not connected with his active military service in the
Spanish-American War.
On July 20, 1953, 1 submitted a message to the Senate (S. Doc.
No. 62, 83d Cong.) returning without my approval S. 152, 83d
Congress, a bill identical to this bill except that S. 204 eliminates
the payment of attorney fees in connection with the claim. No
new evidence has been submitted in the interim, and the legisla-
tive history of the current bill contains no information which
would justify a change in my position in the matter.
Under the circumstances and for the reasons set forth in my
earHer message, I could take no other action than to withhold
approval of S. 204.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
201 ^ Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill To
Amend the Civil Service Retirement Act.
August 12, 1955
I AM WITHHOLDING approval of S. 104 1, a bill "To amend
the Civil Service Retirement Act of May 29, 1930, as amended,
to provide for the inclusion in the computation of accredited
service of certain periods of service rendered States or instru-
mentalities of States, and for other purposes."
789
^ 20 1 Public Papers of the Presidents
This bill would provide additional retirement benefits to those
Federal and District of Columbia employees who also have been,
are now, or in the future may become employees of the States or
of State instrumentalities on Federal-State programs financed
either wholly or in part by Federal funds, in 5 types of agricultural
programs and in programs of vocational education.
The bill is not approved because it would ( i ) make improper
use of Federal funds to pay for services never received by it, (2)
result in an unsound shifting of fiscal responsibility from State to
Federal Government, (3) set an undesirable precedent, and (4)
constitute an unsound approach to a desirable goal of increased
employee mobility.
First, and most important, these additional retirement benefits
would not be based upon Federal employment but on State em-
ployment. States and State instrumentalities are responsible for
paying for services rendered to them, and there is no assertion that
such obligations are not met. Federal retired pay is a basic ele-
ment in the compensation system provided by the Federal Gov-
ernment in exchange for work performed by its employees. To
provide additional compensation payable out of the Federal Civil
Service Retirement Fund on the basis of work performed for
another employer appears to be an unnecessary and improper use
of Federal funds.
Second, the financing principle followed in this bill is unsound.
The Federal Civil Service Retirement Fund has been built up by
contributions from Federal employees and from the Federal Gov-
ernment as an employer. Under the bill the affected employees
would now pay retirement contributions for their State service as
if it had been Federal service but since the ultimate annuity pay-
ments would average several times such contributions, the major
portion of the cost of this bill would be borne by Federal taxpayers.
This shift of fiscal responsibility from the actual employer, the
State or State instrumentalities, to the Federal Government would
be accomplished with no corresponding transfer of funds. This
unsoimd fiscal policy could become an even more serious matter if
790
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig55 ^ 202
the program were to be extended to all employee groups having
similar claims.
Third, the bill appears to establish an undesirable precedent for
making similar payments on the basis of employment in many
other Federal-State cooperative programs. The record on the
bill indicates that over 80 such programs have already been identi-
fied. Extension of similar benefits to employees of all such pro-
grams would lead far afield.
Fourth, although the bill seems to have the sound objective of
encouraging transfers of employees between State and Federal
employment, I do not believe that it moves toward this objective
in a proper manner. A firmer, more acceptable step would be
to extend the Federal old age and survivors system to include
Federal employees. With employees of an increasing number
of States also covered under that system, both Federal and State
retirement systems would share a common base and all OASI
benefits would be preserved in moving from one employer to
another. Recommendations to the Congress will be made on this
matter early in the next session.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
202 ^ Statement by the President Upon Signing
Bill Amending the Agricultural Trade Development
and Assistance Act. August 12, 1955
I HAVE TODAY approved S. 2253 "To reemphasize trade de-
velopment as the primary purpose of title I of the Agricultural
Trade Development and Assistance Act of 1 954." When I signed
the Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of 1954
a year ago I expected that constructive benefits would result from
the disposal of agricultural surplus commodities abroad under the
provisions and safeguards of that legislation. The experience
of the past year, during which agreements providing for the sale
791
•I 202 Public Papers of the Presidents
of surplus commodities valued at $469 million have been reached
with 1 7 nations, has proved that hope to have been well founded.
The agreements have been negotiated so as to safeguard usual
marketings of the United States and to avoid undue disruption of
world prices and world markets. The foreign currencies accru-
ing from the sales are programmed for economic developmental
loans, market development, educational exchange, and various
United States expenditures abroad, with substantial benefit to
both the recipient countries and ourselves. This program should
lay the basis for a permanent expansion of our agricultural exports
on a normal commercial basis.
This amendment to Public Law 480 will permit the expanded
future operation of this program within the same safeguards ex-
isting in the basic law. I take pride in the cooperative and con-
structive manner in which this program has operated during the
past year. I feel sure that a continuation of the same spirit will
make possible an expanded effort of greater mutual benefit during
the coming year and an eventual replacement of this program by
expanded commercial sales.
note: As enacted, S. 2253 is Public Law 387, 84th Congress (69 Stat. 721).
203 ^ Letter to Maj . Gen. John S. Bragdon
Appointing Him as Special Assistant to the
President To Coordinate Public Works Planning.
August 12,1955
Dear General Bragdon:
Realizing the vital role of public works in the nation's economy,
the Council of Economic Advisers last year established a small
unit to devote itself to coordinating the planning of public works.
The work of this unit has confirmed the need for continued
systematic attention to this function. In order to make this work
more effective and to broaden its scope and responsibility, I
792
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 203
hereby appoint you as Special Assistant to the President to serve
as coordinator of public works planning.
In the performance of these duties, one of your responsibilities
will be to keep me informed with regard to :
(a) The various types and amount of the public facilities
required by an expanding economy to meet human needs at the
national, state, and local levels.
(b) The current long-range plans and programs for the
accomplishment of such works by agencies of the Federal Gov-
ernment and by similar agencies of the States and of local
governments, and the interrelationships of these programs.
(c) The possibilities for the acceleration of public works con-
struction in the event that economic conditions make such
acceleration desirable.
You also will advise and assist the Federal Government agencies
responsible for public works to the end of strengthening their for-
ward planning activities. In these and your other activities you
will cooperate with the Council of Economic Advisers and with
the Bureau of the Budget. For the above purposes and such
other activities as may be necessary in the effective planning of
the nation's public works, you are authorized to call upon the
Secretaries of Defense; Interior; Agriculture; Commerce; Health,
Education, and Welfare; the Administrator of the General
Services Administration; the Administrator of the Housing and
Home Finance Agency; and other departments and agencies
responsible either for direct public construction or for assistance
to States and to local governments, to assist you in the coordina-
tion of long-range plans and programs for such public works
construction activities. You are also authorized to establish an
Advisory Committee on Public Works to include persons desig-
nated by the Secretaries of Defense; Interior; Agriculture; Com-
merce; Health, Education, and Welfare; the Administrator of the
General Services Administration; the Administrator of the Hous-
ing and Home Finance Agency; the Director of the Bureau of
793
^ 203 Public Papers of the Presidents
the Budget; and by the heads of such other Federal agencies
responsible for public works as may be necessary.
You are also authorized and directed (a) to establish close
working relationships with the executives and public works agen-
cies of the several States and local government bodies, and (b) to
invite them to inform you with regard to their public works
planning functions. You also may invite representatives of State,
city and local governments to constitute an Advisory Committee
on the public works problems at these levels of government.
You may provide yourself with such staff as is necessary to assist
you in the performance of these duties. You are authorized to
organize temporary task forces made up of personnel from the
various Federal departments and agencies. You may employ
consultants as experts for specific purposes related to your duties.
You are requested to attend the meetings of Federal Government
committees or interdepartmental groups which may deal with
public works problems.
It is my desire that the coordination of Federal Government
public works planning and cooperation with the States and with
local government bodies be advanced as rapidly as possible. As
this activity progresses, you are requested to make recom-
mendations to me for its further strengthening and improvement.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
2 04 ^ Exchange of Messages Between the
President and Chancellor Adenauer on the Air
Force Disaster in Germany. August 13,1 955
[ Released August 13, 1955. Dated August 12, 1955 ]
I HAVE RECEIVED your expression of regret concerning the
Air Force disaster in Germany, I am most grateful for your
794
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^s ^ 205
sympathy and have made your kind message known to the
American people.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
note: Chancellor Adenauer's mes- the troop transport near Edelweiler,
sage, received by the Secretary of I would like you to transmit to the
State, follows: President of the United States my
On the occasion of the serious dis- deepest sympathy. I express my sin-
aster which occurred to the United cere condolences to the relatives of
States Air Force by the crashing of the soldiers who met with the fatal
accident.
205 ^ Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill
Extending the Domestic Minerals Purchase
Programs. August 14, 1955
I HAVE WITHHELD my approval of H.R. 6373, an act "To
amend the Domestic Minerals Program Extension Act of 1953 in
order to extend the programs to encourage the discovery, devel-
opment, and production of certain domestic minerals".
This bill, by Congressional action, would direct the continuation
of the existing domestic minerals purchase programs under the
Defense Production Act for certain minerals after defense needs
have been met. Moreover, it would continue such purchases at
prices considerably in excess of market price. It would direct the
establishment of two new manganese buying depots and the re-
opening of a third. It would commit an additional 150 million
dollars for the purchase of double the original program quantities
of these minerals.
Pursuant to the Defense Production Act of 1950, as amended,
certain purchase programs were established for these minerals
during the Korean hostilities. Public Law 206 of the 83d Con-
gress extended for two years the termination dates of these pro-
grams. H.R. 6373, in effect, would direct the expansion of these
795
^ 205 Public Papers of the Presidents
programs so as to require the Government to buy far greater
quantities of these minerals than are necessary for defense pur-
poses. As a result. Government assistance to the producers of
several minerals will be continued imder the guise of defense
needs when such needs do not exist.
Furthermore, the fiscal arrangements that are provided for in
H.R. 6373 are unsound. The bill would by-pass the usual budget-
ary processes and the customary review by Congressional commit-
tees. It would direct the use of the defense borrowing authority
conferred by the Defense Production Act.
Finally, the provisions of H.R. 6373 would apply to only a
small segment of the domestic minerals industry and would not
reach the fundamentals of the problem. Indeed this bill would
make solution of the overall problems of the industry more
difficult.
I am conscious of the desirability of developing a long-range
minerals program for the United States to assure an adequate
mobilization base and to preserve a sound minerals economy.
The Advisory Committee on Minerals Policy so advised, and the
Ofiice of Minerals Mobilization has been established in the De-
partment of the Interior to determine and recommend such a
program. The funds to make the necessary studies have just
become available, and work toward the development of a long-
range program has begun.
The interests of the domestic minerals industry will be better
served by proceeding with the careful development of a long-
range minerals program than by approving a stopgap measure
extending substantial Government aid to only a segment of the
industry. Meanwhile, with the exception of a single manganese
depot, the existing domestic minerals procurement program re-
mains uncompleted, and sales by domestic miners to the Govern-
ment will continue under the provisions of the regulations now in
effect.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
796
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1Q55 ^ 206
206 ^ Statement by the President Upon Signing
Bill Concerning Public Transit Services in the
District of Columbia. August 14, 1955
DUE TO a labor management dispute and resultant strike, the
people of the City of Washington have been without transit serv-
ices for 45 days. Neither party to the dispute that gave rise to
this stoppage of service has discharged its obligation to the public.
I am opposed to any attempt to settle labor disputes through
legislation of the character of S. 2576. My approval of this bill
is for an entirely different, but it seems to me, a cogent reason.
The law creating the Capital Transit Company more than 20
years ago established a direct relationship between the Company
and the Congress in that the Congress reserved to itself the power
of determining the termination date of the Company's franchise.
This Congress has done in S. 2576. Moreover, both the Congress
and the Commissioners of the District of Columbia have con-
cluded that Capital Transit Company, beginning several years
ago and continuing up to the present time, has failed to measure
up to its responsibilities as a public utility in the District of
Columbia. The effective date of cancellation of the Company's
charter and franchises has been fixed by Congress as one year
after the date of the bill's enactment, and the bill authorizes the
District Commissioners to contract with that Company or others
for transit services in the intervening period.
I urge that the Commissioners act with wisdom in protecting
the best interests of the public.
note: As enacted, S. 2576 is Public Law 389, 84th Congress (69 Stat. 724).
40308—59 63 797
^ 207 Public Papers of the Presidents
207 ^ Presidential Statement Upon Signing
Order Prescribing a Code of Conduct for Members
of the Armed Forces While in Combat or Captivity.
August 17,1955
NO AMERICAN prisoner of war will be forgotten by the United
States. Every available means will be employed by our govern-
ment to establish contact with, to support and to obtain the release
of all our prisoners of war. Furthermore, the laws of the United
States provide for the support and care of dependents of members
of the armed forces including those who become prisoners of war.
I assure dependents of such prisoners that these laws will con-
tinue to provide for their welfare.
NOTE : The Code of Conduct wa^ President expressed gratification con-
issued as part of Executive Order ceming studies and recommendations
1 063 1 (3 GFR, 1955 Supp.). The made by the Secretary of Defense's
White House release containing the Advisory Committee on Prisoners of
President's statement noted that the War. The Committee's report, en-
order initiated a positive program to titled "POW" (Government Printing
fortify military personnel against Office, 1955)? "^^^ released by the
techniques and devices used on Department of Defense.
United States prisoners of war. This statement was released at
The release also stated that the Lowry Air Force Base, Denver, Colo.
208 ^ Remarks on the Hurricane-Flood Disaster
in the Northeastern States. August 22, 1955
ALL OF US know, of course, that there has been a very disastrous
flood and hurricane in the East. There is much suffering in that
region. I received last evening a telegram from E, Roland Harri-
man, Chairman of the Red Cross. He addressed me both as
President and as Honorary President of the Red Cross. He
said — and these are excerpts only :
"In this period of catastrophe among the citizens of the six
798
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^s ^ 208
States affected by floods, I want to assure you that the entire re-
sources of this organization in people, supplies, and money are
being fully utilized to bring assistance to all those who are in need.
Reports from our chapter in the flood area convince me that the
cost of adequately caring for the thousands of families affected
will cost many millions of dollars. So that relief work could pro-
ceed rapidly I have already made an allotment of $2 million from
Red Cross funds and I have appealed to the American people to
contribute to a Red Cross disaster fund which will be earmarked
entirely for flood sufferers. Since Federal funds released by you
are by law primarily for reconstruction of public works rather
than direct assistance to individual sufferers, sincerely hope you
will urge support of Red Cross appeal which funds will be used
entirely to meet human needs.
"At this hour the American Red Cross is operating 107 shelters,
housing and feeding 12,000 homeless, and providing clothing to
everyone who needs it. We have established headquarters operat-
ing around the clock in disaster areas, have more than 400 nurses
and 150 physicians who have volunteered for service. Thousands
of other volunteers are helping. We estimate over 8000 families
will require Red Cross assistance after the emergency is over."
My reaction is, of course, we will pitch in and help. I sincerely
hope that before tomorrow night has been reached that Mr.
Harriman, Chairman of the Red Cross, will be assured of all the
funds he needs to carry out this work with all the help he is getting
from the Federal service and from the States affected. The
heart of America is not going to stand still while other Americans
are in distress and in need of help.
As some of you may know, ever since the beginning of this dis-
aster the Federal Government has been cooperating with the Red
Cross in the States affected so as to relieve suffering and to carry
on the work of rescue. The Defense Department in particular
has been busily engaged in this work and from all States I have
had reports of the marvelous work they have done. To assure
myself that the Red Cross and Federal Government and the States
799
^ 208 Public Papers of the Presidents
are cooperating effectively in this regard, leaving no opportunity
amiss in order that we may be helpful, I am going to meet Mr.
Harriman about eight tomorrow morning in Hartford, Connecti-
cut. To that meeting I have invited the other Governors of the
States affected to send representatives or to come in person if their
work will allow them to do so just that we may have a little
coordinating talk to make sure that everything possible is being
done. From there I will proceed to Washington before returning
here to Denver Wednesday night.
note: The President spoke in his Chancellor of Gennany, and Presi-
ofEce at Lowry Air Force Base, Den- dent Gronchi and Prime Minister
ver, Colo. His remarks were re- Segni of Italy, were released on
corded for broadcasting over radio August 24.
and television. On October 15, the White House
On August 23, the White House announced interim procedures to
released the text of messages concern- assure the Small Business Adminis-
ing the disaster exchanged between tration of funds to meet disaster loan
the President and Her Majesty requirements in the northeastern
Queen Elizabeth II. The text of States.
similar messages between the Presi- The messages and the White House
dent and Prime Minister Eden of the announcement were made public at
United Kingdom, King Baudouin I Lowry Air Force Base,
of Belgium, Franz Bluecher, Acting
2 09 ^ Remarks Following a Meeting With the
Governors of Flood-Stricken States at Bradley Field,
Hartford, Connecticut. August 23, 1955
[ Broadcast over radio ]
My Fellow Americans:
I have met here with the Governors and Federal officials that
you have heard mentioned in this broadcast. Like the rest of
you, I read in the papers, saw on the television, and heard on the
radio about this great disaster. You can have no conception of
800
Dwight D, Eisenhower^ ig55 ^ 209
what has happened until you come here and listen to these Gov-
ernors, what has happened in each State — industries flattened,
cities practically paralyzed, communications halted, people out of
work, suffering — in certain instances missing members of their
families, not knowing where they are. This is a case where the
Federal Government, the State government, the county govern-
ment, the city government will do every possible thing they can.
But they operate under laws — ^laws made by your representatives.
And those laws are necessarily limited in the scope of authority
they delegate.
Governor Peterson has mentioned how meager are the funds
now available to the Federal Government for this specific purpose.
I am going to consult immediately with the leaders of Congress.
If necessary, I shall call a special session. But what I want to
talk about now just for a moment is this: the great value of Red
Cross money. Red Cross money is not limited. It goes to people
who are in need — to human beings, not just to cleaning roads and
rebuilding schools but to people that are hungry, or cold and have
no place to go. In my opinion everybody in America within the
sound of my voice will sleep better tonight if he turns in everything
that he can spare to meet this great disaster that has happened to
our fellow Americans. This is a chance where each of us can
rise to an emergency and prove that the American people regard-
less of governments, regardless of the limitations on them can
meet an emergency and do it well. I hope you will do it instantly
so that by tomorrow night Mr. Roland Harriman here, the Chair-
man of the Red Cross, will know that he doesn't have to be meager
or stingy in the allocations he makes to these areas.
In the meantime, I pledge again the Federal Government —
and I pledge on the part of all these Governors who made the
pledge to me that State governments are going to do everything
that is possible to alleviate this situation. We're going into the
business of seeing whether we can prevent these floods in the
future on a long-range basis, whether we can get insurance
through some cooperation between insurance companies and State
801
^ 209 Public Papers of the Presidents
and Federal governments to prevent the kind of losses that have
been suffered by our industries. We're going to try to get work in
here to employ these people usefully. We're going to do every-
thing that's possible and won't you do your part right away —
quickly? Thank you very much.
NOTE : In the second paragraph the Administrator, Federal Civil Defense
President referred to Val Peterson, Administration.
210 ^ Address at the Annual Convention of the
American Bar Association, Philadelphia.
August 24, 1955
President Wright^ Mr. Chief Justice^ Senator Pepper^ other
distinguished guests^ and my friends:
Before I begin the expression of the thoughts I deem appropri-
ate to this occasion, I should Hke to advert briefly to the tragic
incident of our national life that I know is now uppermost in the
hearts and minds of all America. I refer, of course, to the tragic
disaster on the eastern coast of our country.
We stand in the shadow of the hall in which was written the
Constitution of the United States. Implicit in that document is
the conviction, the belief, the faith, that Americans would per-
form by voluntary cooperation those deeds which in other govern-
ments, up to that time, had to be performed by direction, by
regimentation, by order of Government. Some of those group
problems that they thought would be thus solved are those great
humanitarian problems that occur when one section of our
country suffers the kind of catastrophe that has just been visited
upon portions of our eastern coast. Woodrow Wilson said the
highest form of democracy is the spontaneous cooperation of a
free people. It seems to me now we have one of those most
unusual opportunities to exhibit that spontaneous cooperation.
Frankly I feel we should not wait for the National Red Cross,
802
Dwight D. Eisenhower, IQ55 ^ 210
our agent in such affairs, to appeal to us for help. I believe we
should seize the opportunity to give to them — to force upon
them — more than they can use, to make certain that disaster is
alleviated, that all of those people in those destroyed villages and
towns, will understand that America's heart has not forsaken
them, that we are proud to help.
Naturally I am honored that once again I am invited to speak
before this great representation of the American Bar Association;
particularly in this summer of 1 955.
This is the first of a series of meetings celebrating the John
Marshall Bicentennial. John Marshall was a soldier in the War
for Independence, a Congressman, a diplomat of outstanding
ability, a Secretary of State.
But his reputation for greatness most firmly rests on his service
as Chief Justice of the United States. It was in that office that
he established himself, in character, in wisdom, and in his clear
insight into the requirements of free government, as a shining
example for all later members of his profession.
In his day, the truth about the nature of the Union and the
purposes that joined widely separated states into one Republic —
about the Constitution and the application of its principles to the
problems of the times — ^was obscured by the fog of sectionaHsm,
selfish interests, and narrow loyalties. Through a generation, he
expounded these matters and formulated decisions of such clarity
and vigor that we now recognize him as a foremost leader in
developing and maintaining the liberties of the people of the
United States.
He made of the Constitution a vital, dynamic, deathless charter
for free and orderly living in the United States.
Thus his influence has been felt far beyond the confines of the
legal fraternity. One result of his work was to create among
Americans a deep feeling of trust and respect for the Judiciary.
803
^ 2IO Public Papers of the Presidents
Rarely indeed has that respect been damaged or that trust be-
trayed by a member of the Judicial branch of our three-sided
government.
Americans realize that the independence and integrity and
capacity of the Judiciary are vital to our nation's continued exist-
ence. For myself 5 this realization is understandably with me most
sharply when it becomes my duty to make a nomination to the
Federal Bench.
To the officers and members of the American Bar Association,
I express my grateful acknowledgment of the assistance they have
rendered, as a public service, in aiding me and my trusted ad-
visers in the review of professional qualifications of individuals
under consideration for Federal judicial positions. You have
helped secure judges who, I believe, will serve in the tradition of
John Marshall.
No other kind will be appointed.
Obviously, a rough equality between the two great political
parties should be maintained on the bench. Thus we help assure
that the Judiciary will realistically appraise and apply precedent
and principles in the light of current American thinking, and will
never become a repository of unbalanced partisan attitudes.
As we turn our minds to the global rather than the primarily
national circumstances of our time, I feel that John Marshall's
life and his works have even a more profound significance than is
to be found in our veneration for the American courts and for his
memorable services during the formative years of the Republic.
The central fact of today's life is the existence in the world of
two great philosophies of man and of government. They are in
contest for the friendship, loyalty, and support of the world's
peoples.
On the one side, our nation is ranged with those who seek
attainment of human goals through a govemment of laws admin-
istered by men. Those laws are rooted in moral law reflecting a
religious faith that man is created in the image of God and that
804
Dwight D. Eisenhower, igss ^ 210
the energy of the free individual is the most dynamic force in
human affairs.
On the other side are those who beUeve — and many of them
with evident sincerity — that human goals can be most surely
reached by a government of men who rule by decree. Their
decrees are rooted in an ideology which ignores the faith that
man is a spiritual being; which establishes the all-powerful state
as the principal source of advancement and progress.
The case of the several leading nations on both sides is on trial
before the bar of world opinion. Each of them claims that it
seeks, above all else, an enduring peace in the world. In that
claim, all identify themselves with a deep-seated hunger of man-
kind. But the final judgment on them — and it may be many years
in coming — ^will depend as much on the march of human progress
within their own borders, and on their proved capacity to help
others advance, as on the tranquillity of their relations with
foreign countries.
Mankind wants peace because the fruits of peace are manifold
and rich, particularly in this Atomic Age; because war could be
the extinction of man's deepest hopes; because atomic war could
be race suicide.
The world is astir today with newly awakened peoples. By the
hundreds of millions, they march toward opportunity to work
and grow and prosper, to demonstrate their self-reliance, to satisfy
their aspirations of mind and spirit. Their advance must not
and cannot be stopped.
These hundreds of millions help make up the jury which must
decide the case between the competing powers of the world.
The system, or group of systems, which most effectively musters
its strength in support of peace and demonstrates its ability to
advance the well-being, the happiness of the individual, will win
their verdict and their loyal friendship.
You of the American Bar Association will play a critical part
in the presentation of freedom's case.
The many thousands of men and women you represent are, by
40308—59 54 805
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their professional careers, committed to the search for truth that
justice may prevail and human rights may be secured. Thereby,
they promote the free world's cause before the bar of world
opinion. But let us be clear that, in the global scene, our re-
sponsibility as Americans is to present our case as tellingly to the
world as John Marshall presented the case for the Constitution
to the American public more than a hundred years ago. In this,
your aptitude as lawyers has special application.
In his written works and innumerable decisions, John Marshall
proved the adequacy and adaptability of the Constitution to the
Nation's needs. He was patient, tireless, understanding, logical,
persistent. He was — ^no matter how trite the expression — a
Crusader; his cause, the interpretation of the Constitution to
achieve ordered liberty and justice under law.
Now America needs to exercise, in the Crusade for peace, the
qualities of John Marshall. Peace and security for all can be
established — for the fearful, for the oppressed, for the weak, for
the strong. But this can be done only if we stand uncompromis-
ingly for principle, for great issues, with the fervor of Marshall —
with the zeal of the Crusader.
We must not think of peace as a static condition in world affairs.
That is not true peace, nor in fact can any kind of a peace be
preserved that way. Change is the law of life, and unless there
is peaceful change, there is bound to be violent change.
Our nation has had domestic tranquillity largely through its
capacity to change peacefully. The lone exception was when
change, to meet new human concepts, was unduly resisted.
Our Founders would scarcely recognize the nation of today as
that which they designed; it has been so greatly changed. But
the change has been peaceful and selective; and always conform-
ing to the principles of our founding documents. That has made
it possible to conserve the good inherited from the past while ad-
justing to meet constantly rising goals. In that way we have kept
in the front ranks of those who respect human dignity, who
806
Dwight D, Eisenhower^ ^955 ^ 210
produce increasingly and who share fairly the fruits of their
labors.
This is the kind of peace that we seek. Our program must be
as dynamic, as forward looking, as applicable to the international
problems of our times as the Constitution, under John Marshall's
interpretations, was made flexible and effective in the promotion
of freedom, justice and national strength in America.
That is the spirit in which the American delegation went to
Geneva. We asserted then — and we shall always hold — ^that
there can be no true peace which involves acceptance of a status
quo in which we find injustice to many nations, repressions of
human beings on a gigantic scale, and with constructive effort
paralyzed in many areas by fear.
The spirit of Geneva, if it is to provide a healthy atmosphere
for the pursuit of peace, if it is to be genuine and not spurious,
must inspire all to a correction of injustices, an observance of
human rights and an end to subversion organized on a world-
wide scale. Whether or not such a spirit as this will thrive
through the combined intelligence and understanding of men,
or will shrivel in the greed and ruthlessness of some, is for the
future to tell. But one thing is certain. This spirit and the goals
we seek could never have been achieved by violence or when men
and nations confronted each other with hearts filled with fear and
hatred.
At Geneva we strove to help establish this spirit.
Geneva spells for America, not stagnation, then, but oppor-
tunity— opportunity for our own people and for people everywhere
to realize their just aspirations.
Eagerness to avoid war — if we think no deeper than this single
desire — can produce outright or implicit agreement that injustices
and wrongs of the present shall be perpetuated in the future. We
must not participate in any such false agreement. Thereby, we
would outrage our own conscience. In the eyes of those who
suffer injustice, we would become partners with their oppressors.
In the judgment of history, we would have sold out the freedom
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^ 2IO Public Papers of the Presidents
of men for the pottage of a false peace. Moreover, we would
assure future conflict !
The division of Germany cannot be supported by any argument
based on boundaries or language or racial origin.
The domination of captive countries cannot longer be justified
by any claim that this is needed for purposes of security.
An international political machine, operating within the borders
of sovereign nations for their political and ideological subversion,
cannot be explained away as a cultural movement.
Very probably, the reason for these and other violations of the
rights of men and of nations is a compound of suspicions and fear.
That explains. It cannot excuse. In justice to others and to
ourselves, we can never accept those wrongs as a part of the peace
that we desire and seek.
We must be firm but friendly. We must be tolerant but not
complacent. We must be quick to understand another's view-
point, honestly assumed. But we must never agree to injustice
for the weak, for the unfortunate, for the underprivileged, well
knowing that if we accept destruction of the principle of justice
for all, we cannot longer claim justice for ourselves as a matter
of right.
The peace we want — the product of understanding and agree-
ment and law among nations — ^is an enduring international en-
vironment, based on justice and security. It will reflect enlight-
ened self-interest. It will foster the concentration of human
energy — individual and organized — ^for the advancement of
human standards in all the areas of mankind's material, intel-
lectual and spiritual life.
Can we achieve that sort of peace? I think we can. At times
it may seem hopeless, far beyond human capacity to reach. But
has any great accomplishment in history begun with assurance of
its success? Our own Republic is a case in point. Through a
long generation there was almost a unanimous world conviction
that the United States of America was an artificial contrivance
that could not long endure.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, igs^ ^ 210
And the Republic survived its most perilous years — the experi-
mental years — because of dedicated efforts by individuals, not
because it had a built-in guarantee of success or a path free from
obstacles.
Our case for peace, based on justice, is as sound as was John
Marshall's for the Constitution and the Union. And it will be as
successful — if we present it before the bar of world opinion with
the same courage and dedicated conviction that he brought to his
mission.
In our communities we can, each according to his capacity,
promote comprehension of what this Republic must be — ^in
strength, in understanding, in dedication to principle — ^if it is to
fulfill its role of leadership for peace.
In the search for justice, we can make our system an ever more
glorious example of an orderly government devoted to the preser-
vation of human freedom and man's individual opportunities and
responsibilities.
No matter how vigorously we propose and uphold our individ-
ual views in domestic problems, we can present abroad a united
front in all that concerns the freedom and security of the
Republic, its dedication to a just and prosperous peace.
Above all, conscious of the towering achievements manifest in
the Republic's history under the Constitution, assured that no
human problem is beyond solution given the will, the persever-
ance and the strength — each of us can help arouse in America a
renewed and flaming dedication to justice and liberty, prosperity
and peace among men.
So acting, we shall prove ourselves — ^lawyers and laymen
alike — ^worthy heirs to the example and spirit of John Marshall.
Like him in his great mission, we shall succeed.
note: The President's opening words Pepper, former U.S. Senator from
referred to Loyd Wright, President Florida. The President spoke in
of the American Bar Association, Independence Hall at 2:30 p.m.
Chief Justice Warren, and Claude
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211 ^ Statement by the President Concerning
New York Meeting of the United Nations
Subcommittee on Disarmament.
August 29, 1955
OF THE actual decisions reached at Geneva, the first to be put
to practical test is the decision to renew talks on limitations of
armaments.
Today, in New York City, the Subcommittee of the United
Nations Disarmament Committee is meeting to continue these
discussions, pursuant to a directive from the four heads of govern-
ment issued at their final session at Geneva.
I sincerely trust that the Subcommittee meeting will be marked
by the same spirit of frankness and cooperation which typified
the meetings at Geneva. If this is so, then I am sure that the
Subcommittee work, in the end, can produce practical results that
should lead to an easing of the tensions and the heavy burdens of
armament that the world is presently carrying.
NOTE : This statement was released at Lowry Air Force Base, Denver, Colo.
212 ^ Statement by the President: Labor Day.
September^, 1955
THIS DAY is set aside, in our country, for America to salute the
men and women who with their heads, hands and hearts produce
the wealth of the Nation.
All of us are proud that the working men and women of our
land labor in freedom and dignity, with efficiency and enthusiasm,
at the jobs of their choice, in whatever community they wish, and
receive fair compensation for their efforts.
We can also be proud that the individual human beings who
make up this great labor force come from all races, all religions,
810
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 213
and all national origins. They work on farms, in factories, in
stores, in mines and in offices. They work on land and on sea
and in the air.
In honoring the Nation's workers today, we reaffirm our devo-
tion to the Nation itself — ^which over the years and decades,
American workmen have built.
note: This statement was released at Lowry Air Force Base, Denver, Colo.
213 ^ Remarks at the Breakfast Meeting of
Republican State Chairmen, Denver, Colorado.
September lo, 1955
THANK YOU very much, gentlemen. This is a special group
and of course I feel especially honored at the privilege of meeting
you. I understand that you are just new graduates, and I must
say, in a way, it's the strangest kind of commencement exercise
for me to attend, although I have made a number of commence-
ment addresses.
What strikes me is this: governmental service is the temporary
privilege of some people. But what you are doing is exercising
the inherent right and performing the basic duties of citizenship.
Every citizen owes it to himself and his country to participate in-
dividually, or of course through a political organization, in mak-
ing certain that our country goes in the direction that conforms to
his ideals and hopes for that government — for that country.
Now, if you will forgive me, instead of jumping into farm prob-
lems and Geneva problems, and things of that kind, which are
discussed interminably, I am going to talk just a little bit of
philosophy this morning — political philosophy. That is because
of a very deep and abiding belief that if a political party is not
held together by a common faith, a common conviction, in certain
fundamentals, then it is not a true political party but it is merely
a conspiracy to gain power.
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If we are not held together by a cause, then we are not making
of ourselves an agency to help the United States of America. It
is merely another form of gaining distinction for ourselves, to get
ourselves a pat on the back, and to appear important.
Now, the text I am going to take is one with which you are
completely familiar. You have all used it a thousand times, but
whether or not we have stopped to think sufficiently of what it
means is another story.
Lincoln concluded his Gettysburg address: ". . . that govern-
ment of the people, by the people and for the people shall not
perish from the earth."
The first thing I want to bring out is that he recognized that
the possibility of this type of government perishing is always with
us, and it is still with us.
The experiment in free government that was started by our
Founding Fathers is still going on, and it will go on to the end of
time, because the law of change is the law of life. No established
philosophy or doctrine set up in 1737 could possibly apply in its
detail today as it did then. It will be the same a hundred years
hence.
"Of the people." Just exactly what do you think of when you
say "government of the people"?
I think, in a simple sort of way, we could say, "of the people"
doesn't mean a government of farmers, of labor bosses, of smart
pohticians, of businessmen, or of anybody else. It means a gov-
ernment of all types and classes of people, regardless of race or
color or religion or everything else that tends to separate us in
our social and ordinary lives. It means a government which, in
its whole constitution, its whole concept and its aims, takes in the
thoughts, the purposes, the ideals, the aspirations and the
problems of today and 165 years ago.
And "by the people." "By the people" really means that every
individual is participating in that government. Remember,
Lincoln defined this government in three ways: of, by and for,
812
Dwight D. Eisenhower, igss ^ 213
implying that if the people did not exercise their right to govern,
it shall perish from the earth.
In the national elections, something like a little over 50 percent
of all qualified electors vote and in State and local elections, I am
told that it is frequently as low as 25 percent.
Well, government by the people would seem to be not flourish-
ing as well as it should. Some politician some years ago said that
bad officials are elected by good voters who do not vote.
If we are going to have government by the people, then the man
who is trying to exercise his rights and duties as a citizen makes
certain that others are voting — ^not only in order to promote the
fortunes of his own political life, but to make sure that this type
of government shall not perish from the earth.
Now, what did he mean by "for the people"?
It seems to me here is one of the tall riddles of free government.
"For the people." We have seen the phrase tortured by dema-
gogic types to mean that an over-wise and over-busy governmental
bureaucracy takes over all the functions of living. They say,
"Now go on, boys, do just what you are told and we will take care
of the 165 million people." And they tortured the General
Welfare Clause of the Constitution.
I don't believe that is what Lincoln meant at all. If we are for
the people, which means for the individual as such, we go first to
the ten first amendments of the Constitution — to the Bill of
Rights. That was written for the people. That Bill of Rights
does not guarantee to each of us a profitable living. It guaran-
tees to each of us an equal opportunity with all others to earn our
living for ourselves and for our families, and to protect our future.
We could discuss further what we mean by "for the people,"
but I refer to another quotation of Lincoln's which was generally
to this effect: the function of government is to do for the people
what the individual cannot do at all, or do so well for himself, and
in all those things which the individual can do for himself the
government ought not to interfere.
Now I think today that is as good a presentation of the Republi-
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can case as I know how to make. It puts it in terms and in words
that all of us not only understand, but which we can make others
understand.
In attempting to summarize the philosophy of the Republican
Party I, myself, have sometimes used such phrases as moderate
progressive and dynamic conservative, because we want to be
known for what we are, the party of progress. And if we are the
party of progress, we must be the party of peace and prosperity,
because this is implicit in the term "progress." But I don't be-
lieve that you can sloganize the kind of honest philosophy that the
Republican Party is trying to promote in the United States. If
we can live by that philosophy, however, then I think we have
proved our worthiness to be the instrument through which the
people of the United States carry on the job of government — of
the people, by the people, and for the people. And representative
government shall not perish from the earth.
We have a great cause for which to fight. Possibly this manner
of cause, something in which you believe, is deeper with an old
soldier than it is with some. In the military life you are required
to study whole campaigns, the careers of leaders — ^how did they
think, how did they produce the things they wanted?
One man who always attracted me because of his military
career, rather than anything else, was old Cromwell. Cromwell's
Army had the sternest and toughest discipline of any army that I
know of in the world. It has been the belief that if you had that
kind of discipline, you couldn't have enthusiasm. But he had it.
He sent his Roundheads into battle singing hymns and chopping
off the heads of cavaliers. Why? Because they believed in some-
thing. He told them, by golly, if you are going to fight under the
Roundheads you will go straight to heaven; and whatever your
desires were, you got them. He taught them to believe in some-
thing.
Now, what I am trying to get at is how do we get hold of some-
thing that we believe in so much that it shines in our faces every
time we say it to anybody else?
814
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ^955 ^ 213
It is not only what we believe. It is what we believe we live
for. We say "for God and country." Our country was organized
and defined, when you come down to it, on a very fervent and
firm basic religious faith. Our founding documents maintained
the only way you could explain our form of government was be-
cause "man was endowed by his Creator." On this principle our
cause is founded.
How do we convince the people that we are for a cause? How
do we go about this thing, believing in it as fervently as we do?
How do we get the people to accept it and put into power the
people who will exemplify and practice that kind of doctrine?
Well now, again you will have to let me go back to the military.
After all, I have been in it much more than I have the political.
Before every great battle, the commander gets together his corps
commanders. This group here this morning numbers forty-eight.
I suppose it would be about comparable to the number of corps
commanders I had, finally, in the European campaign.
Now, to the corps commanders, the commander explains his
plans. Everybody is indoctrinated. It is supposed to be a very
useful performance.
But gentlemen, could you imagine a battle — and some of you
here in this room were probably in the very campaigns of which
I am talking — if the commanders all knew everything about what
was going to be done, and they were all doing it, and they were
all dedicated, and it started on down from there and finally got
down to where there wasn't a corporal in the whole business that
knew his job? You will forgive me for using military terms.
Getting this information through the ranks is the corps com-
mander's job.
Now, in volunteering for the work you have undertaken, you
have undertaken one of the highest forms of duty which an
American citizen performs. You are also taking on the tough
job, just like a corps commander in battle, of making sure that
his organization is ready to carry the fight right down on through.
In your case, that means from the state chairman to the district
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chairman and the precinct chairman and all the workers in the
ranks — and to each individual.
Unless you can take the fervor that you have, and carry it back
to your State, and conduct the same effective campaign schools
there — ^make sure that the spirit and know-how is going right on
down through — ^it is all in vain. If you do the job right, it is
government by the people. Let's emphasize people, not just us,
not just a bunch of politicians seeking office. By the people.
So the object in the organization of a political party comes
down to: how can I get to the last man living in my block, my
apartment house? How can I get to him? Well, if you can get
to him with your conviction, with your belief, with your fervor,
with the leadership that you have exhibited by getting where you
are today in this organization, you can win any election in the
coimtry. You can go down and reach that 50 percent of people
who do not vote and get them to believe in some of the things
that you believe in your own heart. The thing is done.
And incidentally, while I have been forbidden to mention this
subject by your Chairman, I will bring up for a moment the
question of one man and one man's value.
Now, I just want to point out to you that I greatly appreciated
your telegram, particularly where you said, "I like Ike more than
ever." May I return the compliment and say that when I see
these faces before me, I like the Republican Party more than ever.
But we don't believe for a minute that the Republican Party is
so lacking in inspiration, high quality personnel, and leadership
that we are dependent on one man. We don't believe it for a
minute.
Now as long as we have a man in the leadership position, why of
course, as a party, we are going to be loyal, we are going to help
in the fight.
But humans are frail — and they are mortal. Finally, you never
pin your flag so tightly to one mast that if a ship sinks you cannot
rip it off and nail it to another. It is sometimes good to remember
that.
816
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 213
So I suggest that as a party everybody on down the line pledge
to get a new recruit, a youngster, and make him a member of the
party. Now, if you will carry that idea far enough, making each
party member a vote-seeker as well as a voter, you have got elected
a President of the United States.
The job of getting people really wanting to do something is the
essence of leadership. And one of the things a leader needs oc-
casionally is the inspiration he gets from the people he leads.
The old tactical textbooks say that the commander always visits
his troops to inspire them to fight. I for one soon discovered that
one of the reasons for my visiting the front lines was to get inspira-
tion from the young American soldier. I went back to my job
ashamed of my own occasional resentments or discouragements,
which I probably — at least I hope I concealed them.
The young American in action is something to inspire anybody.
If you get these young men of zeal and vigor, pep and tireless
energy, get them on your side and get them to going, you just
have to keep a light rein on them, you don't have to use a spur
or whip.
Let me give you a very quick application of this principle of
getting young recruits. If you get a recruit my age, I am lucky if
I can vote in two presidential elections. But if you get a recruit
at 21, he can vote for you in 12 or 15.
Now gentlemen, I know you have discussed the problems —
domestic and foreign — of the times. They are important. The
National Committee will continue to give you literature that
analyzes and shows what the Administration is trying to do, work-
ing with the leadership in the Congress, to bring these things
about. All those things will be coming to you. That is ammuni-
tion for your guns, to show that you are working for the people,
and that the party is of the people, and you are trying to get that
kind of thing done by the people.
But underneath it all, just remember that the cause for which
you are working is: to make certain that government is to do for
the people those things which they cannot do themselves, or so
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well do, but we are not going to interfere with those things which
are the proper province of the individual. With your other am-
munition, you have got something that you can carry to the voters
with a grin on your face. And for heaven's sake, don't forget
the value of a grin ! Pessimism never won a battle.
One more point: there is no such thing as a hopeless State, or
a hopeless district. They are Americans, aren't they?
The harder the fight in your State, in your district — ^wherever
it is — the harder you ought to fight. You don't go into a battle
and say to one division or one corps, "Oh, we don't care if you
fight. Just stand there. It's all right. We know it's pretty tough
stuff over there." You get everybody to operate for a common
objective.
If you just increase the Republican vote by, let us say, 15 per-
cent over what it was before in these difficult localities, you make
the Republican party that much more respected there, and you
increase the prospects of State victories.
So I just ask each one, don't believe in political defeatism. We
have got a positive program, to develop, exploit, exemplify, the
philosophy that Lincoln taught us. That is the positive thing.
That means not merely in Kansas, or Pennsylvania, or Colorado,
or anywhere else — ^but throughout the U.S.A.
Again, gentlemen, I refer to the telegram you sent me, and
your expression of confidence.
To fail to say that I am complimented by such action on your
part, fail to say that I am grateful, would be inexcusable. Of
course I am. Any American would like to think that he has the
confidence of his fellow Americans when he is trying to do a
tough job. But, again I say, this country, this party, is not only
big — it overshadows every individual and any individual in it.
We must set as a goal the extra 15 percent of recruits that we
need — and are going to have — to make this party a perpetual
agency for carrying out the kind of doctrine that Lincoln taught
us, for the benefit of our children and all our grand-children.
I overlooked one thought : your attention to the character and
818
Dwight D. Eisenhower, IQ55 ^ 214
quality of your candidates in every district. I mean not only
Presidents and Vice Presidents, particularly — but gubernatorial,
senatorial, congressional candidates — right on down.
Did you ever stop to think how important it is to a man to
know who his councilman is going to be, or the type of man run-
ning for mayor? If the councilman is a personable and fine fel-
low, with a lot of vigor and ability, and you get him out where
people can see him, I would say that that would be a reinforcing
and an implementation of your leadership that would be most
effective in the State and national contests.
Thank you very much.
note: The President spoke at the Brown Palace Hotel, Denver, Colo., at
8:40 a.m.
214 ^ Telegram to the President of the United
States Chamber of Commerce on Assistance Given
Flood Disaster Areas. September 1 2, 1955
Mr. Boyd Campbell
President of the Chamber of Commerce
of the United States
Washington, D.C.
Thank you very much for writing me about the actions taken
by the Chamber of Commerce of the United States to assist in
alleviating the damage caused by the recent floods in the north-
eastern United States.
The generous response of Americans in all walks of life to ap-
peals for assistance in this catastrophe has been most heartwarm-
ing. It is additionally gratifying to know that American
businesses and industries, acting individually and through trade
associations, plan still further assistance to their associates in the
flooded areas so that their return to normal activity may be
hastened, and their tremendous losses may be quickly overcome.
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Such a demonstration of goodwill and cooperation will not only
provide evidence of the fine spirit underlying our economic
system but will also add to the very strength of that system.
I wish you all possible success in carrying out this program.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
note: This telegram was released at Lowry Air Force Base, Denver, Colo.
215 ^ Statement by the President on the
Occasion of the Jewish New Year.
September 165 1955
ON THE occasion of the Jewish New Year I extend greetings to
all Americans of the Jewish faith.
I hope that your observance will renew in each of you a devo-
tion to the cause of peace and a determination to help advance
the welfare of your fellow men in accordance with the ancient
spiritual and moral teachings of your religion. To people of
every persuasion these teachings are a continuing guide in the
search for justice and good will among nations and a better life
for men, women, and children everywhere in the world.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
note: This statement was released at Lowry Air Force Base, Denver, Colo.
216 ^ Message to President Ruiz Cortines on the
Anniversary of the Independence of Mexico.
September 165 1955
His Excellency
Senor Don Adolf 0 Ruiz Cortines
President of the United Mexican States
It gives me pleasure on this anniversary of the Independence
of the United Mexican States to convey to Your Excellency and
820
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig55 ^ 217
to the people of Mexico my sincere good wishes and felicitations
as well as those of the people of the United States.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
note: This message was released at Lowry Air Force Base, Denver, Colo.
217 ^ Message Prepared for the Conference on
Fitness of American Youth. September 185 1955
To Participants of the Conference on Fitness of American Youth:
Your willingness to participate in this Conference shows that
you share my concern about the fitness of our American youth.
It is certain that we can and should do more than we are now
doing to help our young people become physically fit and there-
fore better qualified, in all respects, to face the requirements of
modern life.
I very much appreciate your interest. Your conference deliber-
ations will help guide the efforts of all of us who are interested in
improving the total fitness of all our children and youth.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
NOTE : This message was prepared for attend the Conference,
inclusion in the program for the On September 25 the White
President's Conference on Fitness of House, on behalf of the Vice Presi-
American Youth, scheduled to be dent who was Chairman of the Con-
held September 27-28 at Lowry Air ference, announced' its postponement.
Force Base, Denver, Colo. The message and announcements
Earlier, on September 17, the were released at Lowry Air Force
White House released a list of 139 Base, Denver, Colo,
persons who had been invited to
821
^ 2i8 Public Papers of the Presidents
EDITOR^S note:
The President suffered a heart attack early in the morning of
September 24 while staying at the home of Mrs. Eisenhower's
mother, Mrs. John Sheldon Doud, in Denver, Colo.
Information concerning the President's illness was made avail-
able at Fitzsimons Army Hospital usually by oral statements
by Press Secretary James C. Hagerty or by Assistant Press Secre-
tary Murray Snyder.
During the President's illness. Vice President Nixon presided
over the meetings of the Cabinet and the National Security Coun-
cil. Members of the Cabinet and other officials made frequent
trips to Denver to consult with the President.
The President's first official act following the onset of his illness
was the initialing on September 30 of two lists of recess appoint-
ments of foreign service officers. His recovery was without com-
plication and on November 11 he was able to fly back to Washing-
ton. From that city he went to his farm at Gettysburg, Pa., to
continue his convalescence. On November 22 the President
attended his first Cabinet meeting following his illness. This was
held at Camp David, the Presidential camp in the Catoctin
Mountains of Maryland.
218 ^ Message Opening the United Community
Campaigns of America. October 2, 1 955
[ Recorded on tape and film ]
My Fellow Citizens:
My talk has to do with a strictly domestic matter. Between
now and Thanksgiving Day the United Community Campaigns
of America will be held. In one town the campaign may be called
the United Community Chest; in another, the United Fund or
the United Crusade. The names differ, but the one word and
the one purpose that all have in common is "united."
822
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1Q55 ^ 219
The campaigns are united in support of some twenty-one thou-
sand voluntary health, welfare and youth agencies — ^including the
USO, and in many cities, the Red Cross and national causes such
as Heart, Cancer and Crippled Children. They ask your help,
not through twenty-one thousand separate competitive appeals,
but through one annual appeal in each city. Together they con-
stitute the biggest single voluntary cause in our nation.
In addition to the many health services they support, these
United Community agencies help social scientists study the cause
and cure of family break-downs that wreck homes, hurt children,
waste life. They work to prevent and thus to end the plague of
juvenile delinquency — and adult delinquency too, may I add.
And they constantly wage war against the virus of prejudice,
bigotry and inhumanity. They are doing their job the united way
because man is a united being. Such an appeal calls for a united
response.
So, when the volimteer campaigner knocks at our doors and
at our hearts, I urge that we all unite to give him a neighborly
welcome.
Thank you very much.
note: This message, recorded before broadcast over radio and television
the President's hospitalization, was at 7 : 55 p.m.
219 ^ Letter to the Columbus Citizens'
Committee in New York City. October 1 1 , 1 955
[ Released October 1 1, 1955. Dated September 15, 1955 ]
To the Columbus Citizens^ Committee:
The memory of Christopher Columbus — a common heritage
of the Old and New World — is even in the Atomic Age a source of
inspiration to all who, under God, would search the unknown and
advance the frontiers of human knowledge for the betterment of
mankind. Out of courage, perseverance in purpose and un-
823
^ 219 Public Papers of the Presidents
shakable confidence in his principles, he fashioned a new age in
human history.
Those same quaUties today can strengthen the men and women
of the United States and of all freedom-loving countries in the
search for prosperity with fair opportunity, for peace with justice.
If we are courageous and persevering and confident, dedicated in
mission and decent in purpose, as was Columbus, we too shall
build a new and better world for human living.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
note: This letter was sent to the Hotel in New York City on October
Committee, which was holding its 11. It was released at Lowry Air
annual dinner at the Waldorf-Astoria Force Base, Denver, Colo.
220 ^ Letter to Nikolai Bulganin, Chairman,
Council of Ministers, U.S.S.R. October 1 2, 1955
[ Released October 12, 1955. Dated October 1 1, 1955 ]
Dear Mr, Chairman:
I wish to thank you for your letter of September 19, 1955 about
my Geneva proposal of July 21 that we exchange information
about miUtary establishments and permit reciprocal aerial
inspection over our two countries.
You raise a good many questions, and I shall not be able to
reply to them until the doctors let me do more than at present.
In any event, a full reply calls for preliminary work by my
advisers and this is actively under way.
Let me now say, however, that I am encouraged that you are
giving such full consideration to my Geneva proposal. I hope
that we can agree on it, not as a cure-all, but, as I said at Geneva,
to show a spirit of non-aggressiveness on both sides and so to
create a fresh atmosphere which would dispel much of the pres-
ent fear and suspicion. This, of itself, would be worthwhile. It
would, I believe, make it more possible to make progress in terms
824
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 221
of comprehensive plans for inspection, controls and reductions of
armament, which will satisfy the high hopes of our peoples, and
indeed of all the world.
I have not forgotten your proposal having to do with stationing
inspection teams at key points in our countries, and if you feel
this would help to create the better spirit I refer to, we could
accept that too.
With best wishes.
Sincerely,
Dwight D. Eisenhower
note: Mr. Bulganin's letter of Sep- July 21 proposal at Geneva appears
tember 19, released by the White as Item 166, above.
House on September 23, is published This letter was released at Lowry
in the Department of State Bulletin Air Force Base, Denver, Colo,
(vol. 33, p. 644). The President's
221 ^ Statement by the President on Observance
of Farm-City Week. October 1 7, 1 955
I HAVE proclaimed October 23-29 as Farm-City Week for 1955
in response to requests from the numerous farm, service, and
business organizations and of private industry.
It is a source of deep satisfaction to me personally that there
is such broad interest in a national observance dedicated to
strengthening ties and increasing understanding between the
people of our farms and cities. Farmers and city dwellers alike
recognize the interdependence of all of us in our free society.
Our reliance upon each other is so much a part of our established
daily living that we have come to accept it as a matter of course.
Farm-City Week presents an opportunity for public recognition
of the vital role agriculture plays in providing an abundance of
food and fiber for our fast-growing population. At the same
time, this observance will focus attention upon the great contribu-
tion of labor, industry and commerce to the increasing efficiency
825
^ 221 Public Papers of the Presidents
of agriculture and to the continuing development of our total
economy.
I strongly urge full participation in Farm-City Week activities
as a national tribute to this important and effective partnership.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
NOTE : This statement was released at Lowry Air Force Base, Denver, Colo.
222 ^ Letter to Governor Roberts of Rhode
Island on the Recommendations of the New
England Governors' Conference.
October 185 1955
[ Released October i8, 1955. Dated October 17, 1955 ]
Dear Governor Roberts:
I appreciate your letters and the resolutions of the New England
Governors' Conference. At the outset I want to reaffirm the
determination of the entire Administration to assist the States and
people of the Northeast in developing adequate protections against
future flood and hurricane losses.
Aside from the resolution concerning establishment of atomic
reactor generating plants in New England, about which I shall
write you a separate letter, I shall discuss below for your con-
venience each of the Governors' recommendations and the status
of our efforts concerning them.
First, the Governors recommend that $1,500,000 of emergency
funds be made immediately available to accelerate the planning
of certain authorized flood control structures. For some weeks
we have been striving to do exactly this but still lack the needed
Congressional concurrences to permit it. These efforts are con-
tinuing, with the cooperation of Members of the New England
Congressional Delegation. The Administration shares the Gov-
826
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 222
emors' hope that this matter can be successfully resolved. Cer-
tainly all that can be done to that end is being done.
Second, the Conference recommends a $3,400,000 supplemen-
tal appropriation for fiscal year 1956 to start construction of
authorized flood control projects on which planning has been
completed. The amount of funds the Administration will rec-
ommend for this purpose will be affected by the success or failure
of attempts to secure the Congressional concurrences mentioned
above, but I assure the Governors that in January such a supple-
mental request will be submitted to the Congress. Detailed
studies of this matter are already well under way in the affected
Government agencies.
Third, it is urged that $100,000 be provided in supplemental
1956 funds for studies of possible new flood construction projects
in New England. This matter, too, is far along in governmental
processes. Funds therefor will be recommended to the Congress.
Fourth, the Governors recommend that $34,300,000 be re-
quested of the Congress in the 1957 budget to accelerate flood
control construction. It is too early to give a figure, but you can
count on our recommending additional funds for this purpose in
the 1957 budget. The size of this item in the budget will also be
affected by the results of our efforts to obtain the Congressional
concurrences mentioned above.
Fifth, the Governors urge the Administration to include
$12,453,000 in the 1957 budget for construction of navigation
and beach erosion projects. This item would appear to be less
critically needed than the others mentioned, but it is undergoing
careful examination and will unquestionably receive attention in
the 1957 budget.
Sixth, the Governors urge $200,000 more in 1956 to expand and
expedite the authorized hurricane survey for the New England
States. I can assure you that additional funds will be recom-
mended for this purpose in both the 1956 and 1957 budgets.
Seventh, the Governors recommend that the Secretary of Com-
merce organize the resources of his Department in support of
827
^ 222 Public Papers of the Presidents
Federal disaster insurance. Some weeks ago this matter was
taken under close scrutiny. It is now being examined by all
Federal agencies concerned, under the general direction of the
Bureau of the Budget and the Housing and Home Finance
Agency. The Senate Banking and Currency Committee will hold
hearings on this problem late this month. The Administration
will present specific legislative suggestions at that time.
I am confident of your appreciation of the impossibility of set-
ting forth specifics, either in projects or amounts of money, at
this stage in the formulation of our budgetary planning. Appro-
priation requests, both for the rest of the fiscal year and for the
1957 fiscal year, to accelerate Corps of Engineers' flood control
activities in the Northeastern States are now undergoing analysis
in connection with our overall budget recommendations. These
recommendations will go to the Congress in January. I will see
that you are furnished the approved project list and the sums
involved when these data have been prepared for Congressional
submission.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
The Honorable Dennis J. Roberts
Governor, State of Rhode Island
Providence, Rhode Island
P.S. The foregoing letter was prepared before the additional
floods which occurred this last weekend. When the reports of
the extent of the damage are in, we shall, of course, take into
account whatever modifications in the above program are neces-
sary to meet whatever emergency that now confronts us. We
can well imagine how discouraging this additional disaster must
be to the people in New England already so sorely afflicted.
note: This letter was released at Lowry Air Force Base, Denver, Colo.
828
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 223
223 ^ Letter to Governor Roberts of Rhode
Island on the Establishment of Atomic Reactor
Generating Plants in New England.
October 185 1955
[ Released October 18, 1955. Dated October 17, 1955 ]
Dear Governor Roberts:
Thank you for telling me in your letter of September 27th of
the views of the New England Governors on the establishment of
atomic reactor generating plants in New England. I fully ap-
preciate their keen interest in reducing the cost of generating
electric power in the New England area.
As the Atomic Energy Commission has pointed out, nuclear
power will not immediately provide low cost power. The one
nuclear power plant now under construction and the six others
in various stages of design are experimental types and are not
expected to produce power at a cost as low as a modern con-
ventional plant. How closely their costs will approach those of
conventional production of electrical energy and which of the
six types of atomic power plants is the best will not be known,
of course, until they have been in operation over a period of time.
Justification for their construction in view of their noncompeti-
tive costs necessarily rests upon the contribution they will make
to power reactor technology.
The AEC program for the development of nuclear power plant
technology was based on the expectation that industry would
accept a substantial share of the responsibility and cost for the
development. Invitations to industry to participate in this pro-
gram were first issued in January 1955, and it was in response to
this invitation that the proposal from Yankee Atomic Electric
Company was submitted. Although the original Yankee pro-
posal was unacceptable, a revised proposal has been received and
will be acted upon by the Commission promptly after completion
40308—59 55 829
^ 223 Public Papers of the Presidents
of the technical evaluation now being made.
In view of the favorable response from industry to the first
invitation to submit proposals, a second invitation was issued on
September 21, 1955. It provides a second means by which New
England can obtain a power reactor, and I am enclosing a copy
of it for your reference. A third means of obtaining a power
reactor for New England would be through construction and
operation by a private group without assistance from the Federal
Government after applying for and receiving a license for this
purpose from the AEG. Two utilities, one in New York and one
in Pennsylvania, have already announced their intention of pur-
suing this course.
Even though nuclear power is not yet competitive, the AEG and
many segments of industry believe that eventually it will be. With
this in mind, it would certainly seem wise to give all reasonable
encouragement to those organizations interested in advancing
the development of atomic power in the New England area.
I am sure that representatives of the AEG would be glad to
discuss this matter with you or with other members of the Gov-
ernors' Gonference, and to be of such assistance as may be
appropriate.
With best wishes.
Sincerely,
Dw^iGHT D. Eisenhower
NOTE : This letter was released at Lowry Air Force Base, Denver, Colo.
224 ^ Statement by the President on the 1 4th
Anniversary of the Civil Air Patrol.
October 1^,1^^^
THROUGH fourteen years the volunteers of the Civil Air Patrol,
by their almost daily performance of aerial search and rescue,
mercy missions and disaster relief, have added immeasurably to
the safety and well-being of their fellow citizens.
830
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 225
Beyond that, more than fifty thousand teen age members of
CAP engaged annually in its program of aviation education help
answer the continuing need for alert young men and women in
our Air Force and in our aviation industry.
The volunteers of the Patrol by their patriotic service, their
readiness for every call, their devotion to duty have earned the
gratitude of the Republic.
I heartily endorse the Civil Air Patrol and urge all of our
citizens to support this worthy organization. I join with my fel-
low Americans in congratulating the members of CAP upon
their Fourteenth Anniversary.
NOTE : This statement was released at Lowry Air Force Base, Denver, Colo.
225 ^ Letter to the Vice President Concerning
the Conference on Equal Job Opportunity.
October 22^ 1955
[ Released October 22, 1955. Dated October 21, 1955 ]
Dear Dick:
Please convey to the participants in the Conference on Equal
Job Opportunity on October twenty-fifth my very best wishes.
I am keenly interested in the benefits the nation will draw from
this exchange of experiences and ideas — and I will be anxious to
have your report on it.
We must find ways of assuring to every American that in his
search for employment he will be judged on the basis of his
character and his ability, and not on the basis of his race, his
religious faith, or the land from which he or his forbears came
to America.
With the help of the men who will be at the Conference, I am
certain we will make truly significant progress.
With warm regard,
As ever,
Dwight D. Eisenhower
831
^ 225 Public Papers of the Presidents
NOTE : The Vice President served as Washington^ D.C.
Chairman of the Conference, which This letter was released at Lowry
was held at the Shoreham Hotel, Air Force Base, Denver, Colo.
226 ^ Letter to the Vice President and the
Cabinet Regarding the Task of Secretary Dulles at
Geneva. October 2% 1955
[ Released October 23, 1955. Dated October 19, 1955 ]
Dear Dick:
I want to say a word to you, and through you to my Cabinet
associates, about the task which Foster Dulles will be assuming
at Geneva. As head of the American Delegation he will be carry-
ing a heavy load of responsibility, not only as Secretary of State,
but as my personal representative having my complete confidence
and with whom I have continuous close understanding.
This second meeting at Geneva was one of the steps toward
solving world problems which Foster and I planned together,
and which we have talked over fully not only before my illness
but twice since.
I hope that each one in Government will do whatever he can
to make Foster's task easier. The Secretary of State must have
the discretionary authority which is needed if there is to be effec-
tive negotiation and the spirit of conciliation which I have called
for at that meeting. He must be the one who both at the con-
ference table and before the world speaks with authority for our
country.
With warm regard,
As ever,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
note: This letter was read at the on October 21. It was released at
Cabinet meeting at the White House Lowry Air Force Base, Denver, Colo.
832
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 227
227 ^ Statement by the President on the Foreign
Ministers Meeting at Geneva. October 26, 1 955
THREE MONTHS AGO Secretary Dulles and I, with the gov-
ernmental leaders of France, Great Britain and the Soviet Union,
met at Geneva. The purpose, as I said in opening that Confer-
ence, was to "create a new spirit that will make possible future
solutions of problems which are within our responsibilities."
The world hopes that that Conference did in fact create that
new spirit.
However, as I said to the American people on my return, the
"acid test" would come when the Foreign Ministers would, in
accordance with our Geneva directive, tackle concretely these
problems for which our nations have responsibility and which, if
unresolved, create tension and danger.
Tomorrow the four Foreign Ministers meet at Geneva to re-
sume where we left off last July. They will seek solutions which
are possible if that new spirit is real. Foremost among these
measures is the reunification of Germany within a framework of
European security.
Secretary Dulles and I think alike with respect to these matters.
We have often discussed them and twice within the last two weeks
he and I reviewed together the positions and the proposals which
will be made at Geneva by the Western nations. These will be
designed to promote a peace of justice, with increased security
and well-being for all. They will reflect a genuine spirit of con-
ciliation and accommodation. If the Soviet Union responds in a
similar spirit, much progress can be made. That is my personal
hope, as I am confident it is the hope of the American people.
We shall all of us follow with eagerness the developments at
Geneva, for they will go far to demonstrate whether the "spirit
of Geneva" marks a genuine change and will actually be produc-
tive of the peaceful progress for which the whole world longs.
NOTE : This statement was released at Lowry Air Force Base, Denver, Colo.
833
^ 228 Public Papers of the Presidents
228 ^ Message to the National Industrial
Conference Board on the Peaceful Uses of Atomic
Energy. October 27, 1955
[ Released October 27, 1955. Dated October 24, 1955 ]
Members of the Conference:
On December 8, 1953, before the General Assembly of the
United Nations, our Government pledged its determination to
find ways by which the miraculous inventiveness of man shall not
be dedicated to his death, but consecrated to his life. The pledge
then voiced for the United States has become the law of our land.
Our progress in the field of peaceful uses of atomic energy is
evident in many ways. Schools have been established for training
students and professional men, including foreign nationals, in
the science and technology of the atom. Atomic Energy Com-
mission technical libraries, which have grown to tremendous size
as a result of declassifying actions and which represent a vast
fund of valuable information, have been distributed within the
United States and to many countries abroad. The employment
of radioisotopes has resulted in agricultural and industrial savings
of hundreds of millions of dollars and even greater savings are
promised for the future. The medical applications are increasing
daily.
The establishment of an International Atomic Energy Agency
now seems reasonably assured. Agreements for cooperation in
the civil uses of atomic energy have been negotiated with 28
countries, and we have made available 200 kilograms of the rare
isotope of uranium for use by those friendly countries in research
reactors. The International Conference on the Peaceful Uses of
Atomic Energy in Geneva, the largest and most important scien-
tific gathering ever held, was initiated by the United States.
First fruit is in sight in the field of nuclear power, and with the
increasing leverage of the ingenuity of American industry applied
834
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig55 ^ 229
to the problem, economically competitive nuclear power will
become a reality.
There is no monopoly — and we seek no monopoly — in the
harnessing of the atom for man's benefit. Rather, we seek to
encourage participation in that task. In particular, we want the
maximum participation of American industry. Our standard
of living is a product of its tools and techniques. The magnitude
of the retum which can be realized by the application of those
same tools and techniques to the new field of atomic energy is
immeasurable.
Beyond that, there are loftier implications of the potential uses
of atomic energy. The book of history reflects mankind's un-
ceasing quest for peace. What more effective contribution could
be made toward true world peace than the world-wide supplant-
ing of want with plenty?
And what finer role in world history can we wish for our nation
than that we seize our opportunity to make that contribution to
civilization?
Sincerely,
Dwight D. Eisenhower
note: This message was read at the of the Atomic Energy Commission.
Board's annual banquet, held at the It was released at Lowry Air Force
Waldorf-Astoria Hotel in New York Base, Denver, Colo.
City, by Lewis L. Strauss, Chairman
229 ^ Letter to President Ruiz Cortines of
Mexico on the Hurricane-Flood Disaster in
Tampico. October 28, 1955
[ Released October 28, 1955. Dated October 24, 1955 ]
Dear Mr. President:
From my room here I have followed closely and with great
anxiety the tragedy in Tampico. I am thankful that the crisis
835
^ 229 Public Papers of the Presidents
has passed and that the task of reconstruction can go forward.
I am deeply grateful, Mr. President, that you gave us the oppor-
tunity to share those dark days with you. It afforded our two
peoples another opportunity to demonstrate to each other and to
the world the brotherly bonds that exist between your great
country and my own.
Ambassador White has informed me of your government's
generous offer to reimburse the United States for expenses inci-
dent to the relief operations. It was the intention that this
should be a contribution from the government and the people of
the United States and an indication of our solidarity and desire
to alleviate in part the distress of the Mexican people during this
time of suffering. I hope that you will, therefore, be able to
accept it in that spirit.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
note: This letter to His Excellency leased at Lowry Air Force Base,
Don Adolfo Ruiz Cortines was re- Denver, Colo.
230 ^ Telegram Welcoming President
Castillo- Armas of Guatemala Upon His Arrival in
Washington. October 31,1955
His Excellency
Colonel Carlos Castillo- Armas
President of the Republic of Guatemala
Though my illness prevents my being in Washington to greet
you, let me assure you of a most sincere welcome on behalf of the
people of the United States.
I hope that your sojourn in this country will be most enjoyable
and that you will have the opportunity during your visit to various
parts of the United States to obtain vivid impressions of life and
activities here. There will be many manifestations, I am sure,
of the warm friendship that exists between our peoples.
836
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 231
Mrs. Eisenhower and I are indeed sorry that we cannot be in
Washington today to receive you and Senora de Castillo-Armas.
We sincerely hope that you both will have many pleasant mem-
ories of your visit to our country.
Dw^IGHT D. ElSENHOW^ER
note: This telegram, dated October the Vice President to President Gas-
31, Denver, Colo., was presented by tillo- Armas upon his arrival in
Washington.
231 ^ Message to His Majesty Haile Selassie I on
the 25th Anniversary of His Reign.
November "^^ 1955
[ Released November 3, 1955. Dated November 2, 1955 ]
His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I
Emperor of Ethiopia^
Addis Ababa
The people of the United States join with me today in extending
to Your Imperial Majesty heartiest congratulations on the 25th
Anniversary of your accession to the throne and in sending best
wishes for your continued health and happiness.
On this significant occasion it is gratifying to see the fulfillment
of the confidence expressed by this Government at the time of
your coronation. Under your reign the traditional ties of friend-
ship and mutual understanding between our two countries, as
well as the sympathetic cooperation of our peoples, have indeed
been strengthened, and I am confident that the mutual aspirations
of our peoples will further enhance this relationship in the years
to come.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
NOTE : This message was released at Lowry Air Force Base^ Denver, Colo.
40308—59 56 837
^ 232 Public Papers of the Presidents
232 ^ Telegram on the Dedication of the
International Brotherhood of Teamsters New
Building. November ^^ 1955
Mr. Dave Beck^ General President
International Brotherhood of Teamsters ^
Chauffeurs y Warehousemen and Helpers of America
Washington^ D.C.
The International Brotherhood of Teamsters has erected in our
Capital a magnificent building to serve the growing needs of a
growing union. It is fitting that this structure be built in the
Capital of a free Republic which accords to Labor and its rep-
resentatives their equal and rightful place in its social and
economic life.
Strong, dedicated, democratic trade imionism is one of the
bulwarks of our American way of life. Our democracy and our
economy both make possible and draw strength from free trade
unions.
To the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, its officers and
members, I extend my best wishes on the dedication of their new
home.
Dwn[GHT D. Eisenhower
NOTE : This telegram was released at Lowry Air Force Base, Denver, Colo.
233 ^ Message to K. VoroshiloVj Chairman of
the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, U.S.S.R., on
National Anniversary of the Soviet Union.
November y, 1955
[ Released November 7, 1955. Dated November 6, 1955 ]
ON THIS national anniversary of the Soviet Union I am happy
to convey to Your Excellency and to the peoples of the Soviet
838
Dwight D, Eisenhower y IQ55 ^ 234
Union the best wishes of the people of the United States for
progress toward a permanent and just peace.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
note: This message was released at Lowry Air Force Base, Denver, Colo.
234 ^ Statement by the President on the
Hostilities Between Egypt and Israel in Violation
of the General Armistice Agreement.
November g^ ^955
ALL AMERICANS have been following with deep concern the
latest developments in the Near East. The recent outbreak of
hostilities has led to a sharp increase in tensions. These events
inevitably retard our search for world peace. Insecurity in one
region is bound to affect the world as a whole.
While we continue willing to consider request for arms needed
for legitimate self-defense, we do not intend to contribute to an
arms competition in the Near East because we do not think such
a race would be in the true interest of any of the participants.
The policy which we believed would best promote the interests
and the security of the peoples of the area was expressed in the
Tripartite Declaration of May 25, 1950. This still remains our
policy.
I stated last year that our goal in the Near East as elsewhere
is a just peace. Nothing has taken place since which invalidates
our fundamental policies, policies based on friendship for all of
the peoples of the area.
We believe that true security must be based upon a just and
reasonable settlement. The Secretary of State outlined on Au-
gust 26th the economic and security contributions which this
country was prepared to make towards such a solution. On that
occasion I authorized Mr. Dulles to state that, given a solution
839
^ 234 Public Papers of the Presidents
of the other related problems, I would recommend that the
United States join in formal treaty engagements to prevent or
thwart any effort by either side to alter by force the boundaries
between Israel and its Arab neighbors.
Recent developments have made it all the more imperative
that a settlement be found. The United States will continue to
play its full part and will support firmly the United Nations
which has already contributed so markedly to minimize violence
in the area. I hope that other nations of the world will cooperate
in this endeavor, thereby contributing significantly to world peace.
NOTE : This statement was released at Lowry Air Force Base, Denver, Colo.
235 ^ Remarks on Leaving Denver, Colorado.
November 11, 1955
My friends:
Again it is time for Mrs. Eisenhower and me to say goodbye
to Denver after a summer's stay. This time we leave under some-
what unusual circumstances. As you know, I have spent some
time in the hospital. Such a time is not wholly a loss.
Misfortune, and particularly the misfortune of illness, brings to
all of us an understanding of how good people are.
To General Griffin, the staff at Fitzsimons, the medical staff,
the nurses, the clinical technicians, the enlisted men — all of the
people that even clean out the hospital : my very grateful thanks,
because they have done so much, not only to take care of me, but
to make my stay as pleasant as possible. They are devoted
people.
In the same way, here at this Post, General Sprague and his
staff have taken on an additional and extra load, and have done
it cheerfully and in a way to earn my eternal gratitude.
Then, Mrs. Eisenhower and I have both been touched by the
volume of messages that have come in — telegrams and letters
and flowers and gifts. And finally we have been especially grate-
840
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ^955 ^ 236
ful for the knowledge that over this country and over the world
friends have sent up their prayers for a sick person.
So I leave with my heart unusually filled with gratefulness, to
Denver, to the people here, to the locality — in fact to everyone
who has been so kind.
And I hope that those people who have sent in messages — and
Mrs. Eisenhower has not been able to reach them all; she did
her best — that they will know, through this little talk, that we are
eternally thankful to them.
Goodbye and good luck.
note: The President spoke at the Gen. Martin E. Griffin, Command-
airport, Lowry Air Force Base, Den- ing General of Fitzsimons Army
ver, Colo., at 8:44 a.m. In his re- Hospital, and Maj. Gen. John T.
marks the President referred to Maj. Sprague, Commander of Lowry Air
Force Base.
236 ^ Remarks Upon Arrival at the Washington
National Airport. November 1 1 , 1 955
President Hoover, Mr. Vice President, my very dear friends:
I am deeply honored that so many of you should come down
to welcome Mrs. Eisenhower and me back to Washington. It
has been a little longer stay than we had planned, but the cir-
cumstances you will understand.
I am happy that the doctors have given me at least a parole if
not a pardon, and I expect to be back at my accustomed duties,
although they say I must ease my way into them and not bulldoze
my way into them.
To each of you who have come down, of course, we would
like to speak personally and thank you for the honor you have
done us.
That is impossible, and so, possibly in just saying thank you, we
are grateful, you will understand what we would like to do and
you will let the wish take the place of the deed.
Thank you very much.
841
f 236
Public Papers of the Presidents
note: The President spoke at 4:03
p.m. The Vice President's remarks
of welcome follow:
Mr, President:
The members of the Cabinet, the
members of the Diplomatic Corps
and Members of Congress, and the
residents of the Washington area
that you see before you, are just a
small indication of the joy and in-
spiration your return to Washington
has brought to the people of the
United States and the people
throughout the world.
I know that I express the senti-
ments in their hearts when I say wel-
come back and Godspeed in the days
ahead.
237 ^ Remarks Upon Arrival in Lincoln Square^
Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. November 14, 1955
Mr. Burgess^ Mrs. Weaver^ Patty, and my future permanent
neighbors, I hope:
Of course, Mrs. Eisenhower and I feel deeply honored that you
should turn out today to welcome us to this area where we expect
to make our home and which has been so long a part of the
Eisenhower family's life.
In fact, I think that my wife decided back in 19 18, before
many of you were born, that this was going to be our home upon
retirement, but she did not give me her decision until later than
that.
In any event, I am just as delighted as she that you are the
people who are going to be our neighbors, God willing.
And to each of you who has come out this morning, to each
of the school children who along the way have waved these little
flags or his hand, or called a greeting, our very deep thanks. We
are truly grateful to all of you.
Goodbye.
note: The President spoke at i:oo William G. Weaver, Burgess of
p.m. His opening words "Mr. Bur- Gettysburg, Mrs. Weaver, and their
gess, Mrs. Weaver, Patty" referred to daughter, Patricia.
842
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ igss ^ 239
238 ^ Letter to Mrs. Martin p. Durkin on the
Death of Her Husband. November 1 4, 1 955
Dear Mrs. Durkin:
The word of Martin's death is deeply distressing to me, as it
must be to all those who had the privilege of friendship and asso-
ciation with him over the years. His career was marked by an
unfaltering devotion to high ideals and to the service of his
fellowmen. He will be greatly missed by those who knew him.
Martin's dedication to his rehgious faith and to the welfare of
his f ellowman made his Uf e both exemplary and purposeful. He
was a good and distinguished American.
Mrs. Eisenhower joins me in extending our deepest sympathy
to you and your family.
Sincerely,
Dwight D. Eisenhower
note: Mr. Durkin served as Secretary of Labor from January 21 to Septem-
ber 10, 1953.
239 ^ Message to Rabbi Abba Hillel Silver on the
Near East Situation. November 15, 1955
I AM GLAD to comply with your request to send a message to
the meeting which you are addressing this evening, as I know of
your great concern about the recent developments in the Near
East which disturb all of us.
A threat to peace in the Near East is a threat to world peace.
As I said the other day, while we continue willing to consider
requests for arms needed for legitimate self-defense, we do not
intend to contribute to an arms competition in the Near East.
We will continue to be guided by the policies of the Tripartite
Declaration of May 25, 1950. We believe this policy best pro-
motes the interest and security of the peoples of the area.
843
^ 239 Public Papers of the Presidents
We believe the true and lasting security in the area must be
based upon a just and reasonable settlement. It seems to me
that current problems are capable of resolution by peaceful
means. There is no reason why a settlement of these problems
cannot be found, and when realized I would be prepared to rec-
ommend that the United States join in formal treaty engagements
to prevent or thwart any effort by either side to alter by force the
boundaries upon which Israel and its immediate neighbors agree.
The need for a peaceful settlement becomes daily more imper-
ative. The United States will play its full part in working toward
such a settlement and will support firmly the United Nations in
its efforts to prevent violence in the area. By firm friendship
towards Israel and all other Nations in the Near East, we shall
continue to contribute to the peace of the world.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
NOTE : Rabbi Silver informed the ecutive of our beloved country but as
President that he was to address a the foremost spokesman of interna-
mass rally at Madison Square Gar- tional justice, freedom and peace in
den in New York City on November the world today."
15, at which many civic, religious, and The Rabbi's telegram of Novem-
labor organizations would participate her 14 and the President's reply were
to express concern over the situation, released at Gettysburg, Pa.
The Rabbi added: "I know that they In the second paragraph the Presi-
would welcome a word from you as dent referred to his statement of
coming not only from the Chief Ex- November 9 (see Item 234, above) .
240 ^ Message to the Sultan of Morocco on the
Anniversary of His Accession to the Throne.
November 18^ 1955
His Cherifian Majesty Sidi Mohammed ben Youssef
Sultan of Morocco, Rabat
On the anniversary of your accession to the Throne, it gives
me pleasure to send to Your Majesty and to the people of Morocco
844
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 241
greetings from the people of the United States. It also gives me
particular satisfaction to recall the good and friendly relations
between your country and mine which began in the early days of
our own history.
May your reign open new vistas for that community of purpose
which has contributed so much to the greatness of Morocco, and
restore the peace and prosperity which the United States so
deeply desires for all the inhabitants of your country.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
note: The Sultan's reply, released on Morocco an era of liberty, that lib-
November 30, follows: erty for which your people and you
We are very touched by the noble yourself have never ceased to work
sentiments that you have kindly ex- and which is the best guarantee of a
pressed in the name of the people of durable peace,
the United States. We are happy to Mohammed ben Youssef
note that the time-honored friend-
ship of our two countries remains in- The messages were released at
tact. We hope to see established in Gettysburg, Pa.
24 1 ^ Message to King Haakon VII of Norway
on the 50th Anniversary of His Reign.
November 2^^ 1955
[ Released November 24, 1955. Dated November 17, 1955]
Dear King Haakon:
On the fiftieth anniversary of your reign it gives me pleasure,
on behalf of the people of the United States, to send to Your
Majesty cordial felicitations and best wishes. The close relation-
ship which we in this country enjoy with the people of Norway
helps us understand how much this anniversary means to them.
We share in their rejoicing.
It is indeed inspiring to contemplate the wise and steadfast
influence which Your Majesty has exerted for half a century.
845
^ 241 Public Papers of the Presidents
Your courageous leadership has won for you great esteem both
at home and abroad.
Please accept this expression of my hope for your good health
and of my warmest regard.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
His Majesty Haakon VH
King of Norway
Oslo, Norway
NOTE : This message was released at Gettysburg, Pa.
242 ^ Remarks for the White House Conference
on Education. November 285 1955
[ Recorded on film and tape ]
IT IS indeed an honor to have this opportunity to address, even
by indirect method, you men and women of the White House
Conference on Education. You come from every one of our
States and our Territories. By being here you are focusing atten-
tion on a grave national problem. That problem is the losing
race between the number of classrooms and quaUfied teachers
we have on the one hand, and, on the other, the increasing
population of school age.
Ten years ago the guns were stilled and the war was ended.
Very naturally, our country, like all others, found itself in a state
of great confusion. Many problems were lost sight of as we
turned our attention to preserving the peace, to establishing inter-
national organizations for that purpose. We took care of many
other problems that were directly incidental to the war.
Much has happened in those ten years. We have seen the
bright hopes for peace not fully fulfilled certainly, but we have
seen our Nation grow stronger economically, militarily, stronger
intellectually and, we believe, spiritually.
846
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig5§ ^ 242
Through this period confusion has gradually been disappear-
ing. We have had a chance to clarify our thinking and to look
at most of our national problems with a good hard look.
One of the factors that has come forcibly to our attention is
that in the last ten years our population has increased by 26
million souls. During that great increase a similar increase in
the number of schoolrooms and qualified teachers available for
teaching our young has not come about. So we are faced today
with the grave problem of providing a good education for
American youth.
In such a problem as this we know, of course, that many facili-
ties are lacking — ^many things have to be done. There are, like-
wise, many conflicting opinions as to how to provide these things.
This is only natural. In such a problem that is so nationwide in
scope, everybody has opinions and is perfectly ready to express
them, and not all of these opinions ever agree in a democracy.
But there are two points, I think, on which we all agree.
The first thing is that the education of our young should be
free. It should be under the control of the family and the locality.
It should not be controlled by any central authority. We know
that education, centrally controlled, finally would lead to a kind
of control in other fields which we don't want and will never have.
So we are dedicated to the proposition that the responsibility for
educating our young is primarily local.
At the same time we know that everybody must have a good
education if they are properly to discharge their functions as
citizens of America.
And so we come to the heart of this whole problem. We want
good facilities on the one hand, and we know that there are many
areas in which people cannot afford to build the schools, to provide
the facilities that the populations of that particular area need.
If we depend too much on outside help, too much on the Fed-
eral Government, we will lose independence and initiative. But
if the Federal Government doesn't step in with leadership and
with providing credit and money where necessary, there will be
847
§ 242 Public Papers of the Presidents
a lack of schools in certain important areas. And this cannot be
allowed.
So this is a problem again where the private citizen, the locaKty,
the State and the Federal Government all have a function to
perform, all have a responsibiUty to meet — always in conformity
with those two basic truths that education must be free and it
must be good.
There are no easy solutions, and I don't expect this Conference
to find any easy solutions. But I do know this: when sensible
Americans — ^men and women — ^sit down together to discuss a
problem in the hope of achieving a solution that is good for the
whole Nation, something sensible comes out. We don't have
crackpot ideas. We don't have doctrinaire opinions or solutions.
So we want a solution that is good for all, and all of us want to
help in the proper way.
This Conference of yours, of course, has been preceded by
State and community conferences all over the Nation. Some of
you participated in them. Much good has come out of it. You,
by meeting here, continue the work of those conferences. You
begin to crystallize the solutions that they have proposed and sug-
gested and will try to bring them together so that the good of the
whole Nation may be met.
You have an arduous schedule ahead of you. But I particu-
larly like the idea I have heard that you are going to break your-
selves up into small groups so that every phase and facet of this
problem will be thoroughly discussed among you and so that
nothing will be glossed over, nothing will be handled in general-
ities. We will get down to specific things.
So all I can say further is : I am deeply grateful to each of you
for participating in this Conference, for helping in the solution
of this problem. I am grateful to all of those in the commimity
and State conferences that took place ahead of this one. I am
perfectly certain that I speak for every American in expressing
their thanks, along with my own, as you take up this task.
848
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 243
note: On November 23 the Presi- recorded for the Conference. The
dent drove from his farm to Gettys- remarks were released at Gettysburg
burg College where his remarks were on the 28th.
243 ^ Statement by the President on Observance
of Safe Driving Day. November 30, 1 955
ALL OVER the United States tomorrow, Americans will join in
a great National effort to save lives. The occasion will be the
second nationwide "S-D Day" — Safe Driving Day.
The immediate objective of S-D Day is to have twenty-four
hours without a single traffic accident. The long-range, and more
important objective is to impress upon all of us the necessity for
safe driving and safe walking every day of the year.
The need is obvious and urgent. Last year, an American man,
woman or child was killed in traffic every fifteen minutes. Some-
one was injured every twenty-five seconds. And, this year, the
record is worse: More people are dying; more are injured and
crippled.
This tragic situation concems every State, every community,
every American. Actual experience has demonstrated that traffic
accidents can be greatly reduced by proven, year-round safety
programs, when these programs have year-round public support.
S-D Day is directed to the development of that kind of support.
Literally millions of Americans are participating, through local,
state and national organizations, cooperating with the President's
Committee for Traffic Safety. This is a volunteer group, ap-
pointed by me, to stimulate permanent, effective safety programs
in every community.
We know that we cannot solve the traffic accident problem in
one day, but we can — and must — start doing a better job. I
appeal, then, to every American to help demonstrate tomorrow
that we can — ^by our own, personal efforts — reduce accidents on
849
^ 243 Public Papers of the Presidents
our streets and highways. Having shown that we can do so on
one day, let us all, as good citizens, accept our responsibility for
safety every day in the future.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
NOTE : This statement was released at Gettysburg, Pa.
244 ^ Letter Accompanying Medallion for
Presentation to Sir Winston Churchill on His 8 1 st
Birthday. November ^o^ 1955
[ Released November 30, 1955. Dated November 26, 1955 ]
Dear Winston:
This medaUion, struck to commemorate your eighty-first birth-
day, is a timely recognition both of your lifelong friendship toward
the United States and of the incalculable debt owed you by all
mankind for your unfaltering defense of peace with justice, and
the freedom of men.
The English-speaking peoples — and the entire world — are the
better for the wisdom of your counsel, for the inspiration of your
unflagging optimism and for the heartening example of your
shining courage. You have been a towering leader in the quest
for peace, as you were in the battle for freedom through the dark
days of war.
In that light, the medallion is a token of America's enduring
gratitude. But more than that, it sharpens in our minds today
the eternal faith that the forces of evil cannot triumph over men
whose courage is many times fortified by dedication to human
freedom, to human rights, to the God-guided destiny of free men.
Warm sentiment is mingled with gratitude as I send this
medallion, provided by American friends of yours, to commem-
orate your birthday. Millions of my countrymen join me in
850
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ 1Q55 ^ 245
tribute to you on this anniversary and in best wishes for long and
happy years ahead.
With warm regard.
As ever,
Dwight D. Eisenhower
note: This letter was released at Churchill by President Dwight D.
Gettysburg, Pa. Eisenhower on behalf of his millions
The presentation was made in of admiring friends in the United
England by Ambassador Winthrop States for courageous leadership and
W. Aldrich. The face of the gold in recognition of his signal services
medallion bears a representation of to the defense of freedom in which
Sir Winston's head and shoulders, as cause his country and the United
taken from the President's portrait States have been associated in both
of him. The following citation is in- peace and war."
scribed on the reverse, together with The medallion was designed by
a design of clasped hands flanked by Gilroy Roberts^ head sculptor and
British and United States shields: engraver of the United States mint.
"Presented to Sir Winston Spencer
245 ^ Telephone Broadcast to the AFL-GIO
Merger Meeting in New York City.
December ^^ 1955
Mr. Meany^ Mr, Schnitzler^ members of the Executive Council,
Delegates to this Convention and ladies and gentlemen of the
AFL'CIO everywhere in America:
You of organized labor and those who have gone before you in
the union movement have helped make a unique contribution to
the general welfare of the Republic — the development of the
American philosophy of labor. This philosophy, if adopted
globally, could bring about a world, prosperous, at peace, sharing
the fruits of the earth with justice to all men. It would raise
to freedom and prosperity hundreds of millions of men and
851
^ 245 Public Papers of the Presidents
women — and their children — who toil in slavery behind the
Curtain.
One principle of this philosophy is : the ultimate values of man-
kind are spiritual; these values include liberty, human dignity,
opportunity and equal rights and justice.
Workers want recognition as human beings and as individuals —
before everything else. They want a job that gives them a feel-
ing of satisfaction and self-expression. Good wages, respectable
working conditions, reasonable hours, protection of status and
security; these constitute the necessary foundations on which you
build to reach your higher aims.
Moreover, we cannot be satisfied with welfare in the aggregate;
if any group or section of citizens is denied its fair place in the
common prosperity, all others among us are thereby endangered.
The second principle of this American labor philosophy is this:
the economic interest of employer and employee is a mutual
prosperity.
Their economic future is inseparable. Together they must
advance in mutual respect, in mutual understanding, toward
mutual prosperity. Of course, there will be contest over the
sharing of the benefits of production; and so we have the right
to strike and to argue all night, when necessary, in collective
bargaining sessions. But in a deeper sense, this surface struggle
is subordinate to the overwhelming common interest in greater
production and a better life for all to share.
The American worker strives for betterment not by destroying
his employer and his employer's business, but by understanding
his employer's problems of competition, prices, markets. And
the American employer can never forget that, since mass produc-
tion assumes a mass market, good wages and progressive employ-
ment practices for his employee are good business.
The Class Struggle Doctrine of Marx was the invention of a
lonely refugee scribbling in a dark recess of the British Museum.
He abhorred and detested the middle class. He did not forsee
that, in America, labor, respected and prosperous, would con-
852
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 245
stitute — with the fanner and businessman — his hated middle
class. But our second principle — that mutual interest of em-
ployer and employee — is the natural outgrowth of teamwork for
progress, characteristic of the American economy where the bar-
riers of class do not exist.
The third principle is this: labor relations will be managed
best when worked out in honest negotiation between employers
and unions, without Government's unwarranted interference.
This principle requires maturity in the private handling of
labor matters within a framework of law, for the protection of the
public interest and the rights of both labor and management.
The splendid record of labor peace and unparalleled prosperity
during the last 3 years demonstrates our industrial maturity.
Some of the most difficult and unprecedented negotiations in
the history of collective bargaining took place during this period,
against the backdrop of non-interference by Government except
only to protect the public interest, in the rare cases of genuine
national emergency. This third principle, relying as it does on
collective bargaining, assumes that labor organizations and
management will both observe the highest standards of integrity,
responsibility, and concern for the national welfare.
You are more than union members bound together by a com-
mon goal of better wages, better working conditions, and protec-
tion of your security. You are American citizens.
The roads you travel, the schools your children attend, the
taxes you pay, the standards of integrity in Government, the con-
duct of the public business is your business as Americans. And
while all of you, as to the public business, have a common goal —
a stronger and better America — ^your views as to the best means
of reaching that goal vary widely, just as they do in any other
group of American citizens.
So in your new national organization, as well as in your many
constituent organizations, you have a great opportunity of making
your meetings the world's most effective exhibit of democratic
processes. In those meetings the rights of minorities holding dif-
853
^ 245 Public Papers of the Presidents
faring social, economic, and political views must be scrupulously
protected and their views accurately reflected. In this way, as
American citizens you will help the Republic correct the faulty,
fortify the good, build stoutly for the future, and reinforce the
most cherished freedoms of each individual citizen.
This country has long understood that by helping other peoples
to a better understanding and practice of representative govern-
ment, we strengthen both them and ourselves. The same truth
applies to the economic field. We strengthen other peoples and
ourselves when we help them to imderstand the workings of a free
economy, to improve their own standards of living, and to join
with us in world trade that serves to unite us all.
In the world struggle, some of the finest weapons for all Ameri-
cans are these simple tenets of free labor. They are again: man
is created in the Divine image and has spiritual aspirations that
transcend the material; second, the real interests of employers and
employees are mutual; third, unions and employers can and should
work out their own destinies. As we preach and practice that
message without cease, we will wage a triumphant crusade for
prosperity, freedom, and peace among men.
To close, it is fitting that we let our hearts be filled with the
earnest prayer that, with the help of a kind Providence, the world
may be led out of bittemess and materialism and force into a new
era of harmony and spiritual growth and self-realization for all
men. Thank you very much.
note: The President spoke at 2:30 f erred to George Meany and Wil-
p.m. from Gettysburg. Iiam F. Schnitzler, President and
The meeting was held in the 71st Secretary-Treasurer, respectively, of
Regimental Armory in New York the AFL-CIO.
City. The President's opening words The President's remarks were re-
"Mr. Meany, Mr. Schnitzler" re- leased at Gettysburg.
854
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ IQ55 ^ 247
246 ^ Statement by the President on Early
Mailing of Christmas Gifts and Greetings.
December lo, 1955
OUR CHRISTMAS MAIL this year will be the heaviest in the
history of the Post Office. To all the world, this will be evidence
of the spirit which animates us in this season of peace and good
will.
The men and women of the Post Office Department, I am sure,
will meet our challenge to their efficiency in the traditional spirit
of the postal service. Once again they will deliver every Christ-
mas package, letter and card, mailed on time, by Christmas Day.
We can help them by mailing early. Then, our gifts, our messages
of cheer and Christmas greetings will reach our friends and loved
ones to make the Holiday a joyous and happy time.
And, by mailing early, we will help give hundreds of thousands
of our fellow Americans, the men and women of the Post Office,
a pleasant, joyful Christmas — ^f ree from the turmoil of last-minute
mail pressures.
Dwn[GHT D. Eisenhower
247 ^ White House Statements Following
Meetings With Republican Leaders of the Senate
and the House of Representatives.
December 12, 1955
THE PRESIDENT met today in the Cabinet Room with the
Republican leaders of the Senate and the House of Represent-
atives.
General preliminary discussions were held on many of the
domestic programs which will be submitted by the Administration
855
^ 247 Public Papers of the Presidents
to the Congress in the State of the Union and other special mes-
sages at the 1956 Session.
A general discussion of foreign policy, mutual aid and national
defense programs will be held tomorrow when the President meets
with the Legislative Leaders of both parties.
This morning the main subjects discussed were the Budget,
school construction, highways, water resources and statehood for
Alaska and Hawaii.
The Secretary of the Treasury and the Director of the Budget
outlined the fiscal plans for the 1957 Budget as well as the pro-
jected receipts and expenditures for the 1956 Budget. The Sec-
retary and the Director were hopeful that with increasing econ-
omies and no loss of existing revenues a balance in the 1956 Budget
could be attained in June without cutting down in any way on
defense and national security plans of the United States.
The Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare next dis-
cussed a series of proposals conceming his Department. These
proposals included Social Security modifications, increased health
coverage, additional Federal grants for medical research and
plans for assuring the construction of additional schoolrooms, to
clear up the backlog of a 200,000-room deficiency in the nation.
The Secretary of the Treasury and the Secretary of Commerce
then joined in a discussion of recommendations for a highway
construction bill. It was agreed that there was an urgent need
for the Congress to pass at the 1956 Session a workable highway
program to build up the nation's roads.
The Under Secretary of the Interior outlined and then joined
in a discussion of proposals for a nationwide water resources
program.
At the conclusion of the morning session the leaders were guests
at a luncheon given at the Mayflower Hotel by the Chairman of
the Republican National Committee.
The meeting will reconvene this afternoon at two o'clock.
Among the subjects on the agenda are: farm legislation, amend-
856
Dwight D. Eisenhower^ ig^^ ^ 247
ments to immigration legislation, civil rights, labor legislation,
postal rates, housing and area redevelopment programs.
At the afternoon session the Secretary of Agriculture outlined
a suggested program for assisting the farmers of the nation.
The leaders discussed in detail the suggestions and while no
final decisions were reached today, the leaders expressed approval
of the aims of the major recommendations of the program which
will supplement programs already in effect. They also stated
their belief that the final farm recommendations, when submitted
by the President to the Congress, would win widespread support
from farmers and farm organizations throughout the country.
Both the Executive and Legislative leaders agreed that enactment
of the legislative proposals in the farm program will be of top
priority in the next session.
The Attorney General next presented a series of proposed
amendments to the immigration laws.
Other subjects discussed at the afternoon session were:
1. Civil Rights — ^The Attorney General
2. Postal Rates — ^The Postmaster General
3. Labor Legislation — The Secretary of Labor
4. Slum Clearance and Housing — The Administrator of the
Housing and Home Finance Agency
5. Personnel Legislation — The Chairman of the Civil Service
Commission
At the conclusion of the meeting the President personally
thanked the leaders for their cooperation and their constructive
suggestions made during the day on subjects under discussion for
the 1956 legislative program which the Administration will
present to the Congress.
857
^ 248 Public Papers of the Presidents
248 ^ White House Statement Following
Bipartisan Conference on Foreign Affairs and
National Defense. December 13, 1955
THE PRESIDENT met today with the leaders of both political
parties in the Senate and the House of Representatives for a
bi-partisan conference on the problems of foreign affairs and
national defense which will be submitted to the 1956 Congress.
Subjects under discussion included foreign affairs, the national
defense budget, mutual security appropriations, the program of
the United States Information Agency, policies on the question
of disarmament and the Organization for Trade Cooperation.
At the start of the meeting the President thanked the leaders
for accepting his invitation to discuss these subjects. He pointed
out that he desired to discuss them on a bi-partisan basis with
the leaders of the legislative branch of the government and to re-
ceive their observations and suggestions prior to the opening of
the Congress.
The Secretary of State presented a review of world conditions
since the Foreign Ministers' Meeting at Geneva. He said that
his department placed special emphasis on the economic aspects
of foreign policy particularly in view of the stepped-up Soviet
campaign in this field in Southeast Asia and the Middle East.
He also urged approval by the Congress of American participa-
tion in the Organization for Trade Cooperation.
The Secretary of Defense reviewed with the leaders the pro-
gram of the Defense establishment of the United States and the
forced levels which must be maintained to protect the nation
against attack and to assure the maintenance of peace in this
Atomic Age.
The Director of the International Cooperation Administration
outlined the aspects of mutual security including mutual military
support and economic and technical assistance for our allies and
friends.
858
Dwight D. Eisenhower, IQ55 ^ 249
The President discussed the program of the United States In-
formation Agency. The President and the Deputy Director of
the Agency stressed the necessity for expanding the Agency's
program to present America's proposals for peace to all the
peoples of the world.
The Special Assistant to the President for Disarmament Plan-
ning discussed in detail proposals for disarmament particularly
those phases dealing with the President's "Open Sky" recom-
mendation. He pointed to the overwhelming vote taken yester-
day at the United Nations as an indication of world-wide support
and interest in our country's pursuit of world peace.
A general discussion was held after each subject was presented.
The President asked me to add one further thing directly from
him:
"I want to give my thanks and my very real gratitude to the
leaders on both sides of the aisle in the Senate and the House of
Representatives for the very great contribution they have made
and are making to true bi-partisanship."
249 ^ Statement by the President: Bill of Rights
Day. December 14, 1955
[ Released December 14, 1955. Dated December 12, 1955 ]
BILL OF RIGHTS DAY ranks in the forefront of our days of
commemoration. On this day, the people of America remember
and honor the passage of the Bill of Rights — the first ten Amend-
ments to the Constitution.
By the Bill of Rights our people are guaranteed the most pre-
cious of liberties: freedom of speech, press and religion; the right
peaceably to assemble and to petition the Government; freedom
from unreasonable search and seizure and the right of privacy;
judicial safeguards of life, liberty and property; the right to a fair
trial and protection against excessive punishment. These rights,
859
^ 249 Public Papers of the Presidents
indispensable to our happiness and security, reaffirm our belief
in the dignity of the individual.
On this day I hope that citizens throughout our land will renew
in their hearts and minds a devotion to these freedoms and a
determination to defend them against all forms of attack. Let us
also highly resolve to continue to strive for a peaceful world in
which all mankind will share them.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
250 ^ Remarks Broadcast for the Pageant of
Peace Ceremonies in Washington.
December 185 1955
My fellow Americans at home and across the seas^ my fellow men
and women of every nation:
For hundreds of millions of us, Christmas symbolizes our deep-
est aspirations for peace and for goodwill among men.
For me, this particular Christmas has a very special meaning,
and has brought to me, really, new understandings of people.
During the past three months my family and I have received
literally thousands — tens of thousands of messages. Each of these
has borne a sentence of good wishes and goodwill for health and
happiness to us both. It has been heartwarming evidence that
human understanding and human sympathy can surmount every
obstacle — even those obstacles that some governments sometimes
seem to raise in the attempt to divide us.
Now the free world is just coming to the close of a very signif-
icant year, one in which we have worked hard and sometimes
effectively for peace. Now the facts of today, of course, do not
measure up to the high hopes of the free world, the hopes by which
we have lived and which we have long entertained. But this
Christmas is, nevertheless, brighter in its background and its
promise for the future than any we have known in recent years.
860
Dwight D. Eisenhower, ig^^ ^ 250
I think it is even better than last year, and you will remember that
Christmas was the first one in many years that was not marred by
the tragic incidents of war.
Now peace is the right of every human being. It is hungered
for by all of the peoples of the earth. So we can be sure that to-
night in the fullness of our hearts and in the spirit of the season,
that as we utter a simple prayer for peace we will be joined by
the multitudes of the earth.
Those multitudes will include rulers as well as the humblest
citizens of lands; the great and the meek; the proud and the poor;
the successful and the failures; the dispirited and the hopefuls.
Now each of those prayers will of course differ according to the
characteristics and the personality of the individual uttering it,
but running through every single one of those prayers will be a
thought something of this kind :
May each of us strive to do our best to bring about better
understanding in the world. And may the infinite peace from
above live with us and be ours forever, and may we live in the
confident hope that it will come.
And so it is tonight in that hope, which must never die from
the earth, which we must cling to and cherish and nurture and
work for, that I light the National Community Christmas Tree
at the Pageant of Peace in Washington.
To each of you — ^wherever you may be — from Mrs. Eisenhower
and me : a very Merry Christmas !
note: The President spoke at 5:10 ing, by remote control, the National
p.m. over radio and television from Community Christmas Tree in
Gettysburg College just before light- Washington.
861
Appendix A — White House Press Releases, 1955
note: Includes releases covering matters with which the President was closely con-
cerned, except announcements of Presidential personnel appointments and approvals
of legislation with which there was no accompanying statement.
Releases relating to Proclamations and Executive Orders have not been included.
These documents are separately listed in Appendix B.
For list of Press and Radio Conferences, see subject index under "News Conferences."
January Subject
I Memorandum concerning the Gov-
ernment Employees Incentive Awards
Program
3 Statement by the President on the
death of President Remon of Panama
5 Letter to the Secretary of Defense on
national security requirements
6 Annual message to the Congress on
the State of the Union
6 Special message to the Senate trans-
mitting Mutual Defense Treaty with
Republic of China
8 Letter accepting resignation of James
G. Worthy, Assistant Secretary of
Commerce
10 Special message to the Congress on
foreign economic policy
10 Message to the Congress transmitting
the President's first semiannual report
on activities under the Agricultural
Trade Development and Assistance
Act
10 Message to the Congress transmitting
report on inclusion of escape clauses
in trade agreements
11 Special message to the Congress on
Federal personnel management
II Special message to the Congress on
postal pay and rates
January Subject
13 Remarks at luncheon meeting of the
Association of American Colleges
13 Special message to the Congress on
national security requirements
13 Special message to the Congress on
career incentives for military personnel
13 Letter to the President of the Senate
and to the Speaker of the House of
Representatives approving certain Vir-
gin Islands Corporation activities
13 Cablegram to Dr. Albert Schweitzer
on his 8oth birthday
13 Letter accepting resignation of John
Slezak, Under Secretary of the Army
14 Message to the Congress transmitting
the fourth annual report of the
National Science Foundation
14 Statement by the President on U.N.
negotiations with Communist China
for release of American airmen and
other personnel
17 Annual budget message to the
Congress
20 Annual message presenting the eco-
nomic report to the Congress
20 Letter to Representative Auchincloss,
on the anniversary of the President's
inauguration
863
Appendix A
January Subject
22 White House statement on appoint-
ment of Howard Pyle as Administra-
tive Assistant to the President
22 White House statement regarding a
special message to the Congress re-
garding U.S. policy for the defense of
Formosa
23 Special message to the Congress re-
garding U.S. policy for the defense of
Formosa
25 Letter from President Heuss of Ger-
many
25 Remarks on receiving statue presented
by Ambassador Krekeler on behalf of
the German people
26 Special message to the Senate trans-
mitting a convention on Great Lakes
fisheries
26 White House announcement of resig-
nation of Thomas E. Stephens, Secre-
tary to the President, and the follow-
ing appointments: Bernard M. Shan-
ley, as Secretary to the President;
Gerald D. Morgan, as Counsel to the
President; and Fred A. Seaton, as
Administrative Assistant to the Presi-
dent
26 Toasts of the President and the Presi-
dent of Haiti
27 White House statement following dis-
cussions with the National Security
Council and others concerning the de-
ployment of air and naval forces in the
Formosa area
27 White House statement concerning
tariff on imports of hatters' fur
29 Statement by the President upon sign-
ing Joint Resolution on defense of
Formosa
31 Special message to the Congress on a
health program
February Subject
3 Message recorded for the New York
USO defense fund dinner
6 Message to the Boy Scouts of America
7 Letter to the Governors concerning
uniform State legislation on absentee
voting rights of members of the armed
services
7 White House statement announcing
forthcoming visit of the Prime Minis-
ter of Australia
7 Letter to the Acting Chairman of the
Civil Aeronautics Board, on the West
Coast-Hawaii case
8 Special message to the Congress con-
cerning Federal assistance in school
construction
8 Letter accepting resignation of Neil H.
Jacoby, member of the Council of Eco-
nomic Advisers
8 Message to nationwide meetings in
support of the campaign for Radio
Free Europe
9 Message to meetings of the nationwide
clinical conference on heart ailments
10 White House statement on requests
for supplemental appropriations for
the legislative, judicial, and executive
branches, and the District of Columbia
17 Remarks at luncheon meeting of Re-
publican National Committee and
Republican National Finance Com-
mittee
18 Exchange of messages between the
President and the President of the
Republic of China
19 Letter to Emil Sandstrom, League of
Red Cross Societies, on completion of
the flood relief program in Europe
20 Remarks recorded for the "Back to
God" program of the American
Legion
864
Appendix A
February Subject
22 Special message to the Congress re-
garding a national highway program
22 Letter extending greetings to the
Brotherhood Dinner of the National
Conference of Christians and Jews
23 Exchange of messages between the
President and the Shah of Iran
24 Remarks at the annual breakfast for
Masonic leaders
24 Letter to Nelson Lee Smith, Federal
Power Commissioner, concerning his
request that he not be considered for
reappointment
26 White House statement: Report on
energy supplies and resources policy
28 Message to the inter- American invest-
ment conference held in New Orleans
28 Letter to Oscar B. Ryder on his re-
tirement from the U.S. Tariff Com-
mission
28 Remarks recorded for the opening of
the Red Cross campaign
March
1 Letter accepting resignation of John
C. Hughes, U.S. Permanent Repre-
sentative to the North Atlantic
Council
2 Message to the Pope on his 79th
birthday
3 Letter to the Chief of State of Viet-
Nam
4 Statement by the President concerning
offer of food supplies to Albania
4 Special message to the Congress on
extension of the Renegotiation Act
5 Letter to Gen. Omar N. Bradley,
Chairman, President's Commission on
Veterans' Pensions
March Subject
7 Remarks to Distinguished Service
Cross recipients and commanders who
participated in seizure of Remagen
Bridge
8 Letter accepting resignation of Robert
Cutler, Special Assistant to the Presi-
dent for National Security Affairs
8 White House statement concerning re*
jection by Albania of food supplies
I o Remarks to students attending the In-
ternational School of Nuclear Science
and Engineering, Argonne National
Laboratory
10 Message to the Prime Ministers of the
seven nations signatory to the protocols
establishing the Western European
Union
I I White House statement regarding
forthcoming visit of the Prime Minis-
ter of Australia
1 1 Letter accepting resignation of Ray-
mond A. Spruance, ambassador to the
Philippines
14 Message to the Congress transmitting
the seventh semiannual report on the
mutual security program
16 Letter to George A. Garrett, President,
Federal City Council, concerning the
redevelopment of Southwest Washing-
ton
17 Memorandum to the President: Re-
port of the Presidential Advisory Com-
mittee to consider an additional
Washington airport
19 Statement by the President announc-
ing appointment of Harold Stassen as
Special Assistant to the President for
disarmament studies
22 Remarks at annual Washington confer-
ence of the Advertising Council
865
Appendix A
March Subject
24 White House statement concerning im-
port restrictions on walnuts
24 White House statement concerning
investigation of tariff on hatters' fur
25 Remarks to representatives of Ameri-
can voluntary societies cooperating in
the U.S. escapee program
28 Joint statement following discussions
with the Prime Minister of Italy
28 White House statement regarding U.S.
Antarctica expedition in connection
with IGY 1957-58
31 Citation to accompany the award of
the Medal of Freedom to Robert Cut-
ler, Special Assistant to the President
April
I Statement by the President on the
death of Joseph Pulitzer and Robert R.
McCormick
1 Letter to the President of the Senate
and to the Speaker of the House of
Representatives regarding the Inter-
American Highway
2 Letter accepting resignation of Samuel
W. Anderson, Assistant Secretary of
Commerce for International Affairs
5 Statement by the President on the re-
tirement of Sir Winston Churchill,
Prime Minister of the United King-
dom
6 Statement by the President on the ap-
pointment of Anthony Eden as Prime
Minister of the United Kingdom
7 Memorandum to the Director of the
Office of Defense Mobilization relating
to the Buy American Act
8 White House statement announcing
a study of Presidential office space by
Robert Heller and Associates of
Cleveland
April Subject
9 White House announcement of the
President and Mrs. Eisenhower's
Easter plans
9 White House statement regarding in-
vestigation of cheese imports
1 1 Remarks to the Easter Egg Rollers on
the south grounds of the White House
11 Statement by the President on the
mutual security program
12 Remarks at The Citadel, Charleston,
S.C.
13 Letter to Chairman, Joint Committee
on Atomic Energy, on proposed agree-
ment for cooperation with NATO on
atomic information
13 White House statement announcing
settlement of a labor dispute between
airlines and their employees
14 Special message to the Congress on
U.S. membership in proposed organ-
ization for trade cooperation
1 6 Telegram to Senator Thurmond salut-
ing James F. Byrnes as a great
American
17 Letter to Secretary Dulles regarding
transfer of affairs of the Foreign
Operations Administration to Depart-
ment of State
17 Statement by Secretary of State fol-
lowing his discussion of foreign rela-
tions with the President
18 White House announcement of report
of the Presidential Advisory Commit-
tee on Transport Policy and Organiza-
tion
18 Statement by the President on the
death of Albert Einstein
20 Special message to the Congress on
the mutual security program
866
Appendix A
April Subject
22 White House statement on the forth-
coming visit of the Permanent Repre-
sentatives of the North Atlantic
Council
22 Citation presented to Dr. Jonas E.
Salk and accompanying remarks
22 Citation presented to the National
Foundation for Infantile Paralysis and
accompanying rem2irks
25 Address at annual luncheon of the As-
sociated Press, New York City
26 Letter to Harvey S. Firestone, Jr.,
upon accepting Honorary Chairman-
ship of the USO
27 Special message to the Congress con-
cerning a program for low income
farmers
28 Remarks to the Committee for a Na-
tional Trade Policy
30 Remarks at cornerstone-laying cere-
mony for the AFL building
May
2 Remarks at annual meeting of the
U.S. Chamber of Commerce
2 Special message to the Congress on
United States participation in the In-
ternational Finance Corporation
2 Citation and remarks at presentation
to Field Marshal Pibulsonggram of
Thailand of the Legion of Merit, De-
gree of Chief Commander
2 Remarks at the Governors' Conference
dinner
3 Statement by the President on approv-
ing proposed agreement with Turkey
for cooperation in the peaceful uses
of atomic energy
May Subject
3 White House statement following the
approval of the proposed agreement
with Turkey for cooperation in the
peaceful uses of atomic energy
5 Letter to the President of the Senate
and to the Speaker of the House of
Representatives on revision of the
Philippine trade agreement
6 White House announcement of the
resignation of Norman Armour, Am-
bassador to Guatemala, and the selec-
tion of Edward J. Sparks as his suc-
cessor
6 Letter accepting resignation of Nor-
man Armour, Ambassador to Guate-
mala
6 Remarks at the dedication of the
Washington Hebrew Congregation
Temple
9 White House announcement of U.S.
delegation to World Health Assembly,
Mexico City
9 White House statement announcing
forthcoming visit of Prime Minister
U Nu of Burma
10 Remarks to the General Assembly of
the Organization of World Touring
and Automobile Clubs
10 Remarks at the Republican Women's
National Conference
I o White House statement concerning the
authority of the Secretary of State to
arrange for a summit conference
10 White House statement concerning
mission of Gen. J. Lawton Collins to
Viet-Nam and the arrival of Am-
bassador G. Frederick Reinhardt in
Viet-Nam
I I Statement by the President concerning
conferences on education
867
Appendix A
May Subject
1 1 White House announcement of ap-
pointments to the USO and nomina-
tions to the Board of Governors
11 White House statement concerning
tariff on imports of bicycles
12 Message recorded for use in conjunc-
tion with observance of Armed Forces
Day
13 White House announcement of nomi-
nation of Gen. Maxwell D. Taylor as
Army Chief of Staff, and the appoint-
ment of Gen. Lyman L. Lemnitzer to
the commands relinquished by General
Taylor
1 5 Message to the President of Austria on
the signing of the treaty restoring
Austrian independence
17 White House statement announcing
the President's forthcoming visit to
Vermont, New Hampshire, and Maine
17 Television report to the President by
the Secretary of State following his
European visit
18 Memorandum to Federal agencies
directing participation in a national
civil defense exercise
19 Veto of postal field service compensa-
tion bill
20 Letter to the Chairman, Tariff Com-
mission, on imports of rye
23 Remarks to the President's Committee
on the Employment of the Physically
Handicapped
23 Remarks at a dinner sponsored by the
District of Columbia Republican
Women's Finance Conamittee
24 Remarks to the National Association
of Radio and Television Broadcasters
25 Letter to the Chairman, Civil Aero-
nautics Board, regarding the States-
Alaska case
May Subject
26 White House statement concerning re-
quests for supplemental appropriations
26 Message to the Congress transmitting
conventions and recommendations
adopted at Geneva by ILO conference
26 Remarks at dedication of the Armed
Forces Institute of Pathology, Walter
Reed Medical Center
27 Special message to the Congress rec-
ommending amendments to the Refu-
gee Relief Act
27 Citation and remarks at presentation
of the National Security Medal to J.
Edgar Hoover
27 White House announcement of desig-
nation of Nat B. King as U.S. Deputy
Representative on U.N. Economic and
Social Council
27 Letter accepting resignation of H.
Struve Hensel, Assistant Secretary of
Defense for International Security
Affairs
27 Statement by the President on safe
driving
31 Statement by the President on the
polio vaccine situation
31 White House statement concerning
agreements with Brazil and Colombia
for cooperation in the peaceful uses of
atomic energy
June
I Special message to the Senate trans-
mitting Austrian State Treaty
I White House statement announcing
allocation of funds for wind erosion
area
3 Remarks on acceptance of a Pales-
tinian "Lamp of Freedom" from the
United Jewish Appeal
868
Appendix A
June Subject
3 Veto of bill for relief of Kurt Glaser
4 Letter appointing Robert Cutler as
Consultant to the National Security
Council
6 Remarks at the United States Military
Academy alumni luncheon, West
Point, N.Y.
7 Address at the graduation ceremonies.
United States Military Academy, West
Point, N.Y.
I o Statement by the President upon sign-
ing the Postal Field Service Com-
pensation Act
I I Address at the centennial commence-
ment of Pennsylvania State University
14 Joint statement following discussions
with Chancellor Adenauer of Ger-
many
14 Letter accepting resignation of Charles
F. Willis, Jr., Assistant to The As-
sistant to the President
15 Statement by the President on pro-
posed agreements with Belgium,
Canada, and the United Kingdom for
cooperation in the civil uses of atomic
energy
16 Letter accepting resignation of Preston
Hotchkis, U.S. Representative to
UNESCO
18 Letter to William Randolph Hearst,
Jr., regarding his appointment to the
President's Committee for Traffic
Safety and its Advisory Council
18 Letter to T. S. Petersen requesting
him to serve on the President's Com-
mittee for Traffic Safety
20 Address at tenth anniversary meeting
of the United Nations, San Francisco,
Calif.
June Subject
21 Remarks to National Association of
Television and Radio Farm Directors
21 Remarks to the National 4-H con-
ference
2 1 Statement by the President upon sign-
ing the Trade Agreements Extension
Act
22 Letter accepting resignation of Robert
T. Stevens, Secretary of the Army
22 Memorandum to Federal agencies on
the Community Chest Campaign
22 Remarks at Vermont State Dairy
Festival, Rutland, Vt.
23 Remarks at a breakfast for Vermont
women representatives of dairy and
agricultural organizations, Chittenden,
Vt.
23 Remarks at State Capitol, Concord,
N.H.
23 Remarks at Belknap Lodge Picnic
Grounds, Laconia, N.H.
24 Remarks at Lincoln High School,
Lincoln, N.H.
24 Remarks at ceremonies commemorat-
ing the discovery of the Old Man of
the Mountain, Franconia Notch, N.H.
25 Remarks at Lancaster, N.H.
25 Remarks at Jefferson, N.H.
25 Remarks at Hansen Ski Jump area,
Berlin, N.H.
26 Letter to Helen Keller on her 75th
birthday
27 Remarks at fawn presentation cere-
monies, Rangeley, Maine
27 Remarks at Skowhegan Fairgrounds,
Skowhegan, Maine
27 Remarks at Dow Air Force Base, Ban-
gor, Maine
869
Appendix A
June Subject
27 White House statement following the
President's conference with Secretary
of State
28 Remarks on presentation of the Dis-
tinguished Service Medal to General
Ridgway, and accompanying citation
28 Message to the Congress transmitting
final report of the Commission on In-
tergovernmental Relations
29 Letter from Prime Minister U Nu of
Burma
29 White House statement concerning
Adolphe Wenzell's connection with the
Dixon- Yates contract
30 White House statement on reports of
the Boards of Visitors to the U.S. Mili-
tary and Naval Academies
30 White House statement releasing letter
from Chairman of the TVA to Direc-
tor of the Budget Bureau regarding
Memphis power plant
July
I Veto of bill to prohibit publication by
the U.S. Government of predictions as
to apple prices
I White House announcement of U.S.
delegation to the U.N. conference on
the peaceful uses of atomic energy in
Geneva
I White House announcement of U.S.
delegation to the Geneva heads of
government conference
I White House statement regarding in-
vitation to the President of Guatemala
to visit the United States
3 Joint statement following discussions
with the Prime Minister of Burma
7 White House statement regarding an
evaluation of relocation activities by
ODM Director
July Subject
8 White House statement concerning
the Secretary of State's remarks on
the Soviet Communist system
8 White House statement on continuing
review by Director of the Budget of
the responsibility for Memphis power
needs
8 Letter from Allen Whitfield requesting
withdrawal of his nomination for
membership on the Atomic Energy
Commission
9 White House statement announcing
assignment of Everett F. Morrow as
Administrative Officer for the Special
Projects Group, Executive Office of
the President
1 1 Letter accepting resignation of Robert
B. Anderson, Deputy Secretary of
Defense
12 White House statement following bi-
partisan meeting on the forthcoming
4-power conference in Geneva
12 Message to the Congress transmitting
the second semiannual report under
the Agricultural Trade Development
and Assistance Act
12 Remarks to the American Field Serv-
ice students
12 White House statement following the
President's conference with Edgar
Dixon and Paul O. Canaday
13 Letter accepting the resignation of
Mrs. Oveta Gulp Hobby, Secretary
of Health, Education, and Welfare
13 Remarks following the acceptance of
the resignation of Secretary Hobby
13 Letter to Secretary Wilson marking
the third anniversary of Operation
Skywatch
13 Special message to the Congress upon
signing the Department of Defense
Appropriation Act
870
Appendix A
July Subject
14 Letter from the Attorney General
regarding the Department of Defense
Appropriation Act
15 Message to the Congress transmitting
the ninth annual report on United
States participation in the United
Nations
15 Statement by the President upon sign-
ing the Public Works Appropriation
Act
15 Statement by the President upon sign-
ing act providing for a highway bridge
across Lake Texoma
1 5 Statement by the President upon sign-
ing bill for relief of the Highway
Construction Company
15 Letter to the Chairman, House Com-
mittee on Ways and Means, concern-
ing U.S. membership in the Organiza-
tion for Trade Cooperation
15 Radio and television address to the
American people prior to departure
for Geneva
16 Remarks at the Keflavik Airport, Ice-
land
16 Remarks upon arrival at the airport
in Geneva
18 Opening statement at the Geneva
conference
20 Remarks at the research reactor build-
ing, Palais des Nations, Geneva
20 Letter accepting resignation of Roger
Lewis, Assistant Secretary of the Air
Force
21 Statement by the President on disar-
mament presented at the Geneva con-
ference
22 White House statement announcing
signing of proclamation carrying out
the protocol of terms of accession by
Japan to GATT
July Subject
22 Statement by the President on Eaist-
West contacts, Geneva
22 Memorandum to Federal agencies on
the United Fund and Community
Chest campaigns
22 Letter to Prime Minister Maung Nu
concerning the gift of the Burmese
people
23 White House announcement of the
U.S. delegation to the Tenth Session
of the United Nations General As-
sembly
23 Closing statement at the final meeting
of the Geneva conference
23 Remarks on leaving Geneva
23 Statement by the President upon sign-
ing bill concerning mineral claims filed
on public lands
24 Remarks at Washington National Air-
port on returning from Geneva
25 White House statement following bi-
partisan meeting on the Geneva con-
ference
25 Radio and television address to the
American people on the Geneva con-
ference
28 Remarks at the ceremony marking the
issuance of the Atoms for Peace stamp
28 Statement by the President on Con-
gressional action regarding a nation-
wide system of highways
29 White House statement regarding
plans for launching earth satellites
August
I Statement by the President regarding
release of United States airmen by
Communist China
87]
Appendix A
August Subject
I Special message to the Congress
recommending changes in act relating
to construction of irrigation systems
on Federal projects by local agencies
1 Letter accepting resignation of Harold
E. Talbott, Secretary of the Air Force
2 Remarks to members of the Bull
Elephants Club
2 Statement by the President upon sign-
ing the Mutual Security Appropria-
tion Act
3 Letter accepting resignation of Orme
Lewis, Assistant Secretary of the In-
terior
3 Citation and remarks at presentation
of the Medal of Freedom to Robert
B. Anderson
3 Statement by the President upon sign-
ing bill relating to the Red River flood
control project
4 Letter to the Treasurer of the United
States appointing her chairman of
the Interdepartmental Savings Bond
Committee
4 Memorandum to Federal agencies
concerning the voluntary payroll sav-
ings plan for purchase of U.S. savings
bonds
4 Citation accompanying the Distin-
guished Service Medal presented to
Adm. Robert B. Carney
5 Memorandum to the Chairman, Tariff
Commission, requesting cancellation
of hearing on tree nut imports
6 Memorandum of Disapproval of bill
concerning term of office of Subversive
Activities Control Board members
6 Exchange of letters between the
President and Chancellor Adenauer of
Germany on the Geneva conference
August Subject
8 Message to the United Nations con-
ference on the peaceful uses of
atomic energy at Geneva
9 Statement by the President upon sign-
ing the Reserve Forces Act of 1955
9 Letter accepting resignation of Ed-
ward F. Howrey, Chairman of the
Federal Trade Commission
10 Statement by the President upon sign-
ing bill authorizing salary payment to
an interim appointee to the Atomic
Energy Commission
1 1 Letter concerning retirement of Ernest
H. Van Fossan, Judge of the Tax
Court of the United States
1 1 Statement by the President upon sign-
ing the Housing Amendments of 1955
12 Statement by the President on the
death of Ambassador John E. Peurifoy
and his son
12 Memorandum of Disapproval of bill
for relief of E. J. Albrecht Company
12 Memorandum of Disapproval of bill
to change the military record of
Stephen Swan Ogletree
12 Memorandum of Disapproval of bill
amending the Internal Revenue Code
of 1954
12 Memorandum of Disapproval of bill
to reconvey to former owners certain
lands acquired for reservoir projects
in Texas
12 Memorandum of Disapproval of bill
for the relief of Fred P. Hines
12 Memorandum of Disapproval of bill
to amend the Civil Service Retire-
ment Act
1 2 Statement by the President upon sign-
ing bill amending the Agricultural
Trade Development and Assistance
Act
872
Appendix A
August Subject
12 Letter to Maj. Gen. John S. Bragdon
appointing him as Special Assistant to
the President
13 Exchange of messages between the
President and Chancellor Adenauer on
the Air Force disaster in Germany
13 White House statement announcing
Presidential approval of FCDA dele-
gation No. 3 to Departments of Com-
merce and Interior
14 Memorandum of Disapproval of bill
extending the domestic minerals pur-
chase programs
14 Statement by the President upon sign-
ing bill concerning public transit serv-
ices in the District of Columbia
1 7 Letter accepting resignation of Archie
A. Alexander, Governor of the Virgin
Islands
1 7 Letter accepting resignation of Harold
Shantz, Minister to Rumania
19 Letter to Chairman of Senate Finance
and House Ways and Means Com-
mittees on tariff on bicycle imports
20 Letter accepting resignation of Maj.
Gen. Glen E. Edgerton, President, Ex-
port-Import Bank of Washington
22 Remarks on the hurricane-flood dis-
aster in the northeastern States
23 Remarks following a meeting with the
Governors of flood-stricken States at
Bradley Field, Hartford, Conn.
23 Exchange of messages between the
President and Her Majesty Queen
Elizabeth II on the flood disaster
23 White House statement announcing
forthcoming visit of the Vice Presi-
dent to the Near East and Africa
24 Address at the annual convention of
the American Bar Association, Phila-
delphia, Pa.
August Subject
24 Exchange of messages between the
President and the Prime Minister of
the United Kingdom on the flood dis-
aster
24 Exchange of messages between the
President and the President of Italy on
the flood disaster
24 Exchange of messages between the
President and the Prime Minister of
Italy on the flood disaster
24 Exchange of messages between the
President and the King of the Belgians
on the flood disaster
24 Exchange of messages between the
President and the Acting Chancellor
of Germany on the flood disaster
29 Statement by the President concerning
New York meeting of the U.N. sub-
committee on disarmament
September
2 White House statement concerning
dried fig imports
5 Statement by the President: Labor
Day
6 Letter accepting resignation of Charles
R. Hook, Jr., Deputy Postmaster Gen-
eral
8 Letter to Judge Orie L. Phillips re-
garding his retirement from regular
active service from the U.S. Court of
Appeals
9 White House statement announcing
elevation of the legations of the United
States and Luxembourg to the status
of embassies
9 White House statement on import
quotas on oats and barley
ID Remarks at the breakfast meeting of
Republican State Chairmen, Denver,
Colo.
873
Appendix A
September Subject
12 Telegram to the President of the U.S.
Chamber of Commerce on assistance
given flood disaster areas
1 6 Statement by the President on the
occasion of the Jewish New Year
1 6 Message to President Ruiz Cortines on
the anniversary of the independence of
Mexico
1 7 White House statement listing persons
invited to attend the President's Con-
ference on Fitness of American Youth
1 8 Message prepared for the Conference
on Fitness of American Youth
23 Letter from Nikolai Bulganin, Chair-
man, Council of Ministers, U.S.S.R.
25 White House statement regarding rec-
ognition by the United States of the
new Government of Argentina
25 White House announcement of post-
ponement of the President's Confer-
ence on Fitness of American Youth
26 White House announcement concern-
ing scheduled meetings of the National
Security Council and the Cabinet
29 Messages from the President of the
National Council of Uruguay, the
King of Nepal, and the Prime Minister
of Burma on the President's illness
30 White House statement following
Cabinet meeting on the conduct of
foreign and domestic affairs during the
President's absence
October
1 White House statement regarding the
forthcoming visit of President Castillo
Armas of Guatemala
2 Message opening the United Com-
munity Campaigns of America
October Subject
11 Letter to the Columbus Citizens*
Committee in New York City
1 2 Letter to Nikolai Bulganin, Chairman,
Council of Ministers, U.S.S.R.
15 Letter accepting resignation of T.
Coleman Andrews, Commissioner of
Internal Revenue
15 White House statement concerning
Small Business Administration disaster
loan funds for hurricane disaster areas
17 Statement by the President on ob-
servance of Farm-City Week
18 Letter to Governor Roberts of Rhode
Island on the recommendations of the
New England Governors' Conference
18 Letter to Governor Roberts of Rhode
Island on establishment of atomic re-
actor generating plants in New Eng-
land
19 Statement by the President upon the
14th anniversary
Patrol
of the Civil Air
21 White House statement regarding the
President's report to the Congress on
lend-lease operations
22 Letter to the Vice President concern-
ing the Conference on Equal Job
Opportunity
23 Letter to the Vice President and the
Cabinet regarding the task of Secre-
tary Dulles at Geneva
25 Letter accepting resignation of J.
Haden Alldredge, member, Interstate
Commerce Commission
26 Statement by the President on the for-
eign ministers meeting at Geneva
27 White House statement on tung oil
import quota
874
Appendix A
October Subject
27 Message to the National Industrial
Conference Board on the peaceful uses
of atomic energy
28 Letter to the President of Mexico on
the hurricane-flood disaster in Tam-
pico
31 Telegram welcoming the President of
Guatemala upon his arrival in Wash-
ington
November
I Letter accepting resignation of Frank
L. Roberts, Chairman of the Renego-
tiation Board
3 Message to His Majesty Haile Selassie
I on the 25 th anniversary of his reign
3 Telegram to Dave Beck on the dedica-
tion of the InternationzJ Brotherhood
of Teamsters new building
7 Message to K. Voroshilov, Chairman
of the Presidium of the Supreme
Soviet, U.S.S.R., on national anniver-
sary of the Soviet Union
8 White House statement regarding pre-
sentation of letters of credence by
listed ambassadors
9 Statement by the President following
the outbreak of hostilities in the Near
East
10 Letter accepting resignation of Ber-
nard M. Shanley, Appointment Secre-
tary to the President
1 1 Remarks on leaving Denver, Colo.
1 1 Remarks upon arrival at the Washing-
ton National Airport
14 Remarks upon arrival in Lincoln
Square, Gettysburg, Pa.
14 Letter to Mrs. Martin P. Durkin on
the death of her husband
November Subject
1 4 White House statement announcing re-
ceipt of letters of credence from Am-
bassador Romulo of the Philippines
and Ambassador Urrutia-Holguin of
Colombia
1 5 White House statement on the privacy
of the President during his convales-
cent period
15 Message to Rabbi Abba Hillel Silver
on the Near East situation, for delivery
at New York City rally
18 Message to the Sultan of Morocco on
the anniversary of his accession to the
throne
22 Letter accepting resignation of
Lothair Teetor, Assistant Secretary of
Commerce for Domestic Affairs
22 White House statement concerning re-
cess appointment of Frederick H.
as Assistant Secretary of
Mueller as Assistant
Commerce for Domestic Affairs
24 Message to King Haakon VII of Nor-
way on the 50th anniversary of his
reign
25 Letter accepting resignation of Hugh
W. Cross, member. Interstate Com-
merce Commission
28 Remarks to the White House Con-
ference on Education
29 Letter accepting resignation of John
J. Forbes, Director of the Bureau of
Mines
30 Message from the Sultan of Morocco
30 Statement by the President on ob-
servance of Safe Driving Day
30 White House statement concerning the
third Washington conference of may-
ors and other city officials
30 Letter accompanying medallion for
presentation to Sir Winston Churchill
on his 8 1 St birthday
875
Appendix A
December Subject
5 Telephone broadcast to the AFL-CIO
merger meeting in New York City
6 Letter accepting resignation of More-
head Patterson, U.S. representative for
international atomic energy negotia-
tions
10 Letter accepting resignation of Fred-
eric B. Lee, Administrator of Civil
Aeronautics
10 Statement by the President on early
mailing of Christmas gifts and greet-
ings
12 White House statements following
meetings with Republican leaders of
the Senate and the House of Repre-
sentatives
13 White House statement following bi-
partisan conference on foreign aflfairs
and national defense
December Subject
14 Statement by the President:
Rights Day
Bill of
18 Remarks broadcast for the Pageant of
Peace Ceremonies in Washington
1 9 Letter accepting resignation of Nelson
A. Rockefeller, Special Assistant to
the President
23 Letter accepting resignation of H.
Brian Holland, Assistant Attorney
General in charge of Tax Division
24 Letter accepting resignation of James
A. McConnell, Assistant Secretary of
Agriculture and member of the Board
of Directors, Commodity Credit Cor-
poration
30 White House statement following re-
ported remarks by Mr. Khrushchev on
the Christmas messages of the Presi-
dent and the Secretary of State to the
peoples of Eastern Europe
876
Appendix B~ Presidential Documents Published
in the Federal Register, 1955
PROCLAMATIONS
Date 20 F,R,
^^' '955 Subject page
3080 Jan. I Fixing terminal date respecting service in the Armed Forces
entitling persons to certain veterans' benefits and services,
preferences, and other assistance 1 73
3081 Feb. 21 Armed Forces Day, 1955 1171
3082 Feb. 23 Determining 4,4-Diphenyl-6-Dimethylamino-3-Hexanone to be
an opiate 1263
3083 Feb. 24 Red Cross Month, 1955 1263
3084 Mar. 9 Modification of restrictions on imports of peanuts 1 549
3085 Mar. 17 National Farm Safety Week, 1955 1653
3086 Mar. 25 Cancer Control Month, 1955 2009
3087 Mar. 25 World Trade Week, 1955 2009
3088 Mar. 31 Pan American Day and Pan American Week, 1 955 2103
3089 Mar. 31 Excluding certain lands from the Glacier Bay National Monu-
ment and adding a portion thereof to the Tongass National
Forest — ^Alaska 2103
3090 Apr. 5 United Nations Day, 1955 2297
3091 Apr. 28 Loyalty Day, 1955 2945
3092 May 5 Mother's Day, 1955 3147
3093 Apr. 26 Child Health Day, 1955 3179
3094 May 10 National Maritime Day, 1955 3245
3095 May 16 Further modification of restrictions on imports of peanuts . . 3491
3096 May 24 Prayer for Peace, Memorial Day, 1955 3783
3097 June I Flag Day, 1955 3925
3098 June I Citizenship Day, 1955 3925
3099 June 25 Carrying out the supplementary agreement with Switzerland . . 4561
877
Appendix B
Date 20 F,R,
No. ig55 Subject page
3100 June 29 Further modification of trade-agreement concession on alsike
clover seed 4^99
3 1 01 June 29 Imposing a quota on imports of rye, rye flour, and rye meal ... 4701
3102 July 13 John Marshall Bicentennial Month 5089
3103 July 15 Modification of restrictions on imports of shelled filberts . . . 5219
3104 July 23 Death of Cordell Hull 5337
3105 July 22 Carrying out the protocol of terms of accession by Japan to the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and for other
purposes 5379
3106 Aug. 2 Fire Prevention Week, 1955 5671
3107 Aug. 5 Revocation of Proclamation No. 2626 of October 11, 1944,
relating to service courts of friendly foreign forces within the
United States 5805
3 1 08 Aug. 1 8 Modification of trade agreement concessions and adjustment in
rates of duty with respect to bicycles 61 13
3109 Aug. 19 Constitution Week, 1955 6209
31 10 Aug. 25 Veterans Day, 1955 6309
31 1 1 Aug. 27 Termination of Ecuadoran trade agreement proclamation . . 6485
3 1 1 2 Sept. I American Education Week, 1 955 6543
31 13 Sept. 3 National Employ the Physically Handicapped Week, 1955 . . 6603
31 14 Sept. 24 General Pulaski's Memorial Day, 1955 73^9
3115 Oct. 10 Columbus Day, 1955 7717
31 16 Oct. II Thanksgiving Day, 1955 7801
31 17 Oct. 17 Termination of Guatemalan trade agreement proclamation . 7925
31 18 Oct. 17 Farm-City Week 7925
31 19 Oct. 18 National Olympic Day, 1955 7955
3120 Oct. 18 NationalDay of Prayer, 1955 7977
31 2 1 Dec. 8 United Nations Human Rights Day, 1955 9327
EXECUTIVE ORDERS
1 0585 Jan. I Termination of combatant activities in Korea and waters adja-
cent thereto; designation of date 17
878
Appendix B
Date 20 F,R.
J^o, ig^^ Subject page
1 0586 Jan. 1 3 Designation of certain officers to act as Secretary of the Treas-
ury 361
10587 Jan. 13 Trading With the Enemy Act; administration of section 32(h) . 361
10588 Jan. 14 President's Commission on Veterans' Pensions; establishment
of 361
10589 Jan. 15 Creation of the Quetico-Superior Committee; amendment of
Executive Order No. 6783 of June 30, 1934 385
10590 Jan. 18 President's Committee on Government Employment Policy:
establishment of 409
1 059 1 Jan. 20 Olesen, Otto K.; waiving the age requirements for permission to
compete in the competitive civil-service examination for the
position of postmaster at Los Angeles, California 481
1 0592 Jan. 2 1 Delegating certain functions of the President respecting school-
construction assistance; amendment of Executive Order No.
1 0524 of March 31,1 954 509
10593 Jan. 27 Authorizing the Director of the Office of Defense Mobilization
to perform additional functions of the President; amendment
of Executive Order No. 10296, as amended 599
10594 Jan. 31 Selective Service Regulations; amendment of 735
10595 Feb. 7 Panama Canal and the Canal Zone; amendment of Executive
Order No. 9746 of July i, 1946, relating thereto 819
10596 Feb. 15 Reservation of source material in certain lands owned by the
United States; revocation of Executive Order No. 9908 of
December 5, 1 947 1 007
10597 Feb. 15 Provision for the restoration of certain lands at Kaakaukukui,
Honolulu, Hawaii, to the jurisdiction of the Territory of
Hawaii and transfer of title thereto to the Territory .... 1 007
10598 Feb. 28 Establishing the Operations Coordinating Board; amendment
of Executive Order No. 10483 1237
10599 Mar. 14 Snyder, Hon. A. Cecil; designation to act, under certain circum-
stances, as Judge of the United States District Court for the
District of Puerto Rico during the year 1 955 1 569
10600 Mar. 15 "Legion of Merit"; amendment of Executive Order No. 9260
of October 29, 1942 . 1569
1 060 1 Mar. 21 Administration of commodity set-aside 1761
10602 Mar. 23 Designation of the Secretary of the Interior as the representative
of the President to approve the obligation and expenditure of
certain moneys by the government of the Virgin Islands . . 1 795
879
Appendix B
Date 20 F.R,
No. 1955 Subject page
10603 Apr. 19 Providing for the restoration of possession, use, and control of
certain lands reserved for military purposes to the Territory of
Hawaii and transfer of tide to such lands to the Territory;
amendment of Executive Order No. 10309 2645
10604 Apr. 22 Operation of vending stands on Federal property by blind
persons; delegating to the Director of the Bureau of the Budget
the authority of the President to approve regulations relating
thereto 2747
1 0605 Apr. 2 2 Prescribing regulations governing the payment of basic allowances
for subsistence to members of the uniformed services; amend-
ment of Executive Order No. loi 19 of March 27, 1950 . . . 2747
10606 May 3 Tax returns (income, excess-profits, declared-value excess-
profits, capital-stock, estate, and gift); inspection by the
Senate Committee on Government Operations 3017
10607 May 3 Tax returns (income, excess-profits, declared-value excess-
profits, capital-stock, estate, and gift); inspection by the Com-
mittee on Government Operations, House of Representa-
tives 3017
1 0608 May 5 United States authority and functions in Germany 3^93
1 0609 May 7 Delegating to the Secretary of State authority to appoint alter-
nate United States Commissioners to the Caribbean Com-
mission 3147
1 06 10 May 9 Mutual Security and related functions; administration of , . . 3179
1 06 1 1 May II Civil Defense Coordinating Board; establishment of and defini-
tion of duties 3245
1 06 1 2 May II Restoring certain lands reserved for military purposes to the
jurisdiction of the Territory of Hawaii 3246
1 06 1 3 May 16 Establishing the Clemency and Parole Board for War Criminals;
amendment of Executive Order No. 10393 ^^ September 4,
1952 3455
1 06 1 4 May 25 General-average contributions in connection with the transporta-
tion of certain baggage and household goods and effects of mili-
tary and civilian personnel of the United States; regulations
governing the payment of 3699
1 06 1 5 June 17 Certain carriers represented by the Eastern, Western, and
Southeastern Carriers' Conference Committees and certain
of their employees; creation of an emergency board to in-
vestigate a dispute 43^5
880
Appendix B
Date 20 F.R,
J^^' ^955 Subject page
1 06 1 6 June 21 Officer Personnel Act of 1947, as amended; suspension of cer-
tain provisions which relate to officers of the Marine Corps of
the grade of brigadier general 4435
1 06 1 7 June 28 Officer Personnel Act of 1947; suspension of the operation of
certain provisions applicable to the retirement of colonels of
the Regular Army 4671
1 06 1 8 June 28 Prescribing regulations relating to the right of members of the
uniformed services to incentive pay for the performance of
hazardous duty required by competent orders; amendment
of Executive Order No. 10152 4671
1 06 1 9 June 29 Individual income tax returns; inspection by the Department of
Health, Education, and Welfare 4^73
10620 July I Tax returns (income, excess-profits, declared-value excess-
profits, capital-stock, estate, and gift); inspection by the
Senate Committee on the Judiciary 4759
1 062 1 July I Delegation of certain functions of the President to the Secretary
of Defense 4759
10622 July I Railway Express Agency, Inc., and certain of its employees;
creation of an emergency board to investigate a dispute . . . 4762
10623 July 23 Salary diff'erentials and allowances for officers and employees
of the Foreign Service serving outside the United States;
amendment of certain provisions of Executive Orders No.
1 0000 and No. looii, as amended 5297
10624 July 28 Department of Agriculture, service abroad; regulations relating
to personnel assigned thereto 5445
10625 Aug. 2 Foreign aid functions; further providing for the administra-
tion of 557 1
10626 Aug. 4 Interdepartmental Committee for Voluntary Payroll Savings
Plan for the Purchase of United States Savings Bonds; estab-
lishment of 5671
10627 Aug. 5 Tax returns (income, excess-profits, declared-value excess-
profits, capital-stock, estate, and gift) ; inspection by the Com-
mittee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives . 5741
10628 Aug. 5 Uniform Code of Military Justice; restoring limitations upon
punishments for violations of Articles 82, 85, 86(3), 87, 90,
91 (i) and (2), 113, and 115 5741
10629 Aug. 13 Authorizing enlistments in the Ready Reserve of the Army
Reserve and Marine Corps Reserve 59^^
881
Appendix B
Date 20 F,R.
No. ig^5 Subject page
10630 Aug. 13 New York Central System, Lines East, and certain of its em-
ployees; creation of an emergency board to investigate a
dispute 591 1
1 063 1 Aug. 17 Code of Conduct for Members of the Armed Forces of the
United States 6057
10632 Aug. 19 Officer Personnel Act of 1947, as amended; suspension of certain
provisions which relate to the promotion of officers of the
Medical Corps and Dental Corps of the Navy 61 15
10633 Aug. 19 Airspace reservation over the Las Vegas Project, Las Vegas,
Nevada; establishment of 6209
1 0634 Aug. 25 Aid in reconstruction, rehabilitation and replacement of facilities
which are destroyed or damaged by a major disaster and which
are required for national defense; provision for loans .... 6433
10635 Sept. I Pennsylvania Railroad and certain of its employees; creation of
an emergency board to investigate a dispute ....... 6485
10636 Sept. 16 Regulations governing additional compensation and credit
granted certain employees of the Federal Government serving
outside the United States; amendment of Executive Order No.
1 0000 of September 16, 1948 7025
10637 Sept. 16 Delegating to the Secretary of the Treasury certain functions of
the President relating to the United States Coast Guard . . 7025
10638 Oct. 10 Strategic and critical materials; authorizing the Director of the
Office of Defense Mobilization to order release from stock piles
in the event of an attack upon the United States 7^37
10639 Oct. 10 United States Foreign Service Fees; amendment of the Tariff . 7717
10640 Oct. ID The President's Committee on Employment of the Physically
Handicapped 77^7
1 0641 Oct. 26 Appointments to overseas positions; amendment of Civil Service
Rules by addition of Rule VIII 8137
10642 Oct, 26 Employment in Canal Zone; suspension of certain statutory
provisions 8^37
1 0643 Nov. 7 Albany Port District Railroad and other carriers and certain of
their employees; creation of an emergency board to investigate
disputes 8359
10644 Nov. 7 Bulgarian, Hungarian, and Rumanian property; administration
of Title II of the International Claims Settlement Act of 1949,
as amended, relating to the vesting and liquidation thereof . . 8363
882
Appendix B
Date 20 F,R.
^0, 1955 Subject page
10645 Nov. 22 State of Michigan; amendment of Executive Order No. 9 of
January 17, 1873, to permit an officer or employee of the
Federal Government to hold the office of Member of the State
Board of Agriculture 868 1
10646 Nov. 22 Federal Voting Assistance Act of 1955; designation of the Secre-
tary of Defense to coordinate and facilitate actions required
to discharge Federal responsibilities 8681
10647 Nov. 28 Defense Production Act of 1950, as amended; provision for the
appointment of certain persons thereunder 8769
10648 Dec. 8 Restoration of certain lands comprising portions of the Fort
Ruger Military Reservation to the jurisdiction of the Territory
of Hawaii 9287
10649 ^^^- 28 Regulations relating to certain travel time of members of the
uniformed services called to active duty in excess of thirty days;
amendment of Executive Order No. 1 01 53 10095
PRESIDENTIAL DOCUMENTS OTHER THAN PROCLAMATIONS
AND EXECUTIVE ORDERS
July 22 Letter: Trade Agreement; Carrying out the Protocol of Terms of Ac-
cession by Japan to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and
for other purposes 5383
Aug. 22 Letter: Traae Agreement; Carrying out the Protocol of Terms of Ac-
cession by Japan to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and
for other purposes 62 1 1
Oct. 3 Letter: Trade Agreement; Carrying out the Protocol of Terms of Ac-
cession by Japan to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and
for other purposes 7801
883
Appendix C — Presidential Reports to
the Congress, 1955
Date of
White
Sent to the House
Subject Published Congress release
Public Law 480 (83d Gong.):
First Semiannual Report H. Doc. 62 Jan. 10 Jan. 10
Second Semiannual Report H. Doc. 2 1 6 July 1 2 July 1 2
Escape Glauses — ^report on the inclusion of escape
clauses in existing trade agreements H. Doc. 64 Jan. 10 Jan. 10
Panama Ganal Gompany and the Ganal Zone
Government:
Second Annual Report Jan. 1 7
Third Annual Report May 19
Saint Lawrence Seaway Development Gorpora-
tion H. Doc. 71 Jan. 14 (S)
Jan. 17(H)
Gommodity Gredit Gorporation H. Doc. 73 Jan. 14 (S)
Jan. 17(H)
Foreign Service Retirement and Disability Fund . H. Doc. 70 Jan. 14 (S)
Jan. 17(H)
Gorregidor Bataan Memorial Gommission . . . H. Doc. 72 Jan. 14 (S)
Jan. 17(H)
National Science Foundation, Fourth Annual
Report H. Doc. 74 Jan. 14 (S)
Jan. 17(H)
Economic Report of the President H. Doc. 31 Jan. 20 Jan. 20
National Advisory Gommittee for Aeronautics,
Fortieth Annual Report S. Doc. i Jan. 27 ....
National Advisory Gouncil on International
Monetary and Financial Problems:
October i, 1953, to June 30, 1954 H. Doc. 85 Feb. 8 ....
July I to December 31, 1954 H. Doc. 194 June 22 ....
884
Appendix C
Subject
United States Civil Service Commission . . .
National Capital Housing Authority
Railroad Retirement Board
Mutual Security Program:
For the 6 months ended December 31,1 954 .
For the 6 months ended June 30, 1 955 . . .
Report on the Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1954
entitled "Public Utility Relocation Incident to
Highway Improvement"
Development of Agriculture's Human Resources .
Report of the Office of Alien Property, Depart-
ment of Justice
June 6
Final Report of the Commission on Intergovern-
mental Relations
United States Participation in the United Nations,
Ninth Annual Report
Lend Lease Operations, Thirty-sixth Report . .
H. Doc. 198 June 28
H. Doc. 166 July 15
H. Doc. 221 Oct. 21
Date of
White
House
release
Sent to the
Published Congress
H. Doc. 13 Feb. 16 (H)
Feb 18 (S)
Feb. 23
H. Doc. 28 Mar. 10
H. Doc. 97 Mar. 14 Mar. 14
H. Doc. 226 Aug. 25 ....
H. Doc. 127 Apr. 5 ....
H. Doc. 149 Apr. 27 (H) Apr. 27
Apr. 28 (S)
July 15
885
Appendix D — Rules Governing This Publication
[Reprinted from the Federal Register, vol. 24, p. 2354, dated March 26, 1959]
TITLE I— GENERAL PROVISIONS
Chapter I — Administrative Committee of the Federal Register
PART 32— PUBLIC PAPERS OF THE
PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED
STATES
Sec.
32.1
32.2
32.3
PUBLICATION AND FORMAT
Publication required.
Coverage of prior years.
Format, indexes, ancillaries.
SCOPE
32.10 Basic criteria.
32.11 Sources.
FREE DISTRIBUTION
32.15 Members of Congress.
32.16 The Supreme Court.
32.17 Executive agencies.
PAID DISTRIBUTION
32.20 Agency requisitions.
32.21 Extra copies.
32.22 Sale to public.
Authority: §§ 32.1 to 32.22 issued un-
der sec. 6, 49 Stat. 501, as amended; 44
U.S.C. 306.
Publication and Format
§ 32.1 Publication required. There
shall be published forthwith at the end of
each calendar year, beginning with the
year 1957, a special edition of the Fed-
eral Register designated "Public Papers
of the Presidents of the United States."
Each volume shall cover one calendar year
and shall be identified further by the name
of the President and the year covered.
§ 32.2 Coverage of prior years. After
conferring with the National Historical
Publications Commission with respect to
the need therefor, the Administrative
Committee may from time to time au-
thorize the publication of similar volumes
covering specified calendar years prior to
1957-
§ 32.3 Format, indexes, ancillaries.
Each annual volume, divided into books
whenever appropriate, shall be separately
published in the binding and style deemed
by the Administrative Committee to be
suitable to the dignity of the office of
President of the United States. Each
volume shall be appropriately indexed and
shall contain appropriate ancillary in-
formation respecting significant Presi-
dential documents not published in full
text.
Scope
§32.10 Basic criteria. The basic text
of the volumes shall consist of oral utter-
ances by the President or of writings sub-
scribed by him. All materials selected for
inclusion under these criteria must also
be in the public domain by virtue of
White House press release or otherwise.
§32.11 Sources, (a) The basic text
of the volumes shall be selected from the
official text of: (i) Communications to
886
Appendix D
the Congress, (2) public addresses, (3)
transcripts of press conferences, (4) pub-
lic letters, (5) messages to heads of state,
(6) statements released on miscellaneous
subjects, and (7) formal executive docu-
ments promulgated in accordance with
law.
(b) Ancillary text, notes, and tables
shall be derived from official sources only.
Free Distribution
§ 32.15 Members of Congress, Each
Member of Congress shall be entitled to
one copy of each annual volume upon
application therefor in writing to the
Director.
§ 32.16 The Supreme Court. The
Supreme Court of the United States shall
be entitled to twelve copies of the annual
volumes.
§32.17 Executive agencies. The head
of each department and the head of each
independent agency in the executive
branch of the Government shall be en-
titled to one copy of each annual volume
upon application therefor in writing to
the Director.
Paid Distribution
§ 32.20 Agency requisitions. Each
Federal agency shall be entitled to obtain
at cost copies of the annual volumes for
official use upon the timely submission to
the Government Printing Office of a
printing and binding requisition (Stand-
ard Form No. i ) .
§ 32.21 Extra copies. All requests
for extra copies of the annual volumes
shall be addressed to the Superintendent
of Documents, Government Printing Of-
fice, Washington 25, D.C. Extra copies
shall be paid for by the agency or official
requesting them.
§ 32.22 Sale to public. The annual
volumes shall be placed on sale to the
public by the Superintendent of Docu-
ments at prices determined by him under
the general direction of the Administrative
Committee.
* * at * *
Administrative Committee of
THE Federal Register,
Wayne C. Grover,
Archivist of the United States,
Chairman.
Raymond Blattenberger,
The Public Printer,
Member,
William O. Burtner,
Representative of the Attorney
General, Member,
Approved March 20, 1959.
William P. Rogers,
Attorney General,
Franklin Floete,
Administrator of General Services,
[F.R. Doc. 59-2517; Filed, Mar. 25, 1959;
8:45 a. m.]
887
INDEX
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Abel, Elie, 47, 62, 81, 90, 95
Accidents
Aircraft
Troop transport, Germany, 204
U.S. plane in Bering Sea, 146
Highway traffic, 39, 243
Statement on safe driving, 1 1 1
Acreage allotments, 90
Acreage controls, 4, 17 (p. 150)
Adams, Francis L., 146 and ftn. (p. 658)
Adams, Sherman, 131. I33. 134^ i35
News conference remarks on, 119, 146,
176
Adamy, Clarence G., 51 n.
Addresses, remarks, or messages to national
groups
Advertising Council, 58
AFL cornerstone-laying ceremony, 245
American Bar Association, 210
American Legion, 38
Associated Press, 79
Association of American Colleges, 1 1
Boy Scouts of America, 28
4-HClub, 128
Masonic breakfast, 43
National Association of Radio and Tele-
vision Broadcasters, 105
National Association of Television and
Radio Farm Directors, 127
National Conference of Christians and
Jews, 40
Republican National Committee, 35
Republican Women's National Confer-
ence, 94
United Service Organizations, 27
U.S. Chamber of Commerce, 85
White House Conference on Education,
242
Addresses, remarks, or messages at pres-
entation ceremonies
Acceptance of citation by United Jewish
Appeal, 115
Acceptance of fawn, 141
Acceptance of honorary' degrees, 70, 121
Acceptance of statue, Laboring Youth,
22
Citation to National Foundation for In-
fantile Paralysis, 78
Citation to Dr. Salk, 77
Medal to Robert B. Anderson, 183
Medal to Adm. Carney, 188
Medal to J. Edgar Hoover, 1 10
Medal to Field Marshal Pibulsonggram,
Medal to Gen. Ridgway, 144
Medallion to Winston Churchill, 244
Addresses or remarks on commemorative or
dedicatory occasions
AFL cornerstone-laying ceremony, 84
Armed Forces Institute of Pathology,
dedication, 108
Old Man of the Mountain, 150th anni-
versary of discovery, 136
U.N. tenth anniversary meeting, 126
Washington Hebrew Congregation Tem-
ple, 92
Adenauer, Konrad
Invitation to visit U.S.S.R., 1 19
Joint statement with, 122
Letter, 190
Message, 204
Visit to United States, 119
Adkins, Bertha, 94
Advertising Council, 96
Conference, remarks, 58
889
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Advisory Committee on Government Op-
erations, 74
Aerial inspection. See Disarmament
Aeronautical research, 17 (p. 92)
Aeronautics, National Advisory Committee
for, 17 (p. 170)
AFL,4i
Cornerstone-laying ceremonies, remarks,
84
AFL-CIO, merger, 47
Remarks, 245
Africa
Assistance, 17 (p. 130), 76
World War II campaign, 10
Afro-Asian conference. See Bandung con-
ference of Asian-African countries
Agreements, international. See Interna-
tional agreements
Agricultural Marketing Act amendment,
veto, 147
Agricultural research, 17 (pp. 94, 155)
Agricultural surpluses, 4, 7
Approval of amendment to Public Law
480, 202
Budget message, 17 (pp. 103, 130, 152,
153)
News conference remarks, 90
Rice, 148
Sale for foreign currencies, 76
Agricultural Trade Development and As-
sistance Act, 76
Amendment, approval, 202
Reports, 7, 150
Agriculture, 4, 6, 221
Budget message, 17 (pp. 93, 94, 148-
155)
Table, 17 (p. 151)
News conference remarks, 33, 90
Soviet Union, 33
Agriculture, Department of, 147
Budget message, 17 (pp. 144, 155)
Ladejinsky, Wolf, 10, 18
Agriculture, Secretary of (Ezra Taft Ben-
son), 90 ftn. (p. 475), 127
Low income farmers, 15-point program,
82
News conference remarks on, 10, 18
Agronsky, Martin, 90, 95, 149, 185
Aiken, Sen. George D., 131
Air Coordinating Committee, 17 (p. 169)
Air Defense Command, 13, 17 (p. 116)
Air Force, 50
Accident to troop transport, Germany,
204
Budget message, 17 (pp. 113, 114, 117)
Personnel strength, 3
Air Force, Secretary of the (Harold E.
Talbott), 90, 112, 119, 176, 185
Air Force Academy, remarks on establish-
ment, 117
Air navigation facilities, 17 (p. 92)
Air pollution, 25
Air power, Soviet, 100
Air power, U.S., 100
See also Military strength, U.S.
Aircraft, military
Accident to U.S. troop transport, Ger-
many, 204
Bering Sea U.S. plane accident, 146
Bombers, 3, 149
B-3 6 bombers, 100, 112
B-52 bombers, 100
Budget message, 17 (pp. 116, 117, 121)
News conference remarks, 100, 112, 146,
149
Nuclear, 17 (p. 121)
Soviet, 112
Aircraft industry dispersal, comment on, 90
Airlines
Alaska Airlines, 106
Northwest Airlines, 30, 33
Pacific Northern Airlines, 106
Pan American World Airways, 30, 33
Subsidies, 17 (p. 169), 30, 33, 106
890
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Airmen, U.S., prisoners in Communist
China, 4, 16, 148
News conference remarks, 18, 41, 62, 81,
112, 176
Release of, 112, 1 79
U.N. action on, 156
Airports, Federal aid, 146
Alabama, Sen. Lister Hill, 33
Alaska, statehood, 4, 247
News conference remarks, 56, 95
Alaska Airlines, certification, 106
Albania, offer of food supplies, statement,
49
Albert, Irene, 90
Albrecht, E. J., Co., relief of, disapproval,
196
Aldrich, Winthrop W., 244 n.
Allen, Ethan, 131
Alsop, Joseph, 119
Alsop, Stewart, 119
American Bar Association
Address, 210
News conference remarks, 47, 112
American Federation of Labor, 41
Cornerstone-laying ceremonies, remarks,
84
American Field Service students, remarks,
151
American Heritage Foundation, 32 n.
American Legion, 119, 169
Americanism program, remarks, 38
American Medical Association, 34 n.
Action on polio vaccine, 112, 113
American Republics, 76
See also American States, Organization
of; Inter- American; Latin Amer-
ica; specific countries
American Revolution, 10
American Society of Newspaper Editors,
79. 99 n.
American States, Organization of
Costa Rican dispute, action on, 10
American States — Continued
Guatemalan situation, 156
News conference remarks, 10, 26
U.S. contributions to, 76
Amtorg, 10
AMVETS, 169
Anderson, Sen. Clinton P.
Letter on NATO cooperation re atomic
information, 71
News conference remarks on, 10
Anderson, Dillon, 146 ftn. (p. 644)
Anderson, Robert B., Medal of Freedom,
citation, 183
Antarctic, mission of U.S.S. Atka, 47
Anti-segregation amendments to legisla-
tion, 119
Anti-trust study, 56
Appeasement, 79
News conference remarks, 26, 100
Apple price predictions, prohibition of
Government publication, veto, 147
Appointments
Bragdon, Maj. Gen. John S., Special
Assistant to the President, 203
Hearst, William Randolph, Jr., Com-
mittee for Traffic Safety, 1 24
Petersen, T. S., Committee for Traffic
Safety, 125
President's Commission on Veterans Pen-
sions, 51
Stassen, Harold E., Special Assistant to
the President, 57
Appropriations
Department of Defense Appropriation
Act, 1956, 155
Mutual Security Appropriation Act, 182
Public Works Appropriation Act, 157
Approval of acts of Congress, statements or
messages. See Legislation, statements
or messages upon approval
Arab-Israeli dispute and hostilities, 76, 239
Statement, 234
891
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Arab States, refugees, 17 (p. 131)
Arends, Repr. Leslie C, 41
Argentina, atomic research agreement, 1 2 1
Argonne National Laboratory, foreign
students, remarks, 53
Armed forces, U.S., 4
Absentee voting rights, 29
Code of conduct, 207
Decline in re-enlistment rate, 1 3
Housing, 4, 13,17 (p. 118)
In Formosa area, 21, 24 n.
In Germany, 119
Letter to Secretary Wilson re, 3
Medical Corps, 108
Milk program for, 17 (p. 152)
News conference remarks, 26, 119, 149
Reduction, 26, 119
Reserve bill, 90, 100, 119, 146, 149, 176,
192
Reserve program, 3, 4, 12, 17 (p. 91)
Tachen Islands, 36
See also Military personnel
Armed forces, U.S.S.R., 1 19
Armed Forces Day, message, 97
Armed Forces Institute of Pathology, dedi-
cation remarks, 108
Arms limitation and reduction, 4
Statement at Geneva, 164
Western European Union, 54
See also Disarmament
Army
Budget message, 17 (pp. 112-114, 116)
Modernization, 4
Reduction in, 119
Army, Chief of Staff (Gen. Matthew B.
Ridgway), award of Distinguished
Service Medal, 144
Army, Department of the, 3
Army, Secretary of the (Robert T.
Stevens), resignation, rumor of, 33
Arrowsmith, Marvin L., 10, 18, 26, 33, 41,
47. 56. 59. 62, 81, 90, 95, 100, 1 12
Arts, Federal Advisory Commission on,
proposed, 4
Asgeirsson, Asgeir, exchange of greetings,
162
Asia, South Asia, and Southeast Asia, 4,
99. 248
Assistance, 17 (pp. 123, 129, 130), 41,
47. 48. 69, 76
Bandung conference, 26
Colombo Plan for economic develop-
ment, 76
Joint statement with Prime Minister Nu,
148
News conference remarks, 18, 26, 41, 47
See also specific countries
Associated Press, address, 79
Association of American Colleges, remarks,
II
Atka, U.S.S., Antarctic mission, 47
Atomic attack, highways for evacuation
purposes, 39
Atomic energy, 17 (pp. 108, 119)
Atomic Energy Agency, International. See
International Atomic Energy Agency
Atomic Energy Commission, 79, 89, 123,
146 ftns. (pp. 646, 658), 223
Appropriations, 157
Argonne National Laboratory, 53
Budget message, 17 (pp. 119, 121, 143,
161, 162)
"Effects of High-Yield Nuclear Explo-
sions," 41, 56
Filling of vacancy, 62, 119
Libby, Willard F., 89 n., 191 n.
News conference remarks, 10, 41, 56, 62,
119
Salary payment to interim appointee,
193
Technical libraries, 228
Atomic Energy Commission, Chairman
(Lewis L. Strauss), 10, 53, 177, 228 n.
Geneva conference on atomic energy,
191
892
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Atomic energy for peaceful uses, 4, 53 n.,
121, 126
Budget message, 17 (p. 91 )
Fissionable materials for, 79, 156, 164,
165
See also Uranium
Geneva conference (1955), 100, 123,
149,156, 176, 177 n., 228
Message, 191
International agreements on civil uses.
See International agreements
Merchant ship exhibit, 79
Message to National Industrial Confer-
ence Board, 228
News conference remarks, 59, 81, 100,
146, 149, 176
President's address at United Nations
(1953). 191
Remarks in Geneva, 1 65
U.N. activities, 156
See also International Atomic Energy
Agency
Atomic power projects. See Power projects
Atomic reactors. See Reactors
"Atoms for Peace" postage stamp, remarks
on issuance, 177
Attorney General (Herbert Brownell, Jr.),
lion.
News conference remarks on, 81, 149
Opinion on Department of Defense
Appropriation Act, 1 55
Atwood, Frank, 127
Auchincloss, Repr. James C., letter, 20
Augusta, Ga., i n., 26 ftn. (p. 231), 71 n.,
72n.,73n.,74n.
Austria
Ambassador Llewellyn E. Thompson,
146 ftn. (p. 644)
Exchange visitor, Kurt Glaser, 116
Koerner, Theodor, 98
News conference remarks, 81, 100
Neutralization, 100
Vienna, 81, 95, 98 n., 114
Austrian State Treaty, 99
Message to President Koerner upon
signing, 98
News conference remarks, 59, 81, 95, 100
Transmittal to Senate, 1 14
Automation, comment on, 56
Automobile industry, threatened strike, 1 1 2
Automobiles, excise tax on, 41
Aviation, 17 (pp. 169, 170)
Awards and citations
Citation by United Jewish Appeal, 115
Distinguished Service Medal
Adm. Carney, 188
Gen. Ridgway, 144
Honorary degrees, 70, 121
Legion of Merit, Field Marshal Pibul-
songgram, 87
Medal of Freedom, Robert B. Anderson,
183
Medallion, Winston Churchill, 244
National Foundation for Infantile Pa-
ralysis, 78
National Security Medal, J. Edgar
Hoover, no
Salk, Dr. Jonas E., 77
Bandung conference of Asian-African
countries, 26 and ftn. (p. 231)
Bangkok, Thailand
SEATO conference, 41
Trade fair ( 1 954) , 6
Bangor, Maine, remarks at Dow Air Force
Base, 143
Bao Dai, letter, 48
Barnes, Stanley N., 56
Bartelt, Edward F., 187
Bartlett, Charles L., 146, 149
Bass, Repr. Perkins, 139
Baudouin I, 208 n.
Bayar, Celal, 89
Beach, Comdr. Edward L., 183, 188
Beck, Dave, telegram, 232
40308—59-
-59
893
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Beckley, Harold, death of, 62
Belgium, 54 n., 1 12 ftn. (p. 548)
Agreement with U.S. on civil uses of
atomic energy, 1 23
Baudouin I, 208 n.
Bell, Repr. John J., 95
Bennett, Sen. Wallace F., 1 19
Benson, Ezra Taft. See Agriculture,
Secretary of
Bering Sea, U.S. plane accident, 146
Berlin
Assistance, 76
News conference remarks, 33
Berlin, N.H., remarks at Hansen Ski Jump
area, 139
Big Dam Foolishness (Peterson), 56
Big Four Conference. See Heads of state
and governments, meeting
Bill of Rights, news conference remarks, 56,
59
Bill of Rights Day, statement, 249
Bingham, Hiram, 10
Bipartisan action, 185
Foreign affairs and national defense, 248
Report on Geneva heads of government
conference, 174
Blair, William M., 62, 90, 95, 119, 176
Blind persons.
Medical care, 25
Services of Post Office Department, 9
Bluecher, Franz, 208 n.
Blumenthal, Hermann, 22 n.
Bohlen, Charles E., 146 ftn. (p. 644)
Bolivia, assistance, 17 (p. 129), 76
Bombers. See Aircraft, military
Bombs
News conference remarks, 33, 41, 47, 56
See also Nuclear tests; Nuclear Weapons
Bonaparte, Napoleon, 59, 118
Bonds, U.S. savings, 186, 187
Boston Tea Party, 92
Bowie, Robert R., 146 ftn. (p. 644)
Boy Scout Week, 28
Boy Scouts of America, message, 28
Bradley, Gen. Omar N., 135
Letter, 51
Bragdon, Maj. Gen. John S., appointment
as Special Assistant to the President,
203
Brandt, Raymond P., 26, 41, 47, 56, 59, 62,
81, 95
Brazil, 1 12 ftn. (p. 548)
Atomic research agreement, 121
Rio de Janeiro, 4
Bricker, Sen. John W., 59
Bricker amendment, comment on, 59, 81
Bridges, Sen. Styles, 134, 135, 139
British Empire Service League, 119
Broadcasts to the American people. See
Messages to the American people
Bronk, Detlev W., 191 n.
Brooks, Repr. Overton, 100
Brosio, Manlio, 61
Brotherhood Week, 40
Brown, John R., 112
Brown Swiss Dairy Cattle Association, re-
marks, 131
Brownell, Herbert, Jr. See Attorney Gen-
eral
Brownell, Samuel M., 96
Brucellosis control, 17 (p. 155)
Brussels Treaty, 54
Bryan, Maj. Gen. Blackshear M., 117, 118
Buddhist Synod, 148
Budget, Bureau of the, 222
Dixon- Yates contract, 146, 149
Employment of Adolphe Wenzell, 146
and ftn. (pp. 657,658)
Budget, Bureau of the. Director (Rowland
R. Hughes), 74, 90 ftn. (p. 475), 146
ftns. (pp. 646, 657)
News conference remarks on, 56, 1 76
894
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Budget (1956), 247
Annual message, 1 7
Tables, 17 (pp. 89, 90, 96, 102-105,
107, no, III, 115, 123, 127, 135,
140, 142, 146, 151, 157, 165, 166,
178, 180, 184)
News conference remarks, 18, 41, U2
Budget (1957). 247
Budget policies, 17 (pp. 88, 89)
Bulganin, Nikolai A., 161, 164, 166 n.
Letter, 220
News conference remarks on, 62, 95, 146,
185
Bull Elephants Club, remarks, 181
Bunker Hill, Battle of, 1 18
Burd, Laurence H., 18, 33, 41, 62, 81, 90,
95, 112, 149
Burma
Gift to children of U.S. veterans, 169
Nu (U), 146,148, 169
Rangoon, 148
Business loans, 17 (pp. 176, 177)
Buy American Act
Applicability to spun silk yarn for cart-
ridge cloth, 155
Memorandum, 67
Byrd, Sen. Harry F., 81, 90 ftn. (p. 471)
Byrnes, James F., 73
Caesar, Julius, 118
Caffery, Jefferson, 47
Cain, Harry P., criticism of Government
employee security program, 18
California
Knowland, Sen. William F., 26, 41, 59
San Francisco, 47, 81, 112, 126, 131, 156
Calumet-Sag Waterway, 111., 17 (p. 169)
Cambodia, assistance, 17 (p. 129)
Camp David, editor's note, p. 822
Camp Feldafing, 1 15 n.
Campbell, Boyd, letter, 214
Campbell, Joseph, Comptroller General, 62
Canada, 43, 1 12 ftn. (p. 548)
Agreement with U.S. on civil uses of
atomic energy, 123
Highways to, 39
Canal Zone, inter- American highway, 64
Canali, Paolo, 61
Candidacy for second term, comment on,
10, 47. 56, 62, 146, 149, 185
CAP. See Civil Air Patrol
Capetown, South Africa, visit of U.S.S.
Midway^ 18
Capital Transit Co., termination of fran-
chise, 206
Capitol Hill Club, message, 20
Caracas, Venezuela, conference in, 4
Career incentives for military personnel, 1 7
^ (pp. 91. 109)
Carigngm, Norman, 10
Carlson, Sen. Frank, 62
Carmichael, Leonard, 22
Carney, Adm. Robert B.
Comment on, 62
Distinguished Service Medal, citation,
188
Castillo Armas, Carlos, telegram, 230
Castillo Armas, Senora, 230
Cater, S. Douglass, Jr., 26, 119
Cathey, Sam M., 103
Census Bureau, 17 (p. 148)
Central America. See Latin America
Central Intelligence Agency, 59
Chamber of Commerce, U.S., action on
flood disaster, letter, 214
Charleston, S.C., remarks at The Citadel,
70
Chi-Com. See China, Communist
Chiang, Joseph, 56, 81, 176
Chiang Kai-shek
Exchange of messages, 36
News conference remarks on, 18, 26, 47
Chicago, 111., 47
Governors Conference (1955), 90
895
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Chief Justice of the United States (Earl
Warren), 210
On Bill of Rights, 56, 59
Children
Health program, 25
Of U.S. veterans, gift from Burma, 169
Orphans, recommendations under Refu-
gee Relief Act, 109
Children's Bureau, 25
Children's Fund, U.N., 76, 156
China, Communist, 2 1
Aggression in North Korea, 185
Formosa Strait situation. See Formosa
(Taiwan) Strait situation
News conference remarks, 18, 33, 41, 47,
59,62,81, 112, 176, 185
Peiping, 16
Soviet Union, relations with, 33
U.S. airmen, prisoners in, 4, 16, 18, 41,
62,81, 148, 176
Release of, 112, 1 79
U.N. action on, 156
U.S. negotiations with, 176, 185
China, Republic of
Assistance, 17 (p. 129), 21
Chiang Kai-shek, 18, 26, 36, 47
Invasion of mainland, question of, 47
Military assistance, 76
Mutual Defense Treaty, 4, 5, 21, 35
News conference remarks, 18, 26, 47, 81
See also Formosa (Taiwan) ; Formosa
(Taiwan) Strait situation
Chinese overseas, question of return to
mainland, 56
Chittenden, Vt., remarks to women repre-
sentatives of dairy and agricultural
organizations, 132
Christmas mail, statement, 246
Christmas Tree, National Community, 250
Churchill, Winston
Comment on, 47
Churchill, Winston — Continued
Medallion, presentation letter, 244
Retirement as Prime Minister of United
Kingdom, statement, 65
CIA. See Central Intelligence Agency
Citadel, The, commencement remarks, 70
Citations. See Awards and citations
Citizens Commission for the Public Schools,
National, 96
Civil Aeronautics Administration, 146
Civil Aeronautics Board
Budget message, 17 (p. 169)
Chairman, filling of position, 10
States- Alaska case, 106
West Coast-Hawaii case, 30, 33
Civil Aeronautics Board, Chairman (Ross
Rizley) , letter, 106
Civil Air Patrol, 14th anniversary, state-
ment, 224
Civil benefits, budget message, 17 (pp. 96,
101-103)
Table, 17 (p. 103)
Civil defense, 4
Budget message, 17 (pp. 119, 1 75)
News conference remarks, 56, 112, 149
Test exercise
Memorandum, loi
Relocation of Federal agencies (Op-
eration Alert), 149 and ftn. (p.
672)
Civil Defense Administration. See Fed-
eral Civil Defense Administration
Civil Defense Administrator (Val Peter-
son), 209
Civil rights, 247
Public school education. See Integra-
tion, public schools
Civil Service Commission
Budget message, 17 (p. 181)
Government employees incentive awards
program, i
Civil Service Retirement Act, amendment,
disapproval, 201
896
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Civil service retirement fund, 17 (pp. 96,
106)
Clague, Ewan, 18
Claims and relief acts, 17 (p. 183)
Clark, Mayor Joseph, on civil defense, 56
Clark, Gen. Mark W., 70
Clark, Robert E., 18, 26, 33^41. 47. 59. 62,
81, 90, 100, 112, 146, 176, 185
Class struggle doctrine of Karl Marx, 245
Clay, Gen. Lucius D., 39, 146
Clements, Sen. Earle C, 33
Clinchy, Everett R., 40
Coast Guard, 17 (p. 169)
Code of conduct for members of armed
forces, statement, 207
Coexistence, comment on use of term, 26
Cole, Benjamin R., 26, 47, 81
Collective bargaining, 245
Collective security, 3, 4
See also North Atlantic Treaty Organ-
ization; Organization of American
States; Southeast Asia Treaty Or-
ganization
Colleges and universities
Association of American Colleges, 1 1
Citadel, The, 70
Columbia University, 62, 151
Gettysburg College, 242 n., 250 n.
Housing, 17 (pp. 174, 175) ^
Pennsylvania State University, 121, 149
University of Louisville, International
Center, 116
University of Michigan, 113 n.
University of Pittsburgh, 1 1 n.
Collins, Gen. J. Lawton, 48, 8 1
Collins, Seaborn P., Jr., 1 1 9
Colombia, 1 12 ftn. (p. 548)
Atomic research agreement, 1 2 1
Colombo Plan Consultative Group, 76
Colorado
Denver, 207 n., 208, 211 n., 212 n.,
213 n., 214 n., 215 n., 216 n., 217 n..
Colorado — Continued
219 n., 220 n., 221 n., 222 n., 223 n.,
224 n., 225 n., 226 n., 227 n., 228 n.,
229 n., 230 n., 231 n., 232 n., 233 n.,
234 n,, 235
Editor's note on President's illness, p. 822
Millikin, Sen. Eugene D., 81
Colorado River (Upper) Basin, develop-
ment project, 4, 56
Columbia University, 151
Columbus, Christopher, 219
Columbus Citizens' Committee, letter, 219
Commemorative or dedicatory occasions.
See Addresses or remarks on commem-
orative or dedicatory occasions
Commerce, Secretary of, 222
Commerce, Secretary of (Sinclair Weeks),
39n.,9oftn. (p.475), 137
European visit, 59
Commerce and manpower, budget message,
17 (pp. 163-178)
Table, 17 (pp. 165, 166)
Commissary and post exchange privileges,
100
Commission on Fine Arts, proposed, 17
(p. 141)
Commission on Intergovernmental Rela-
tions, 4
Civil defense recommendations, 149
News conference remarks, 47, 146, 149
Report, 145
Commission on Organization of the Exec-
utive Branch of the Government, rec-
ommendations. See Hoover Commis-
sion recommendations
Commission on Veterans' Pensions
Budget message, 17 (p. 134)
Letter, 51
Committee on Energy Supplies and Re-
sources Policy (Flemming Commit-
tee), report, 33 and ftn. (p. 259), 41,
56
897
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Committee on Government Operations^ 74
Committee on Minerals Policy^ 17 (p. 163)
Committee on a National Highway Pro-
gram (Clay Committee), 4, 146
Report, 39
Committee for a National Trade Policy,
remarks, 83
Committee on Poliomyelitis Vaccine, Na-
tional Advisory, 81, 90
Committee on Retirement Policy for Fed-
eral Personnel, report, 17 (p. 181)
Committee for Traffic Safety, iii, 243
Hearst, William Randolph, Jr., letter re
appointment, 124
Petersen, T. S., letter re appointment,
125
Committee on Transport Policy and Or-
ganization, report, 33, 62, 90 and ftn.
(P- 475)
Conomittee for the White House Confer-
ence on Education, 96
Commodity Credit Corporation, 17 (pp.
126, 130, 149, 150, 152, 155)
Communiques, comment on, 146
Communism, 13, 35, 43, 48, 57, 58, 64, 79,
85.94.99. 175
News conference remarks, 26, 81, 119
Communist aggression and expansion, 4,
12, 21, 24
Budget message, 17 (p. 129)
Economic offensive, 6
Communist bloc, 4
U.S. trade with, 18
See also Satellite countries ; specific coun-
tries
Communist imperialism, 4
Community Chest campaign, 130
Comptroller General (Joseph Campbell),
62
Concord, N. H., remarks, 133
Conduct of Government officials, 176
Conference on Equal Job Opportunity, let-
ter, 225
Conference on Fitness of American Youth,
message, 217
Conflict of interest case. Gen. W. W.
White, 185
Congress, letters to Members of
Anderson, Sen. Clinton P., NATO co-
operation re atomic information, 7 1
Cooper, Repr. Jere, Organization for
Trade Cooperation, 160
President of the Senate
Inter-American highway, 64
Philippine trade agreement revision,
91
Virgin Islands Corporation, 14
Speaker of the House of Representatives
Inter-American highway, 64
Philippine trade agreement revision,
91
Virgin Islands Corporation, 14
Congress, messages to
Agricultural Trade Development and
Assistance Act (P.L. 480, 83d
Cong.), reports, 7, 150
Austrian State Treaty ratification, 114
Budget message, 17
Commission on Intergovernmental Re-
lations, report, 145
Department of Defense Appropriation
Act, 155
Economic report, 19
Federal personnel management, 8
Foreign economic policy, 6
Formosa Strait situation, 21
Health program, 25
Highway program, 39
ILO conventions and reconmiendations,
107
International Finance Corporation, U.S.
participation in, 86
Low income farmers, 82
Military personnel, 13
Mutual Defense Treaty, U.S.-China, 5
Mutual security program, 76
898
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Congress, messages to — Continued
National security, 1 2
Organization for Trade Cooperation,
U.S. membership, 72
Postal pay and rates, 9
Reclamation projects, approval of act,
180
Refugee Relief Act, recommendations,
109
Renegotiation Act, extension, 50
School construction, 3 1
State of the Union, 4
United Nations, U.S. participation, re-
port, 156
Vetoes
Apple price predictions, prohibition of
Government publication, 147
Glaser, Kurt, relief of, 116
Postal field service compensation bill,
102
Congress, reports to, list. Appendix C, p.
884
Congress, reports to, messages transmitting
Agricultural Trade Development and
Assistance Act (Public Law 480,
83d Cong.), 7, 150
Commission on Intergovernmental Re-
lations, 145
Economic report, 1 9
United Nations, U.S. participation, 156
Congressional support of program
News conference remarks, 41, 95, 185
Priority list, 146
Congressmen, comment on pay raise and
term of office, 47
Connecticut, Hartford, 209
Conservation of natural resources, 4
Budget message, 17 (pp. 155-163)
Mineral lands, 172
Constitution, U.S., 40, 70, 81, 118, 131,
145. 155. 249
Construction starts, 157
Consumer spending, 4, 18, 19
Continental Shelf , Outer, 17 (p. 162)
Contracts, Government, extension of Re-
negotiation Act, 50
Controls, Government economic, comment
on, 18,26, 112, 146
Conversations between officials and ad-
visers, comment on investigation of,
/49
Coolidge, Calvin, 131
Cooper, Repr. Jere, 90 ftn. (p. 471)
Letter, 160
Cooper Dam and Reservoir, Texas, ap-
proval, 184
Coosa River, Ala., 4
Copper industry, labor dispute, 1 76
Corporate taxes, 4, 6, 41
Budget message, 17 (pp. 87, 97, 98)
Corps of Engineers
Budget message, 17 (pp. 158-160, 168)
Flood control, 222
Corsi, Edward, 62
Cost of living, 41,119
Costa Rica, conflict in, 10
Cotton
Acreage allotments, 90
Exports, 6, 185
Cotton, Sen. Norris, 139
Cougar project, Oreg., 17 (p. 158)
Council of Economic Advisers, 4, 1 9
Council on Foreign Economic Policy, 76
Courts, Federal
Circuit Court of Appeals, Fourth, filling
of vacancy, 149, 176
Circuit Court of Appeals, Fifth, nomi-
nation of John R. Brown, 1 1 2
News conference remarks, 47, 112, 149,
176
Northern Texas court, filling of vacancy,
47^
U.S. District Courts, school integration
cases, 149
Craig, Mrs. May, 10, 18, 26, 41, 81, 95,
112,146, 149, 176
899
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Crippled children, 25
Cromley, Allan W., 146
Cromwell, Oliver, 213
Crusade for Freedom campaign, 32
Participation of newspaper boys, 79
Cuba, independence, 69
Currencies, foreign, 6
Sale of agricultural commodities for, 17
(p. 130), 76
Curry, Ralph, 47
Curtice, Harlow, 1 1 1, 124, 125
Customs administration, simplification, 6
Cutter, John L., 59, 8 1 , 90
Cutter Laboratories, licensing to produce
Salk vaccine, 95
Dallas, Tex., 10
Daniel, Sen. Price, 47
Darrison, F. Gibson, 181 n.
Davis, Repr. Glenn R., 56
Dear, Joseph A., 149
Debt, national
Budget message, 17 (pp. 99-101, 106,
183, 184)
News conference remarks, 33
Declaration of Independence, 40, 136
DeCoursey, Brig. Gen. Elbert, 108
Dedicatory occasions. See Addresses or re-
marks on commemorative or dedi-
catory occasions
Defense, Department of, 3, 24 n., 74, 207 n.
Appropriation Act (1956), 155
Budget message, 17 (pp. 91, 107, in,
119, 121, 169, 183)
Table, 17 (p. 115)
Information, release of, 81
News conference remarks, 81, 176, 185
White, Gen. W. W., Staff Director of
Petroleum Logistics, 176, 185
See also Joint Chiefs of Staff
Defense, national. See National security
Defense, Secretary of, 12
Review of National Guard programs, 192
Defense, Secretary of (Charles E. Wilson) ,
29, 71 n., 9oftn. (p. 475)^ 108
Letters to, 3, 154
News conference remarks on, 18, 81
On trade with Communist bloc, 18
Defense Advisory Committee on Prisoners
of War, report, 207 n.
Defense establishment, 1 2, 248
Expenditures, reduction of, 4
Defense Mobilization, Office of. Director
(Arthur S. Flemming), 90 ftn. (p.
475). 119
Civil defense report, 149 ftn. (p. 672)
Memorandum, 67
Defense procurement, 26, 76, 95
Defense production, 17 (pp. 175, 176)
Defense Production Act, extension, 4, 17
(p. 175), 112
Defense spending, reduction, 1 9
Defense support. See Military assistance
and defense support
Deficit spending, comments on, 18, 41
Definitive Treaty of Peace of 1783, 81
Delaware River channel, dredging of, 17
(p. 168), 18
Democratic leaders, consultation on pro-
posed legislation, comment on, 26
Denfeld, Adm. Louis E., 112
Denmark, atomic research agreement, 121
Dentists, induction, 12
Denver, Colo., 207 n., 208, 211 n., 212 n.,
213 n., 214 n., 215 n., 216 n., 217 n.,
219 n., 220 n., 221 n., 222 n., 223 n.,
224 n., 225 n., 226 n., 227 n., 228 n.,
229 n., 230 n., 231 n., 232 n., 233 n.,
234 n.
Editor's note on President's illness, p. 822
Remarks on departure, 235
Dependent children, 25
Depressed areas (chronic unemployment),
Detroit, Mich., automobile industry,
threatened strike, 1 1 2
900
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
"Development of Agriculture's Human Re-
sources/' report on problems of low
income farmers, 82
Dewey, Thomas E., 10, 56
Diem, Ngo Dinh, 48, 81
Disabled persons, 25
Disability compensation for Government
employees, 4
Budget message, 17 (p. 106)
Disarmament, 94, 164, 166
Aerial inspection (open skies) proposal,
166, 175, 176, 185,220,248
Arms limitation, and reduction, 4, 41,
166, 211
Exchange of information on military
establishments, 164, 166, 176, 185,
220
Letter to Nikolai Bulganin, 220
News conference remarks, 33, 41, 47, 62,
95,146,149,176,185
Soviet proposal (1955), 95, 156
Disarmament, Special Assistant to the
President on. See Stassen, Harold E.
Disarmament Commission and subcommit-
tee, U.N., 57, 156,166
London meeting, 41
Soviet disarmament plan, 95
New York meeting, statement, 211
News conference remarks, 41, 95, 185
Disaster insurance, 222
Disaster relief, 4, 95, 208 n.
Budget message, 17 (p. 175)
Disasters, natural
Drought, 4, 95
Floods. See Floods
Dispersal of U.S. industry, 90
Commission to study, comment on pro-
posal, 119
Displaced persons, 1 15 n.
Distinguished Service Cross recipients, re-
marks, 52
Distinguished Service Medal
Presentation to Adm. Carney, 188
Presentation to Gen. Ridgway, 144
District of Colimibia
Budget message, 17 (pp. 182, 183)
Police force, 149
Public transportation bill, approval, 206
Redevelopment of Southwest Washing-
ton, 55
Republican Women's Finance Commit-
tee, remarks, 104
Self-government, 4
Transit strike, 149, 176, 206
Unemployment compensation, 4
Dixon, Edgar, 149 ftn. (p. 669)
Dixon-Yates contract
News conference remarks, 26, 41, 56,
146 and ftn. (p. 646), 149, 176
White House releases, 146 ftn. (pp. 657,
658), 149 ftn. (p. 669)
Doctors, induction, 1 2
Dodge, Joseph M., 74, 176
Dollar, sound, 4
News conference remarks, 41, 1 19, 185
Donovan, Robert J., 18, 33, 81, 90, 100,
112, 185
Donovan, William J., 5 1 n.
Doud, Mrs. John Sheldon, editor's note on
President's illness, p. 822
Drought, relief for, 4, 95
Drummond, Roscoe, 18, 26, 33, 41, 81, 119
Dulles, John Foster. See State, Secretary
of
Dunnigan, Alice A., 18
Durkin, Martin P., death of, letter, 238
Durkin, Mrs. Martin P., letter, 238
Dwinell, Gov. Lane, 133, 135, 136, 139
Eagle Gorge Reservoir, Wash., 17 (p. 160)
East- West contacts, 175, 176
Statements at Geneva conference, 164,
167
901
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
E2ist-West trade, lOO
Easter egg rollers, remarks, 68
Economic Advisers, Council of, 4, 19
Economic assistance, 76
Asia, statement, 69
Budget message, 17 (pp. 91, 92)
Letter to Secretary of State, 74
News conference remarks, 47
U.N. program, contributions to, 126
See also Foreign assistance; Mutual se-
curity program
Economic policy, foreign, 72
Message, 6
Economic report to the Congress (1954),
reference to, 19
Economic report to the Congress (1955),
Economy, farm. See Farm economy
Economy, national, 3, 4, 12, 19, 20, 128
Budget message, 17 (p. 87)
News conference remarks, 18, 41, 56, 81,
119. 185
EDC. See European Defense Community
Edelweiler, Germany, 204 n.
Eden, Anthony, 208 n.
Appointment as Prime Minister of
United Kingdom, statement, 66
Comment on, 41
Education, 4, 1 1 , 1 2 1
Budget message, 17 (pp. 94, 140-148)
Table, 17 (p. 142)
Federal aid for, 31, 33, 47, 119
See also School construction
News conference remarks, 33, 47, 95, 119
School construction. See School con-
struction
State and community conferences on, 33,
95.96
White House Conference, 17 (pp. 141,
147)
Education, Commissioner of (Samuel M.
Brownell), 96
Education, Office of, 3 1
Budget message, 17 (pp. 141, 148)
Education, White House Conference on
(1955). 31. 96
News conference remarks, 18, 33, 95
Remarks, 242
Educational exchange program, 4
Less developed areas, 17 (p. 132)
Egan, Charles E., 62, 112, 149
Egypt, 4, 18, 234
Assistance, 17 (p. 130)
See also Arab-Israeli dispute and hos-
tilities
Einstein, Albert, death of, statement, 75
Eisenhower, Dwight D., personal remi-
niscences
Member of board on establishment of
Air Force Academy, 1 1 7
Military experiences
Gas warfare, World War I, 1 18
Pantelleria, capture of, 59
World War II, 4, 22, 59, 100
Patton, Gen. George S., 81
Study of wage-price controls, 26
Suggestion re presidency, 10
V-EDay,8i
Visit to Soviet collective farm, 47
West Point, 70, 118
Work week, 84
Yalta conference, 59
Zhukov, Marshal Georgi, 33
Eisenhower, Mrs. Dwight D., 20, 23 n., 42,
45, 61, 63, 68, 88, 90, 133, 152, 163,
1955 230, 235, 236, 237, 238, 250
Editor's note on President's illness,
p. 822
Eisenhower, Milton S., 10, 121
Election campaign ( 1952) , remarks on the
budget, quoted, 18
Election campaign (Congressional, 1954),
10
Election campaign (1956), comment on,
10,47
902
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Electoral college, 47
Elizabeth II, 208 n.
Emory, Alan S., 10, 26, 33, 41, 47, 56, 62,
90, 100, 146, 176
Employees, Government, 8, 186, 187
Employment, 4, 19
Conference on Equal Job Opportunity,
225
News conference remarks, 119, 185
Employment of the Physically Handi-
capped, President's Comimittee on the,
remarks, 103
Empress of Britain, 146
Energy Supplies and Resources Policy,
President's Advisory Committee on
(Flemming Committee), report, 33
andftn. (p. 259), 41, 56
Engineers, Corps of, 4
Budget message, 17 (pp. 158-160, 168)
Construction starts, 157
Flood control, 222
Enterprise system, 19
Abroad, 76
Escapees. See Refugees and escapees
Esso Export Corp., 176, 185
Ethiopia, Haile Selassie I, 23 1
Europe
Flood relief (1954), 37, 47, 49
Western European Union, 54, 61, 100
See also specific countries
European Advisory Commission, meeting
in London (1944) , 59
European Defense Community, 54
News conference remarks, 41, 62
European Migration, Intergovernmental
Committee for, 17 (p. 131), 76
European recovery program, 76
European security, 175
European Union. See Western European
Union
Evins, Repr. Joe L., 1 12
Exchange of persons, 17 (p. 132)
Exchange of students, 4
Exchange visitors, 1 16
Excise taxes. See Taxes
Executive orders, 67, 74 n., 186, 187, 192
n., 207 n.
List, Appendix B, p. 877
Export-Import Bank, 86
Budget message, 17 (pp. 128, 129)
Loans to Latin American countries, 76
Exports, 79
Agricultural commodities, 4, 6, 7, 72
Cotton, 6, 185
Wheat, 6, 17 (p. 152)
Far East
Budget message, 17 (p. 112)
See also Asia, South Asia, and Southeast
Asia
Farm, the President's, 127
Farm-City Week, statement, 221
Farm Credit Administration, 147
Budget message, 17 (p. 153)
Farm economy, 4, 62, 1 27, 1 28
Budget message, 17 (pp. 150-153)
Farm program, 127, 247
Budget message, 17 (p. 103)
News conference remarks, 18, 62, 90
Farmers, low-income, 4
Message, 82
Farmers Home Administration, 17 (pp.
149. 153)
Faure, Edgar, 1 70 n.
Fawn, gift to the President, 141
FBI. See Federal Bureau of Investigation
Federal Advisory Commission on the Arts,
proposed, 4
Federal aid to States
Airports, 146
Budget message, 17 (pp. 94, 103, 106,
167)
Education,31, 33,47, 119
Health program, 25
903
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Federal aid — Continued
Highway programs, 17 (p. 167)539, 146
Hospital and health center construction,
17 (p. 94)
Public assistance, 17 (p. 103)
School construction. See School con-
struction
Federal Bureau of Investigation, 4, 17 (pp.
95. 182)
Federal Bureau of Investigation, Director
(J. Edgar Hoover) , National Security
Medal, citation, no
Federal City Council of Washington, D.C.,
55
Federal Civil Defense Administration, 17
(P- 119)
Federal Communications Commission, 41
Federal Home Loan Bank Board, inde-
pendent agency, 194
Federal Housing Administration, 17 (pp.
171, 172), 26
Federal Mediation and Conciliation Serv-
ice, 95
Federal National Mortgage Association, 17
(pp. 166, 172, 173)
Federal personnel. See Government em-
ployees
Federal personnel management, message,
8
Federal Power Commission, 4
Adams, Francis L., 146 and ftn. (p. 658)
News conference remarks on, 10, 33
Federal Republic of Germany. See Ger-
many
Federal Reserve Board, 81
Federal Reserve System, 19
Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Cor-
poration, 194
Federal-State-local governmental respon-
sibilities, 4, 19. 3 15 43. 242
Budget message, 17 (pp. 93, 94, 140,
147, 156, 158,161)
Federal-State-local — Continued
Civil defense, 149
Flood prevention, 17 (p. 94)
News conference remarks, 18, 33, 47, 149
Report of Commission on Intergovern-
mental Relations, 145
Federal Trade Commission
Kern, William C, 95
Mead, James M., 95
Fellows, Harold E., 105
Fenton, Brig. Gen. Chauncey L., 117
Femsworth, Lawrence, 47, 62, 100
Finney, Nat S., 10, 18, 26, 33, 59, 90, 112,
149
Firestone, Harvey S., Jr., letter, 80
First Boston Corporation, 146
First War Powers Act of 1941, title II, ex-
tension, 4
Fish and wildlife resources, 4
Fissionable materials for peaceful uses, 79,
156, 164, 165
See also Uranium
Fitzgerald, Rufus H., 1 1 n.
Fitzsimons Army Hospital, 235
Editor's note on President's illness, p. 822
Flanders, Sen. Ralph E., 131, 149
Flemming, Arthur S. See Defense Mobili-
zation, Director, Office of
Flood control and prevention
Budget message, 17 (pp. 94, 156-160)
Letter to Gov. Roberts, 222
Flood relief, Europe (1954), 37, 47, 49
Floods
Northeastern States, 208, 209, 210, 214,
222
Tampico, Mexico, 229
Florida, 210 n.
Smathers, Sen. George A., 62
Folliard, Edward T., 10, 18, 26, 33, 47, 56,
59,81,112, 146, 149, 176, 185
Folsom, Marion B., rumor of appointment
as Secretary of Health, Education, and
Welfare, 112
904
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Food and Drug Administration, 25
Forced Labor, U.N. Ad Hoc Committee
on, 156
Ford Motor Co., 1 19
Foreign affairs, 185
Bipartisan meeting on, 248
Budget message, 17 (pp. 126-132)
Table, 17 (p. 127)
Foreign assistance, 4, 248
Africa, 17 (p. 130), 76
Asia and Southeast Asia, 17 (pp. 123,
129, i3o),4i,47, 48, 69, 76
Bolivia, 17 (p. 129), 76
Cambodia, 17 (p. 129)
China, Republic of, 17 (p. 129), 21
Egypt, 17 (p. 130)
Germany, 17 (p. 124), 76
Greece, 76
Guatemala, 17 (p. 129), 76
Haiti, 23 n.
India, 17 (p. 129)
Iran, 17 (p. 130), 76
Israel, 17 (p. 130)
Jordan, 17 (p. 130)
Korea, 17 (pp. 104, 124, 129)
Laos, 17 (p. 129)
Latin America, 17 (pp. 129, 130), 76
Lebanon, 17 (p. 130)
Less develoj>ed countries, 6
Libya, 17 (p. 130)
Middle East, 17 (pp. 125, 130)
News conference remarks, 41, 47, 119
Spain, 76
Turkey, 76
Viet-Nam, 17 (p. 129), 48
Yugoslavia, 76, 119
See also Economic assistance; Military
assistance and defense support;
Mutual security program; Techni-
cal assistance to less developed
countries
Foreign currencies, 6
Sale of agricultural surpluses for, 17 (p.
130), 76
Foreign economic policy, 72
Message, 6
Foreign Economic Policy, Council on, 76
Foreign ministers meetings
Geneva conference (1955), 170, 185,
226
Statement re, 227
Vienna (1955). 95
Foreign Operations Administration,
Flood relief for Europe, 49
Ladejinsky, Wolf, 10, 18
News conference remarks, 10, 18, 62
Termination in 1 955, 76
Transfer of functions, 62, 74
Foreign Operations Administration, Direc-
tor (Harold E. Stassen) , 57, 60 n., 94
News conference remarks on, 10, 47, 62,
146, 185
Visit to New Delhi, 47
Foreign service, 47
Budget message, 17 (p. 126)
Improvements, 17 (p. 132)
Pay adjustments, 8
Foreign students, atomic studies in U.S.,
165
Forest resources, 4
Forests, national, 17 (pp. 162, 163)
Formosa (Taiwan)
Defense treaty and Joint Resolution on,
21, 26,47,62
Joint Resolution, approval, 24
Military Assistance Advisory Group
(MAAG),90
News conference remarks, 18, 26, 33, 47,
62,81,90, 185
U.S. armed forces in, 21, 24 n.
U.S. military base, comment on, 90
Visit of Secretary Dulles, 47
40308—59-
-60
905
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Formosa (Taiwan) Strait situation
Message to Congress, 21
News conference remarks, 18, 26, 33, 41,
59,62,81,90,100, 112
U.N. truce, comment on proposal, 18
U.S.-Gommunist China negotiations, 81
U.S.-Soviet Union negotiations, 90
Forrestal, James V., 1 1 7
Fort Knox, 52
4~H Club, remarks, 128
France, 54 n.
Faure, Edgar, 1 70 n.
Paris agreements. See Paris agreements
Francis, Dr. Thomas, Jr., 112, 113
Franconia Notch, N.H., remarks at 150th
anniversary of discovery of Old Man
of the Mountain, 136
Franklin, Benjamin, 121
Frantz, Harry W., 26
Freudenheim, Milton B., 81, 119, 146, 185
Friedman, Milton, 56
Fryingpan- Arkansas project, Colo., 17 (p.
159)
Fund-raising campaigns
Crusade for Freedom, 79
Radio Free Europe, 32
Red Gross, 45
United Community Campaigns, 168, 218
United Service Organizations, 27
Garrett, George A., letter, 55
Gas bill, 146
Gas industry, report on, 56
Gas warfare. World War I, 1 18
Gasoline excise tax on, 41
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade,
6,72
Tariff concessions, textiles, 149
General Armistice Agreement in Middle
East, violation of, statement, 234
General Services Administration, 17 (p.
179)
Geneva, 37 n., 168 n., 169 n.
Geneva, research reactor, 100
Remarks, 165
Geneva conferences
Atomic energy (1955), 100, 123, 149,
156, 176, 177 n., 228
Message, 191
Foreign ministers (1955)5 170, 185, 226
Statement re, 227
French-Communist negotiations on In-
dochina (1954), 119
Heads of governments (1955), 99, 118,
126, 146, 149, 162, 176, 190, 210,
227
Bipartisan meeting on, 1 74
Broadcast prior to departure, 161
Broadcast report on, 1 75
Closing statement, 1 70
Delegation, U.S., 146 ftn. (p. 644)
East- West contacts, statement, 167
Opening statement, 164
Remarks on arrival at Geneva airport,
163
Remarks on departure, 1 7 1
Remarks on return from Geneva, 173
International Labor Organization
(1955). 107. 119
News conference remarks, 100, 1 19, 146,
149, 176, 185
U.S.-Communist China ambassadorial
talks, 176
George, Sen. Walter F., 26, 59, 62, 112,
185
Georgia
Augusta, I n., 26 ftn. (p. 231), 71 n.,
72 n., 73 n., 74 n.
George, Sen. Walter F., 26, 59, 62, 112,
185
Thomasville, 33
Vinson, Repr. Carl, 149
Germany, 210
Adenauer, Konrad, 119, 190, 204
Joint statement with, 122
906
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Germany — Continued
Assistance, 17 (p. 124), 76
Berlin, 33, 76
Bluecher, Franz, 208 n.
Edelweiler, 204 n.
Gift to the President, 22
Heuss, Theodor, 22
Krekeler, Heinz L., 22
NATO, membership in, 4, 99
News conference remarks, 33, 41, 59, 62,
90, 112, 119
Paris agreements on, 41, 54, 59, 62, 164
Reunification, 59, 112, 122, 164, 175,
190, 227
U.S. Air Force transport accident, 204
U.S. armed forces in, 119
World War II, 22
Gettysburg, Pa., 239 n., 240 n., 241 n.,
242 n., 243 n., 244 n., 245 n.
Editor's note, p. 822
President's farm, 127
Remarks in Lincoln Square, 237
Gettysburg College, 242 n., 250 n.
Glaser, Kurt, immigration status, 116
Gompers, Samuel, pledge to Woodrow
Wilson, 84
Gonzales, Donald J., 90, 1 76
Government employees
Disability compensation, 4, 17 (p. 106)
Health insurance, 4
Group insurance, 8
Incentive awards program, i
Old-age and survivors insurance, 4
Overseas personnel, 8
Pay, 4, 8, 59
Payroll savings plan, 186, 187
Retirement, 4, 17 (pp. 96, 106, 145, 181,
182)
Security program, 10
Training, 8
Travel allowances, 8
Government employees — Continued
Unemployment compensation, 17 (p.
182)
Government Employees Incentive Awards
Program, i
Government employment, security pro-
gram, 18,41,81, 146
Government officials, conduct of, 1 76
Government Operations, Advisory Com-
mittee on, 74
Governmental responsibility, division of, 4
Governors, letter to, 29
Governors' Conference, New England
(1955), 222,223
Governors' Conference (1954), Lake
George, N.Y., 4, 39, 90
Governors' Conference (1955), Washing-
ton, D.C., 90
Remarks, 88
Grandchild, the President's, vaccination
against polio, 113
Graves, William, 1 19
Greece, 4
Assistance, 76
Green Peter- White Bridge project, Oreg.,
17 (p. 158)
Griffin, Charles, 133 n.
Griffin, Maj. Gen. Martin E., 235
Gronchi, Giovanni, 208 n.
Ground Observer Corps, 154
Group Life Insurance Act, 4
Guaranteed wage, 119
Guatemala, 18
Assistance, 17 (p. 129), 76
Castillo Armas, Carlos, 230
U.S. position in U.N. Security Council,
156
Guizado, Jose Ramon, 2
Gumey, Chan, letter, 30
H-Bomb. See Hydrogen bomb
907
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Haakon VII, 50th anniversary of reign,
letter, 241
Hagerty, James C, 10, 18, 26, 33, 41, 47,
56, 59. 62, 81, 90, 95, 100, 112, 119,
146 and ftn. (p. 644), 149, 176, 185
Editor's note, p. 822
Haile Selassie I, 25th anniversary of reign,
message, 231
Haiti, Paul E. Magloire, 23
Hall, George H., 33, 100
Hall, Leonard W., 47, 247
Hall, Robert, 47
Halvorson, Alf, 139
Hammarskjold, Dag, 179
Meeting with Secretary Dulles, 18
Negotiations with Communist China on
release of prisoners, 4, 18, 156
Statement re, 16
Handicapped persons. President's Commit-
tee on Employment of the Physically
Handicapped, remarks, 103
Harding, Warren G., 18
Harkness, Richard, 146
Harlan, John Marshall, nomination to
Supreme Court, comment on, 26
Harriman, E. Roland, 208, 209
Harriman, W. Averell, 90
Harsch, Joseph C, 10, 33, 47, 59, 62
Hartford, Conn., remarks on flood disaster,
209
Hawaii
Air carriers. West Coast-Hawaii Case,
30.33
News conference remarks, 33, 56, 95
Statehood, 4, 56, 95, 247
Hawley,PaulR.,5i n.
Hayden,JayG.,47,90
Hayden, Martin S., 18, 90, 100, 112, 146
Heads of state and governments, meetings
Congressional delegation, question of,
comments on, 59, 95, 1 1 2
Geneva. See Geneva conferences
Heads of state — Continued
Joint statement with Chancellor
Adlenaueron, 122
News conference remarks, 59, 62, 81, 95,
100, 112, 119, 146, 149
Paris (1950,59
Paris (1952), 62
Heads of state and governments, messages.
See Messages to heads of state and
governments
Health, Education, and Welfare, Depart-
ment of, 4, 25,81
Health, Education, and Welfare, Secretary
of (Mrs. Oveta Gulp Hobby), 77 n.,
78, 79. 96
Appraisal by the President, 100
Budget message, 17 (pp. 141, 144, 145)
Indian health services, 17 (pp. 144, 145)
Poliomyelitis vaccine program, 113
News conference remarks on, 18, 100,
112, 119
Resignation
Comment on rumor of, 100, 112
Letter, 152
Remarks, 153
Health, National Institutes of, 17 (p. 143)
Health insurance, 4
Budget message, 17 (p. 143)
Group, for Government employees, 8
Reinsurance program, 25
Health of the President
Editor's note on illness, p. 822
Remarks on return from Denver, 236
Health program, 25, 247
Budget message, 17 (pp. 94, 140-148)
Table, 17 (p. 142)
Indians, 17 (pp. 144, 145)
Hearst, William Randolph, Jr.
Interview of Molotov, comment on, 26
Letter, 124
Heart disease, conference on, message, 34
908
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Herling, John, i8, 47, 56, 81, 95, 1 12, 1 19,
149, 176
HeusSj Theodor, 22
Hightower, John M., Bi, 90
Highway, Inter-American, 59, 64
Highway Construction Co. of Ohio, Inc.,
relief of, 159
Highway safety. Safe Driving Day, 243
Highway system, interstate, 4, 19, 39
Administration by authority or corpora-
tion, 185
Budget message, 17 (p. 92)
Highways, 39, 247
Budget message, 17 (p. 167)
News conference remarks, 26, 33, 62, 90,
146, 185
Higley, Harvey V., Chairman, Community
Chest campaign, 130
Hill, Sen. Lister, 33
Hiner, Louis C, 41
Hines, Fred P., disability claim, 200
Hitler, Adolph, 57
Hobby, Mrs. Oveta Culp. See Health,
Education, and Welfare, Secretary of
(Mrs. Oveta Culp Hobby)
Hobby, William P., 152
Hollister, John B., 74 n.
Comment on, 90
Home Loan Bank Board, Federal, inde-
pendent agency, 194
Hong Kong, arrival of four airmen from
Communist China, 1 1 2
Hoover, Herbert, Jr., 94
Hoover, Herbert, President, 4, 236
News conference remarks re, 33
Hoover, J. Edgar, National Security Medal,
citation, no
Hoover Commission recommendations, 4
News conference remarks, 41, 90, 100
Paperwork reduction, 41
Homer, Garnett D., 33, 41, 47, 56, 90, 100,
176
Hospitals and medical care facilities, 17
(PP-94. 138, i39).25
Housing, 4, 247
Budget message, 17 (pp. 118, 136, 171-
175)
College, 17 (pp. 174, 175)
Military, 4, 13, 17 (p. 118)
News conference remarks, 18, 176
Public, 4, 17 (p. 174), 176, 194
Veterans, 17 (pp. 136, 173, 174)
See also Urban renewal
Housing bill, 185
Amendments of 1955, approval, 194
Housing and Home Finance Agency, 222
Budget message, 17 (p. 174)
Home Loan Bank Board, made inde-
pendent agency, 194
Howley, Gen. Frank, 62
Hughes, Rowland R. See Budget, Direc-
tor of the (Rowland R. Hughes)
Humphrey, George M. See Treasury,
Secretary of the (George M. Hum-
phrey)
Humphrey, Sen. Hubert H., comment on,
26
Hydroelectric power projects, 17 (pp. 158-
161)
Hydrogen bomb, 4I5 47, 56
Icebreaker, U.S.S. Atka, 47
Iceland, Asgeir Asgeirsson, 162
Illinois
Arends, Repr. Leslie C, 41
Chicago, 47
Lemont, 53 n.
Peoria, 18
ILO. See International Labor Organiza-
tion
Immigration laws, 4, 247
Immigration and Naturalization Service, 4
Budget message, 17 (p. 182)
909
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Imports, 72
Oil, comment on, 33, 81
Spun silk yarn, restrictions, 155
Inauguration, ceremonies commemorating
second anniversary, 20
Incentive awards for Government em-
ployees, I
Incentives, career, for military personnel,
17 (pp. 91, 109)
Income taxes, 4 1
India
Assistance, 17 (p. 129)
Nehru, Jawaharlal, 1 1 9
New Delhi, 47
Indiana, Sen. William E. Jenner, 10
Indians
Citizenship, 100
Health services, 17 (pp. 144, 145)
Lands and resources, 17 (p. 162)
Welfare of, 4, 100
Indochina, 12, 105
News conference remarks, 18, 41, 47, 1 19
Indonesia, Bandung conference, 26
Industrial capacity, U.S., 3
Industrial Conference Board, National,
message, 228
Industrial safety, 17 (p. 177)
Industry, dispersal of, comment on, 90, 119
Infantile Paralysis, National Foundation
for
Citation, 78
Vaccination program, 112, 113
Inflation, comment on, 41, 47, 185
Information
Directed to Iron Curtain countries, 17
(P- 13O
East- West exchange, 167
News conference remarks, 10, 59, 62, 81,
146
Yalta documents, 59
Information Agency. See United States
Information Agency
Information program, 4
Inland Waterways Corporation, sale of,
Institute of Inter- American Affairs, 76
Insurance
Disability, 4, 17 (p. 106)
Disaster, 222
Group Life Insurance Act, 4
Health, 4, 8, 17 (p. 143), 25
Military personnel, 17 (p. 145)
Mortgage, 17 (p. 172), 19
Old-age and survivors, 4, 17 (pp. 94,
140, 141, 143-146)
Unemployment, 17 (pp. 136, 176, 177,
182), 19,56, 112, 119
Veterans, 17 (pp. 136-138)
Table, 17 (p. 140)
Integration, public schools^ comment on,
119. 149
Inter-American Affairs, Institute of, 76
Inter-American Highway, 59
Letter to Vice President and Speaker, 64
Inter-American Investment Conference,
message, 44
Interdepartmental Committee for the Vol-
untary Payroll Savings Plan for the
Purchase of United States Savings
Bonds
Letter to Chairman, 186
Memorandum, 187
Interest expenditures, 17 (pp. 95, loi, 183,
184)
Table, 17 (p. 184)
Interest rates, 17 (pp. 96, 106)
Intergovernmental Committee for Euro-
pean Migration
Budget message, 17 (p. 131)
U.S. support of, 76
Intergovernmental Relations, Commission
on, 4
Civil defense recommendations, 149
News conference remarks, 47, 146, 149
Report, 145
910
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Interior, Department of the
Federal property in Virgin Islands, 14
Indian health services, 17 (p. 144)
Interior, Secretary of the, 14
Internal Revenue Code of 1954, disap-
proval of amendment, 1 98
Internal Revenue Service, 17 (p. 179)
International agreements (1955)
Austrian State Treaty, 59, 81, 95, 98, 99,
100, 114
Civil uses of atomic energy, 228
U.S.-Belgium, Canada, United King-
dom, 123
U.S.-NATO, 71
U.S.-Turkey, 89, 112
Manila Pact (Southeast Asia Defense
Treaty), 4
News conference remarks, 4 1, 59, 81, 112
Paris agreements, 41, 54, 59, 62, 164
Southeast Asia Collective Defense
Treaty, 5, 35
U.S.-China, Mutual Defense Treaty, 5,
21, 35
International Atomic Energy Agency, pro-
posed, 17 (p. 119), 59, 79, 121, 156,
228
International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development, 6, 72, 156
Budget message, 17 (p. 128)
Loans to Latin American countries, 76
Memorandum on International Finance
Corporation, 86
Wenzell, Adolphe H., 146 and ftn. (pp.
657. 658)
International Brotherhood of Teamsters,
232
International Cooperation Administra-
tion, letter to Secretary of State re,
74
International Cooperation Administra-
tion, Director (John B. Hollister), 90
International Finance Corporation, 6, 44,
156
Budget message, 17 (p. 128)
U.S. participation in, message, 86
International Geophysical Year, 47 ftn.
(p. 308)
Budget message, 17 (p. 148)
International Labor Organization, 156
Conventions and recommendations,
message, 107
Geneva conference (1955), '^9
International Monetary Fund, 72
International School of Nuclear Science
and Engineering, foreign students,
remarks, 53
International trade. See Trade, interna-
tional
Investments abroad, 4, 6, 76
Budget message, 17 (pp. 128, 132)
Less developed areas, 17 (p. 128)
Iran, 4, 18,35,76
Assistance, 17 (p. 130)
Pahlavi, Mohammad Reza, 42
Iron Curtain, 81
Irrigation, 17 (pp. 156-159)
Irwin, Donald, 26
Isotopes, radioactive, 121
Israel
Assistance, 17 (p. 130)
Atomic research agreement, 121
Israeli-Arab dispute and hostilities, 76, 239
Statement, 234
Italy, 4, i8,54n.
Ambassador Clare Boothe Luce, 61
Atomic research agreement, 121
Brosio, Manlio, 6 1
Gronchi, Giovanni, 208 n.
Martino, Gaetano, 61
Paris agreement, ratification of, 62
Scelba, Mario, joint statement, 61
Segni, Antonio, 208 n.
Izvestia, postal ban, 59
9"
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Jefferson, N.H., remarks to postmasters,
138
Jefferson, Thomas, 94, 105
Jenkins, Martin D., 51 n.
Jenner, Sen. William E., 10
Jewell, Ingrid M., 59
Jewish New Year, statement, 215
Johnson, Alice F., 56
Johnson, Gov. Joseph B., 131
Johnson, Sen. Lyndon B., 81, 90 ftn. (p.
471), 146
Johnson, U. Alexis, 176
Johnston, Clement D., 85 n.
Joint Chiefs of Staff, 3
Review of National Guard programs, 192
Ridgway, Gen. Matthew B., 26
Joint Chiefs of Staff, Chairman (Adm.
Arthur W. Radford), 56, 81
Joint statements with heads of state and
governments
Burma, Prime Minister Nu, 148
Germany, Chancellor Adenauer, 122
Italy, Prime Minister Scelba, 61
Jordan, assistance, 17 (p. 130)
Judd, Repr. Walter H., 33
Judges, pay raise, 47
Judiciary, Federal, 112
See also Courts, Federal
Justice, Department of, 112
Anti-trust study, 56
Barnes, Stanley N., 56
Immigration laws, 4
Internal Security Division, 4
News conference remarks on, 10, 18, 56,
112
Security cases, 18
Tompkins, William F., 10
See also Attorney General
Juvenile delinquency, 4, 25
Kansas, Sen. Frank Carlson, 62
Kefauver, Sen. Estes, 146, 149
Keflavik, Iceland, remarks at airport, 162
Keller, Helen, letter, 140
Kennon, Gov. Robert F., 88
Kenton, John E., 81, 146, 176
Kentucky, Sen. Earle C. Clement, 33
Kern, William C, 95
Kerr, Walter, 90, 95, 100, 112, 119
Keyserling, Leon H., 47
Khrushchev, Nikita S., 95, 146
On summit conference, 149
Knebel, Fletcher, 47, 176
Knowland, Sen. William F., 26, 41, 59
Koemer, Theodor, message, 98
Korea, 12, 18, 21
Assistance, 17 (pp. 104, 124, 129)
Korea, North, 185
Korean Armistice, 16
Korean war, 12, 13, 35, 57, 118
News conference remarks, 10, 18, 26, 59
North Korean prisoners of war, 18
Krekeler, Heinz L., 22
Kuh, Frederick, 41, 59
Labor, Department of
Budget message, 17 (p. 177)
Clague, Ewan, 18
Labor, Secretary of (James P. Mitchell),
107
ILO conference, 119
News conference remarks on, 18, 90, 1 19,
176
Labor Day, statement, 212
Labor disputes
Automobile industry, comment on, 1 1 2
Copper industry, 1 76
Louisville and Nashville Railroad strike,
90.95
Role of Government, 90, 112, 119, 149,
176
Southern Bell Telephone Co., and em-
ployees, 90, 95
Transit strike, Washington, D.C., 149,
176, 206
912
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Labor legislation (1956) , 247
Labor-management relations, 4, 245
Labor organizations
AFL cornerstone-laying ceremony, 84
AFL-CIO, 47, 245
International Brotherhood of Teamsters,
232
Laconia, N.H., remarks, 134
Ladejinsky, Wolf, comment on, 10, 18, 56
Lamb, Edward O., 41
Lamp of Freedom, gift to the President,
Lancaster, N.H., remarks, 137
Land, Frank S., 43 n.
Land resources
Budget message, 17 (pp. 158-163)
Indian lands, 17 (p. 162)
Laos, assistance, 17 (p. 129)
Larsen, Roy E., 96
Latin America, 18, 35, 43
Assistance, 17 (pp. 129, 130), 76
See also specific countries
Lausanne, Switzerland, question of summit
conference in, 1 1 2, 1 19
Lawrence, William H., 10, 47, 59, 90, 95,
100, 119, 146,149
Laycook, L. G., 26
Leach, Paul R., 59
League of Red Cross Societies, 37, 49
Lebanon
Assistance, 17 (p. 130)
Atomic research agreement, 1 2 1
Legion of Merit, presentation to Field
Marshal Pibulsonggram, 87
Legislation, domestic, meeting of Republi-
can Congressional leaders on, 247
Legislation, extraneous amendments, com-
ment on, 149
Legislation, priority list, 146
Legislation, statements or messages upon
approval
Agricultural Trade Development and
Assistance Act, amendment, 202
Legislation — Continued
Department of Defense Appropriation
Act, 1956, 155
District of Columbia public transporta-
tion, 206
Highway bridge across Lake Texoma,
158
Highway Construction Co. of Ohio, Inc.,
relief of, 159
Housing Amendments, 194
Joint Resolution on Formosa, 24
Materials Act of 1947, amendments, 172
Mutual Security Appropriation Act, 182
Postal Field Service Compensation Act,
120
Public Works Appropriation Act, 157
Reclamation projects, 180
Red River flood control project, 184
Reserve Forces Act, 192
Salary payment to interim appointee,
AEC, 193
Trade Agreements Extension Act of
1955. 129
Legislation, Vetoes and Memorandums of
Disapproval
Apple price predictions, prohibition of
Government publication, 147
Civil Service Retirement Act, amend-
ment, 201
Internal Revenue Code of 1954, amend-
ment, 198
Minerals purchase programs, extension,
205
Ogletree, Stephen Swan, change of mili-
tary record, 197
Postal field service compensation bill,
102
Reconveyance to former owners of cer-
tain reservoir project lands in
Texas, 199
40308—59-
-61
913
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Legislation, Vetoes and Memorandums of
Disapproval — Continued
Relief of
Albrecht, E. J., Co., 196
Glaser^Kurt, 116
Hines, Fred P., 200
Subversive Activities Control Board,
term of office, 189
Legislative recommendations, messages
and letters. See Congress, messages
to; Congress, letters to Members of
Leisure, use of, 121
Lemont, 111., 53 n.
Leonard, Lt. Gen. John W., 52
Leviero, Anthony H., 149
Libby, Willard F., 89 n., 191 n.
Libraries, AEC technical, in United States
and abroad, 228
Libya, assistance, 17 (p. 130)
Life expectancy of man, 121
Lilly, Eli, & Co., 100
Lincoln, Abraham, 35, 121, 126, 181, 213
Lincoln, G. Gould, 146
Lincoln, N.H., remarks, 135
Liquor excise tax, 41
Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr. (U. S. Repre-
sentative to U.N.) , 156
Loftus, Joseph A., 10, 18
London disarmament conference. See
Disarmament Commission and sub-
committee, U.N.
Lord, Mrs. Oswald B., 156
Louisiana
Brooks, Repr. Overton, 100
Kennon, Gov. Robert F., 88
New Orleans, 44
Louisville and Nashville Railroad strike,
90, 95
Low-income housing, 4
Lowe, Herman A., 112
Luce, Mrs. Clare Boothe, meeting with
Prime Minister Scelba, 61
Luxembourg, 54n.
MAAG. See Military Assistance Advisory
Group
Maas, Gen. Melvin J., 103
MacArthur, Douglas H, 146 ftn. (p. 644)
Magistrati, Massimo, 61
Magloire, Paul E., exchange of toasts, 23
Magloire, Mrs. Paul E., 23
Maine
Bangor, 143
Muskie, Gov. Edmund S., 142, 143
Parmachenee Lake, 140 n.
Payne, Sen. Frederick G., 142
Rangeley, 141
Skowhegan, 142
Smith, Sen. Margaret Chase, 47, 95, 142
Malenkov, Georgi M., 33, 95
Manila, 4
Manila Pact. See Southeast Asia Collec-
tive Defense Treaty
Marine Corps
Budget message, 17 (pp. 112, 113, 117)
Decline in reenlistment rate, 1 3
Federal property in Virgin Islands, 14
Maritime Administration, 79
Markel, Hazel, 146
Markham Ferry project, Okla., 4, 17 (p.
158)
Marshall, Gen. George C, 135
Marshall, John, Bicentennial, 210
Martial law proclaimed during civil de-
fense test exercise, 149
Martin, I. Jack, 181
Martin, Paul, 10
Martino, Gaetano, 61
Marx, Karl, doctrines, 146, 245
Masonic breakfast, remarks, 43
Massachusetts, Repr. John W. McCor-
mack, 95, 146
Materials Act of 1947, amendment, 172
Matsu, 26, 62, 90, 1 1 2
McCarren-Walter Immigration Act, 56
914
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
McClendon^ Sarah, lo, i8, 26, 33, 41, 47,
56. 59. 62, 81, 90, 95, 100, 112, 119,
146,149,176, 185
McCormack, Repr. John W., 95, 146
McGormick, Robert R., death of, state-
ment, 63
McElroy, Neil H., Chairman, White House
Conference on Education, 95, 96
McGrath, WilHam L., 119
McLean, Robert, 79
McNeil, Marshall, 56
Mead, James M., 95
Meany, George, 84, 245
Medals, remarks or messages on presenta-
tion or acceptance
Distinguished Service Medal
Adm. Carney, 188
Gen. Ridgway, 144
Legion of Merit, Field Marshal Pibul-
songgram, 87
Medal of Freedom, Robert B. Anderson,
183
Medallion, Winston Churchill, 244
National Security Medal, J. Edgar
Hoover, no
Medical care
Cost of, 25
For military dependents, 4, 13
Medical research, 247
Mediterranean Sea, 4
Memorandums of Disapproval
Civil Service Retirement Act, amend-
ment, 201
Internal Revenue Code of 1 954, amend-
ment, 198
Minerals purchase programs, extension,
205
Ogletree, Stephen Swan, change of mili-
tary record, 197
Reconveyance to former owners of cer-
tain reservoir project lands in
Texas, 199
Memorandums of Disapproval — Con.
Relief of
Albrecht, E. J., Co., 196
Hines, Fred P., 200
Subversive Activities Control Board,
term of office, 189
See also Veto Messages
Memorandums to heads of Federal
agencies
Civil defense exercise, loi
Community Chest campaign, 130
Government Employees Incentive
Awards Program, i
Payroll Savings Plan, 187
United Community campaign, 168
Memphis, Tenn., power projects in area,
56, 146, 149
See also Dixon- Yates contract
Mental health, 25
Merchant, Livingston T., 61, 146 ftn. (p.
644)
Merchant marine, 17 (pp. 167, 168)
Merchant ship, nuclear-powered, 79, 121
News conference remarks, 81, 112, 146
World tour proposed, 146
Merrow, Repr. Chester E., 139
Messages to the American people
Geneva conference
Broadcast prior to departure, 161
Broadcast report on, 1 75
Messages to the Congress. See Congress,
messages to
Messages to heads of state and govern-
ments
Austria, President Koemer, 98
Burma, Prime Minister Nu, 169
China, Republic of. President Chiang
Kai-shek, 36
Ethiopia, Emperor Haile Selassie I, 23 1
Germany, Chancellor Adenauer, 190,
204
915
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Messages to heads of state and
governments — Continued
Guatemala, President Castillo Armas,
230
Iran, Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi,
42
Mexico, President Ruiz Cortines, 216,
229
Morocco, Sultan Mohammed ben
Youssef, 240
Norway, King Haakon VII, 241
U.S.S.R., Premier Bulganin, 220
Vatican City State, Supreme Pontiff
Pius XII, 46
Viet-Nam, Chief of State, Bao Dai, 48
Western European Union, Prime Min-
isters of member nations, 54
Mexican farm workers, 17 (p. 177)
Mexico
Ambassador Francis White, 229
Highways to, 39
Ruiz Cortines, Adolf o, 216, 229
Tampico flood relief, 229
Michigan, Detroit, 112
Middle East and Near East, 4, 18, 248
Assistance, 17 (pp. 125, 130)
Message to Rabbi Silver, 239
Statement, 234
Tripartite Declaration (1950), 234, 239
See also specific countries
Middle South Utilities Co., 149 ftn. (p.
669)
Midway, visit to Capetown, South Africa,
18
Migratory farm workers, Mexican, 17 (p.
177)
Military Assistance Advisory Group,
Formosa, 90
Military assistance and defense support, 76
Budget message, 17 (pp. 123-125, 128-
130)
Letter to Secretary of State, 74
Military assistance — Continued
News conference remarks, 10, 90, 119
See also Foreign assistance; Mutual
security program
Military personnel
Career incentives, 17 (pp. 91, 109)
Commissary and post exchange privi-
leges, 100
Discussion of war plans, comment on, 62
Doctors and dentists, induction, 12
Insurance, 17 (p. 145)
Letter to Secretary Wilson, 3
Pay, 4, 13,59
Retirement, 4, 17 (p. 145)
Survivor benefits, 4, 13, 17 (p. 134)
Turnover, message, 13
Military procurement. See Defense pro-
curement
Military strength, U.S., 4, 10, 12
Letter to Secretary Wilson, 3
Milk programs
Armed forces, 17 (p. 152)
Schools, 17 (p. 144)
Millikin, Sen. Eugene D., 81
Milne, Edward J., 18, 100, 119, 149, 176
Mineral lands, approval of bill restricting
multiple use, 172
Mineral resources, 4
Budget message, 17 (p. 163)
Minerals Policy, Committee on, 17 (p.
163)
Minerals purchase programs, extension,
disapproval, 205
Minimum wage, 4, 19
Extension of coverage, 81,112
News conference remarks, 26, 81, 90,
119, 149, 176
Minnesota
Humphrey, Sen. Hubert H., 26
Judd, Repr. Walter H., 33
Thye, Sen. Edward J., 33
916
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Missiles, 149
Nike, 17 (p. 116)
Mississippi Valley Generating Co., 149 ftn.
(p. 669)
Mitchell, James P. See Labor, Secretary of
Mohammed ben Youssef, message, 240
MoUenhoflf, Clark R., 10, 18, 26, 33, 41,
59, 62, 81, 95, 146, 149, 176, 185
Molotov, Vyacheslav M., 26, 33, 146
Monroe, Marvin E., 18 in.
Morgan, Edward P., 41, 59, 81, 90, 95,
100, 112, 149, 176
Morgan, Gerald D., 56, 181
Morocco, Mohammed ben Youssef, 240
Morris, John D., 18
Morse, Sen. Wayne, 100
Mortgage Association, Federal National,
17 (pp. 166, 172, 173)
Mortgage insurance, 19
Budget message, 17 (p. 172)
Moscow Declaration on Austria (1943),
114
Mountbatten, Vice Adm. Louis, 119
"Mudslinging," comment on, 62
Munroe, Pat, 56, 100, 146
Muskie, Gov. Edmund S., 142, 143
Mutual Security Appropriation Act, ap-
proval, 182
Mutual security program, 57, 76, 146
Budget message, 17 (pp. 91,97, 104, 108,
122, 123, 128-130)
Table, 17 (p. 123)
Letter to Secretary of State, 74
Statement, 69
See also Economic assistance; Military
assistance and defense support;
Technical assistance to less devel-
oped countries
Napoleon Bonaparte, 59, 118
Narcotics, international control, 4
National Advisory Committee for Aero-
nautics, 17 (p. 170)
National Advisory Committee on Polio-
myelitis Vaccine, 8 1 , 90, 1 1 3
National Association of Radio and Tele-
vision Broadcasters, remarks, 105
National Association of Television and
Radio Farm Directors, remarks, 127
National Bureau of Standards, 17 (p. 148)
National Citizens Commission for the Pub-
lic Schools, 96
National Community Christmas Tree and
Pageant of Peace, 250
National Conference of Christians and
Jews, letter, 40
National debt. See Debt, national
National economy. See Economy, na-
tional
National Foundation for Infantile Paral-
ysis
Citation, 78
Vaccination program, 112, 113
National groups. See Addresses, remarks,
or messages to national groups
National Guard, 12, 119, 192
National Industrial Conference Board,
message, 228
National Institutes of Health, 17 (p. 143)
National Mediation Board, 1 1 2
National parks, 4, 17 (p. 163)
National product, 4, 19, 39, 41, 79
National School Boards Association, 96
National Science Foundation, 17 (p. 148)
National security, 4, 12, 13, 67, 81
Bipartisan meeting on, 248
Budget message, 17 (pp. 91, 97, 104,
107-126)
Tables, 17 (pp. 104, no)
Letter to Secretary Wilson, 3
National Security Council, 24 n., 57, 76,
119
Editor's note, p. 822
National Security Medal, presentation to
J. Edgar Hoover, 1 10
917
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
National Security Training Mission, 12
National Zoological Park, 141 n.
NATO. See North Atlantic Treaty Or-
ganization
Natural gas bill, 146
Natural resources
Budget message, 17 (pp. 93, 155-163)
Table, 17 (p. 157)
Conservation, 4, 17 (pp. 155-163), 172
For land, minerals, water, etc., see spe-
cific resources
Nautilus^ U.S.S., 81
Budget message, 17 (p. 121)
Navigation aids and facilities, 17 (pp. 168,
169)
Navy, 17 (pp. 112,113,117)
Navy, Department of the, 3, 13
Federal property in Virgin Islands, 14
Nazism, 115, 163
Near East. See Middle East and Near
East
Neely, Sen. Matthew M., 81, 185
Nehru, Jawaharlal, 1 1 9
Netherlands, 54 n.
Neutrality
Austria, 100
Germany, joint statement with Chan-
cellor Adenauer on, 122
Satellite countries, comment on, 119
New Delhi, India, 47
New Hampshire
Bass, Repr. Perkins, 139
Berlin, 139
Bridges, Sen. Styles, 134, 135, 139
Concord, 133
Cotton, Sen. Norris, 139
Dwinell, Gov. Lane, 133, 135, 136, 139
Franconia Notch, 136
Jefferson, 138
Laconia, 134
Lancaster, 137
Lincoln, 135
Merrow, Repr. Chester E., 139
New Jersey, Repr. James C. Auchincloss,
20
New Mexico, Sen. Clinton P. Anderson,
10, 71
New Orleans, La., Inter-American Invest-
ment Conference, 44
New York
New York City, 27, 79, 219, 228 n.,
239 n., 245
Niagara power project, 10
New York Bar Association, 18
News conferences
Censorship, 26
First TV and newsreel recording, editor's
note, 18 (p. 185)
News conferences, the President's
January 12 (No. 57), 10
January 19 (No. 58), 18
February 2 (No. 59) , 26
February 9 (No. 60) , 33
February 23 (No. 61 ) , 41
March 2 (No. 62), 47
March 16 (No. 63) , 56
March 23 (No. 64) , 59
March 30 (No. 65) , 62
April 27 (No. 66), 81
May 4 (No. 67), 90
May II (No. 68), 95
May 18 (No. 69), 100
May 3 1 (No. 70), 112
June 8 (No. 71), 119
June 29 (No. 72), 146
July 6 (No. 73), 149
July 27 (No. 74), 176
August 4 (No. 75), 185
Newsmen, disclosure of sources of informa-
tion at Congressional hearings, 10
Newspaper Editors, American Society of,
79. 99 n.
Newspaperboys, participation in Crusade
for Freedom campaign, 79
Niagara power project, i o
918
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Nike missiles, 17 (p. 116)
Norman, Jack, 26
North Atlantic Council, 54
Perkins, George W., U.S. Permanent
Representative, 71
North Atlantic Treaty, 54
North Atlantic Treaty Organization, 3, 54,
72, 144, 162, 175
Atomic information, agreement for co-
operation regarding, 7 1
German membership in, 4, 99
Joint statement with Prime Minister
Scelbaon, 61
Northwest Airlines, certification, 30, 33
Norway, Haakon VII, 241
Nu (U)
Joint statement with President, 148
Letter, 169
News conference remarks on, 146
Nuclear aircraft, 17 (p. 121)
Nuclear power projects. See Power
projects
Nuclear-powered ships. See Ships
Nuclear reactors. See Reactors
Nuclear Science and Engineering, Inter-
national School of, foreign students,
remarks, 53
Nuclear tests
AEG report on effects of, 41, 56
Ban on, 41
Fallout. See Radioactive fallout
Pacific (1954)^56
Soviet, 185
Nuclear war, 33, 79, 175
Nuclear weapons, 4, 166
Budget message, 17 (p. 109)
News conference remarks, 10, 33, 41, 47,
56, 59, 149
Soviet, 33, 47
Strategic and tactical, 10, 56
See also Bombs; Disarmament; Nuclear
tests
Nurses, training programs, 25
Odk Ridge, Tenn., self-government, 17 (p.
121)
O'Brien, John C., 18
Occupational safety, 4
O'Connor, Basil, 78
Office, government, indiscretion in use of,
176
Office of Coordinator of Public Works
Planning, proposed, 19
Offshore procurement contracts, 76
Ohio, Sen. John W. Bricker, 59
Oil
Imports, 33, 81
In Iran, 76
Old-age and survivors insurance, 4
Budget message, 17 (pp. 94, 140, 141,
143-146)
Old Man of the Mountain, 150th anniver-
sary of discovery, remarks, 136
Old River Control project. La., 17 (p. 160)
Older persons
Effects of inflation, 41
Medical care, 25
News conference remarks, 41, 119
Open skies proposal. See Disarmament
Operation Alert ( 1 955 ) . See Civil defense
Operation Skywatch, 3rd anniversary,
letter to Secretary Wilson, 154
Oregon, Sen. Wayne Morse, 100
Organization of American States
Action on Costa Rican dispute, 10
Guatemalan situation, 156
News conference remarks, 10, 26
U.S. contributions, 76
Organization for Trade Cooperation
U.S. membership proposed, 129, 160,
248
Message, 72
Organization of World Touring and Auto-
mobile Clubs, General Assembly, re-
marks, 93
919
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Orphans, recommendations under Refugee
Relief Act, 109
Overseas personnel, Federal, 8
Pacific Charter, 4
Pacific Northern Airlines, certification, 106
Pacific Proving Ground, nuclear tests
(1954), 56
Pageant of Peace, remarks, 250
Pahlavi, Mohammad Reza, message, 42
Pakistan, 4
Palestine, development of water resources,
76
Pan American Highway, 93
Pan American World Airways, certifica-
tion, 30, 33
Panama
Guizado, Jose Ramon, 2
Remon, Jose Antonio, 2
Panama Canal Zone, Inter-American high-
way, 64
Pantelleria, capture of, 59
Paperwork management program, com-
ment on proposal, 41
Paperwork reduction, Hoover Commission
recommendations, 41
Paris, heads of government meeting
(1950.59
Paris agreements (1955), 54. 164
News conference remarks, 41, 59, 62
Ratification by France and Italy, com-
ment on, 62
Parke, Davis & Co., 100
Parks, monuments, and historic sites, na-
tional, 4, 17 (p. 163)
Parmachenee Lake, Maine, 140 n.
Passamaquoddy Bay hydroelectric power
survey, 17 (p. 161)
Patton, Gen. George S., 81
Pay
Congressmen, 47
Government employees, 4, 8, 59
Judges, 47
Pay — Continued
Military personnel, 4, 13, 59
Postal employees, 4, 9, 59, 90, 100
Approval of Postal Field Service Com-
pensation Act, 1 20
Veto of bill, 102
See also Wages
Payne, Ediel, 26
Payne, Sen. Frederick G., 142
Payroll Savings Plan
Letter to Mrs. Priest, Chairman of Com-
mittee, 186
Memorandum on, 187
Peaceful uses of atomic energy. See
Atomic energy for peaceful uses
Peiping, China, 16
Penghu (Pescadores) Islands, 18, 21, 24 n.,
33
Pennsylvania
Gettysburg, 237, 239 n., 240 n., 241 n.,
242 n., 243 n., 244 n., 245 n.
Editor's note, p. 822
Philadelphia, 56, 210
Walter, Repr. Francis E., 59, 62
Water drainage in anthracite coal region,
17 (P- 163)
Pennsylvania State University
Atomic reactor, 1 2 1
Commencement address, 1 2 1
News conference remarks on, 149
Peoria, 111., campaign remarks (1952), 18
Pepper, Claude, 210
Pericles, Age of, I2i
Perkins, George W., 7 1
Personnel management. Federal, 8
Pescadores (Penghu) Islands, 18, 21, 24 n.,
33
Petersen, Theodore S., 51 n.
Letter, 125
Peterson, Elmer, Big Dam Foolishness, 56
Peterson, Val, 209
Petitpierre, Max, 163
920
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Peurifoy, Daniel, death of, statement, 195
Peurifoy, John E., death of, statement, 195
Peurifoy, Mrs. John E. 195
Philadelphia, Pa., 210
Mayor Joseph Clark, on civil defense, 56
Philippines
Independence, 69
Manila, 4
Trade agreement revision, letter, 91
Phillips, Cabell, 10, 81
Phleger, Herman, 146 ftn. (p. 644)
Physically Handicapped, President's Com-
mittee on, remarks, 103
Pibulsonggram, Field Marshal, Legion of
Merit, citation, 87
Pierce, Franklin, 85, 92 n.
Pierre, Henri, 100
Pius XH
Message, 46
News conference remarks on, 47
Police force, Washington, D.C., handling
of transit emergency, 149
Poliomyelitis, citation to National Founda-
tion for Infantile Paralysis, 78
Poliomyelitis vaccine, 79
Citation to Dr. Jonas E. Salk for devel-
opment of, 77
Distribution, 78, 90, 1 12, 1 13
News conference remarks, 81, 90, 95,
100, 112, 119
Statement, 113
Poliomyelitis Vaccine, National Advisory
Committee on, 8 1, 90, 1 13
Poliomyelitis Vaccine Evaluation Center,
University of Michigan, 113 n.
Politics, comment on, 1 1 2
Porter, H. J. (Jack), 47
Post exchange and commissary privileges,
100
Post Office Department
"Atoms for Peace" postage stamp, 177
Budget message, 17 (pp. 103, 164, 171)
Christmas mail, 246
Post OiEce Department — Continued
Postal field service compensation bill,
veto, 102
Seizure of copies of Izvestia and Pravda,
59
Postal deficit, 4, 9
Budget message, 17 (p. 103)
Postal employees
Pay, 4, 9, 59, 90. 1^0
Approval of Postal Field Service Com-
pensation Act, 1 20
Veto of pay bill, 102
Uniforms for, 9
Postal rates, 4, 9, 247
Budget message, 17 (pp. 93, 103, 171)
Commission on, 9, 17 (p. 171)
Increase, 17 (pp. 103, 171)
Postal services, 9
Budget message, 17 (pp. 170, 171)
Postmaster General (Arthur E. Summer-
field), 9, 90 ftn. (p. 475), 102, 138,
177
Postmasters, New Hampshire conference,
remarks, 138
Power projects, 4
Budget message, 17 (pp. 91, 93, 120,
121, 156-161)
Hydroelectric, 17 (pp. 158-161)
Memphis, Tenn., area, 56, 146, 149
See also Dixon- Yates contract
News conference remarks, 10, 33, 56,
146, 149
Niagara project, 10
Nuclear, 17 (pp. 91, 120, 121), 228
Abroad, 121
New England, 223
TVA Fulton steam plant, 56, 149
PravdUy postal ban, 59
Presentation ceremonies, addresses, re-
marks, or messages. See Addresses,
remarks, or messages at presentation
ceremonies
921
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Presidency, comment on the President's
first two years in office, i8, 112
President of the Senate. See Vice Presi-
dent
Presidential Advisory Committee on Trans-
port Policy and Organization, report,
33, 62, 90 and ftn. (p. 475)
Presidential Documents published in the
Federal Register (1955), Appendix
B,p.877
Presidential reports to the Congress, list.
Appendix C, p. 884
President's Advisory Committee on Energy
Supplies and Resources Policy (Flem-
ming Committee) , report, 33 and ftn.
(p. 259), 41, 56
President's Advisory Committee on a Na-
tional Highway Program (Clay Com-
mittee), 4, 146
Report, 39
President's Commission on Veterans' Pen-
sions
Budget message, 17 (p. 134)
Letter, 51
President's Committee on the Employment
of the Physically Handicapped, re-
marks, 103
President's Committee for Traffic Safety,
III, 243
Letter to William Randolph Hearst, Jr.,
re appointment, 1 24
Letter to T. S. Petersen re appointment,
125
President's Conference on Fitness of
American Youth, message, 217
Preston, Dickson J., 56
Price freeze, 26
Price predictions on apples, prohibition of
Government publication, veto, 147
Price supports, 62, 90, 127
Budget message, 17 (pp. 93^94. 103, 106,
150-153)
Price and wage controls, 112, 146
See also Controls, Government economic
Prices, farm. See Farm economy
Priest, Mrs. Ivy Baker, 187
Letter, 186
Priest Rapids project. Wash., 4, 17 (p.
158)
Prisoners of war, code of conduct, 207
Prisoners of War, Defense Advisory Com-
mittee on, report, 207 n.
Private enterprise. See Enterprise system
Proclamation of martial law during civil
defense text exercise, 149
Proclamations, list. Appendix B, p. 877
Proctor, Mrs. Mortimer R., 132
Procurement, military. See Defense pro-
curement
Property, Federal, 17 (pp.955 179--181)
Public assistance
Budget message, 17 (pp. 103, 143, 144)
Medical care, 25
Public health programs, 25
Budget message, 17 (pp. 142, 143)
Public Health Service, 17 (p. 142), 25, 119
Public Health Service, Surgeon General
(Leonard A. Scheele), 95, 112, 113,
119
Public Health Service Commissioned
Corps, survivor benefits, 25
Public housing, 4, 176, 194
Budget message, 17 (p. 174)
Public lands
Budget message, 17 (pp. 162, 163)
Highways, 39
Mining claims, restrictions, 172
Public Roads, Bureau of, 39
Public works, 4
Appropriation Act, approval, 157
Public Works, Office of Coordinator, pro-
posed, 4, 19
Appointment of Maj. Gen. John S. Brag-
don as coordinator, 203
922
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Pulitzer, Joseph, death of, statement, 63
Queen Mary, S.S., 42 n.
Quemoy, 21
News conference remarks, 26, 62, 90, 112
Rabb, Maxwell M., 181
Rabi, 1. 1., 191 n.
Radar screen. See Warning systems
Radford, Adm. Arthur W., 56, 81
Radiation, peaceful uses, 1 2 1
Radio Free Europe, 32
Radio liberation, 8 1
Radio and Television Broadcasters, Na-
tional Association, remarks, 105
Radio and television farm directors, re-
marks, 127
Radioactive fallout
AEG report, comment on, 41, 56
News conference remarks, 33
Radioisotopes, uses of, 228
Railroad, Louisville and Nashville, strike,
90. 95
Railroad retirement benefits, 17 (p. 145)
Rangeley, Maine, remarks at fawn presen-
tation ceremonies, 141
Rangoon, Burma, Buddhist Synod, 148
Rankine, Paul S., 26
Rayburn, Repr. Sam. See Speaker of the
House of Representatives
Reactors, 228
Geneva installation, 100
Industrial power, 17 (p. 121)
International agreements for use of, 89,
121, 123, 165
Merchant ship, 79
Naval vessels, 1 7 (p. 1 2 1 )
New England, 223
Nuclear, 17 (p. 143)
Pennsylvania State University, 121
Reading, the President's
Big Dam Foolishness (Peterson) , 56
West Point Plebe (Reeder) ,117
Reclamation, Bureau of
Budget message, 17 (pp. 158-160)
Gonstruction starts, 157
Reclamation projects, 4, 180
Reconstruction Finance Gorporation, 17
(pp. 92, 176)
Records management, 17 (pp. 1 79-181)
See also Information
Red Gross, 210
Gampaign, remarks, 45
Flood relief in the Northeast, 208, 209
Red Gross Societies, League of, 37, 49
Red Feather campaign. See Gommunity
Ghest campaign
Red River flood control project, approval,
184
Reeder, Red, West Point Plebe, 1 1 7
Refugee Relief Act, 109
Budget message, 17 (p. 131)
Refugees and escapees, 76, 8 1
Admission, 17 (p. 131)
American voluntary societies cooperating
in escapee program, remarks, 60
Arab, 17 (p. 131)
Message to Gongress, 109
U.N. program, 17 (p. 131), 156
Relocation exercises. Federal. See Givil
defense
Remagen Bridge, remarks to participants
in seizure of, 52
Remagen Bridgehead, Society of the, 52
Remon, Jose Antonio, assassination, state-
ment, 2
Remon, Senora, 2
Renegotiation Act, extension, 50
Reorganization Act, extension, 4
Reports to the Gongress. See Gongress,
reports to
Reports to the President
Committee on Energy Supplies and Re-
sources Policy, comment on, 33, 41,
56
923
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Reports to the President — Continued
Federal agency relocation exercise, 149
ftn. (p. 672)
Low income farmers, problems of, 82
President's Advisory Committee on a
National Highway Program, 39
Secretary Dulles
European visit, 99
ILO conventions and recommenda-
tions, 107
Mutual Defense Treaty with China, 5
Republican National Committee
Chairman (Leonard W. Hall), 47, 247
Remarks to, 35
Republican National Convention (1956),
10,47
Republican National Finance Committee,
remarks, 35
Republican Party, comment on, 35
Republican State chairmen, remarks to,
213
Republican Women's Finance Committee
of the District of Columbia, remarks,
104
Republican Women's National Conference,
remarks, 94
Research
Aeronautical, 17 (p. 92)
Agricultural, 17 (pp. 94, 155)
Medical, 247
Scientific, 19
Research and development, military, 4, 17
(p. 118)
Reserve forces bill, 1 76
Approval, 192
News conference remarks, 90, 100, 119,
146, 149^
Segregation rider, 119
Reserve program, armed forces, 3, 4, 12
Budget message, 1 7 ( p. 9 1 )
White House release, 192 n.
Reservoir projects, Texas, reconveyance of
certain reservoir project lands to
former owners, 199
Resignation, Mrs. Oveta Culp Hobby
Letter, 152
Remarks, 153
Reston, James B., 47, 59, 81, 95, 100, 112,
1 19, 146, 149
Retaliatory power in case of attack, 3
Retirement
Federal personnel, 4, 17 (pp. 96, 106,
145,181,182)
Military personnel, 4, 17 (p. 145)
Railroad employees, 17 (p. 145)
Retirement Policy for Federal Personnel,
Committee on, report, 17 (p. 18 1)
Reynolds, James A., 95
Rhode Island, Gov. Dennis J. Roberts, 222,
223
Rhodes scholars appointed from West
Point (1955), 117
Rice, agricultural surpluses, 148
Richards, Robert W., 90
Richland, Wash., self-government, 17 (p.
121)
Ridder, Walter T., 59
Ridgway, Gen. Matthew B.
Distinguished Service Medal;, citation,
144
News conference remarks on, 26
Ridgway, Mrs. Matthew B., 144 n.
Ridgway, Matthew B., Jr., 144 n.
Riggs, Robert L., 33
Rio de Janeiro, conference in, 4
River basin development, 17 (pp. 156-
161)
Rivers and harbors, 17 (pp. 168, 169)
Rizley, Ross, letter, 106
Roberts, Chalmers M., 10, 18, 26, 33, 41,
47. 59. 62, 90, 95, 100, 119, 146, 149,
185
Roberts, Gov. Dennis J., letters, 222, 223
924
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Roberts, Gilroy, 244 n.
Robertson, Walter S., 81
Rocky Beach project, Wash., 17 (p. 158)
Roosevelt, Franklin D., 78
Rosenwald, William, 1 15 n.
Roth, Robert, 56, 119
Rubber plants, synthetic, sale of, 17 (p.
92)
Rubber producing facilities disposal, 17 (p.
Ruiz Cortines, Adolfo
Letter to, 229
Message, 216
Rules governing this publication. Appendix
D,p.886
Rural electrification, 17 (pp. 153, 154)
Rural Electrification Administration, 17
(P- 153)
Rural telephones. See Telephone service,
rural
Rutland, Vermont, remarks at Dairy Festi-
val, 131
SACLANT. See Supreme Allied Com-
mand Atlantic
Safe driving, statements, in, 243
Saigon, Viet-Nam, 48
St. Lawrence Seaway, 47
Budget message, 17 (pp. 164, 168)
Salk, Dr. Jonas E., 78, 79, 1 13
Citation, 77
Salk vaccine. See Poliomyelitis vaccine
Salpeter, A. E., 26, 90
San Francisco, Calif., 126, 131
News conference remarks, 47, 81, 112,
146
U.N. loth anniversary meeting, 81, 112,
146, 156
Sandstrom, Emil, letter, 37
SamofF, David, recommendations on cold
war strategy, 95
Satellite countries, Soviet, 12, 33, 37 n.,
119, 146, 175
Satellite countries, Soviet — Continued
Information program, 17 (p. 131)
Satellite, earth, 47 ftn. (p. 308)
Savings bonds, U.S., payroll savings plan,
186, 187
Scelba, Mario, joint statement, 61
Scelba, Signora, 61
Scheele, Leonard A., 95, 112, 113, 119
Scheibel, Kenneth M., 10, 33, 47, 81, 90,
112, 149
Scherer, Ray L., 10, 62, 81, 95, 100, 112,
119, 146, 176
Schnitzler, William F., 245
School Boards Association, National, 96
School construction, 19, 247
Anti-segregation amendment to bill, 149
Budget message, 17 (p. 147)
Message to Congress, 3 1
News conference remarks, 18, 33, 47,
119. 149
School integration. See Integration, pub-
lic schools
School milk program, 17 (p. 144)
Schools. See Education; Integration,
public schools
Schorr, Daniel L., 10, 47, 59, 62
Schurman, Wilbur M., 137 n.
Schwartz, Lloyd M., 26, 33, 56, 81, 90,
112, 119, 176
Schweitzer, Dr. Albert, cablegram, 15
Science, use for military purposes, 3
Science Foundation, National, 17 (p. 148)
Scientific research, 19
Seawolf,\5.S.^,, 17 (p. 121)
SEATO. See Southeast Asia Treaty Or-
ganization
Securities and Exchange Commission, 146
Intervention by Sherman Adams, com-
ment on, 176
Security clearance cases
Ladejinsky, Wolf, 10, 56
News conference remarks, 10, 18, 56, 81
U.S. employees of United Nations, 156
925
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Security program for Government em-
ployment, comment on, lo, i8, 26,
41,81, 146
Segni, Antonio, 208 n.
Selective Service System, extension, 4, 12
Sentner, David P., 26, 81, 112, 149, 185
Separation of legislative, executive, and ju-
dicial powers, 1 55
Shackford, Roland H., 47
Shannon, Donald H., 90
Shannon, William V., 26
Shinkman, Paul A., 146
Ships
Empress of Britain, 146
Merchant marine, 17 (pp. 167, 168)
Naval, 17 (p. 117)
Nuclear-powered
Merchant ship, 79, 81, 112, 121, 146
U.S.S. Nautilus, 17 (p. 121), 81
U.S.S. Seawolf, 17 (p. 121)
S.S. Queen Mary, 42 n.
Subsidies, 17 (pp. 92, 167, 168)
U.S.S. Atka, icebreaker, 47
U.S.S. Midway, 18
Shutt, Charles E., 41, 56, 59, 90, 95, 100,
146, 149, 185
Silk yarn for cartridge cloth, 155
Silver, Rabbi Abba Hillel, message, 239
Sims, Edward H., 149
Skowhegan, Maine, remarks, 142
Slevin, Joseph R., 81, 90, 185
Slum clearance, 194, 247
Budget message, 17 (pp. 171, 172)
Small Business Act of 1953, extension, 4
Small Business Administration, 4, 208 n.
Loans, 17 (p. 176)
Small business taxes, 4
Smathers, Sen. George A., 62
Smith, Kingsbury, interview of Molotov,
26
Smith, Sen. Margaret Chase, 142
News conference remarks on, 47, 95
Smith, Merriman, 10, 18, 26, 33, 41, 47,
56, 59. 62, 95, 100, 112, 119, 146, 149,
176
Smithsonian Institution, 22 n.
Smithsonian Institution, Secretary (Leon-
ard Carmichael), 22
Snyder, Murray, editor's note on Presi-
dent's illness, p. 822
SobelofF, Simon, delay in Senate confirma-
tion, 176
Social security, 247
Budget message, 17 (pp. 140, 141, 143-
146)
Table, 17 (p. 146)
Society of the Remagen Bridgehead, 52
Soil conservation, 17 (pp. 154, 155)
Soper, Morris A., 149
Soraya, Empress of Iran, 42
South Africa, Capetown, 18
South America. See Inter- American ;
Latin America; specific countries
South Carolina
Aiken, 73
Charleston, 70
Thurmond, Sen. Strom, 73, 149
Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty,
4. 5. 35
Southeast Asia Treaty Organization, 4, 47
Bangkok conference, 41
Southern Bell Telephone Co., strike of em-
ployees, 90, 95
Soviet Union, 12, 99, 161
Agricultural specialists, question of U.S.
visit, 47, 95
Aircraft, 112
Ambassador Charles E. Bohlen, 146 ftn.
(p. 644)
Amtorg, 10
Anniversary, message, 233
Bulganin, Nikolai A., 62, 95, 146, 161,
164, 166 n., 185
Letter to, 220
926
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Soviet Union — Continued
Communist China, relations with, 33
Disarmament. See Disarmament
Economic offensive, 6
Izvestia and Pravda, U.S. postal ban, 59
Joint statement with Chancellor Ade-
nauer on, 122
Khrushchev, Nikita S., 95, 146, 149
Malenkov, Georgi M., 33, 95
May Day celebrations, 95
Molotov, Vyacheslav M., 26, 33, 146
News conference remarks, 10, 33, 41, 47,
59, 62, 81, 95, 100, 112, 119, 146,
185
Nuclear tests, 185
Nuclear weapons, 33, 47
Political changes, comment on, 33, 59,
62, 146
Satellite countries, 12, 17 (p. 131), 33,
37n., 119, 146, 175
Stalin, Joseph, 95
Trade affairs, 6
Trade with U.S., 33
U.N. activities, 156
Voroshilov, Kliment E., 233
Yugoslavia, visit of Soviet leaders, 100
Zhukov, Marshal Georgi, 33, 47, 81, 90,
95, 100, 146, 176
Spaatz, Gen. Carl, 52
Spain
Assistance, 76
Atomic research agreement, 121
Spanish- American War, 56
Military service of Stephen S. Ogletree,
197
Speaker of the House of Representatives
(Sam Rayburn), 90 ftn. (p. 471)
Birthday greetings, 4
Letters
Inter- American highway, 64
Philippines trade agreement revision,
91
Virgin Islands Corporation, 14
Speaker of the House — Continued
News conference remarks on, 41, 95
On Presidential appointments, 95
Spending by Government, 4, 1 9
News conference remarks, 18, 41
Spivack, Robert G., 10, 26, 41, 59, 62, 95,
112, 146
Sprague, Maj. Gen. John T., 235
Squires, Paul, 181 n.
Squirrels on White House lawn, 62
S.S. Queen Mary^ 42 n.
Stalin, Joseph, 95
Standard of living, U.S., 4, 19
Standards, Bureau of , 17 (p. 148)
Stassen, Harold E., 60 n., 94
Appointment as Special Assistant to the
President, 57
News conference remarks on, 10, 47, 62,
146, 185
Visit to New Delhi, 47
State, Department of, 57, 74
Bowie, Robert R., 146 ftn. (p. 644)
Budget message, 17 (pp. 131, 132)
Corsi, Edward, 62
Delegation to 4-power conference, Ge-
neva, 146 ftn. (p. 644)
Educational exchange program, 17 (p.
132)
Hoover, Herbert, Jr., 94
Ladejinsky case, 10
Mac Arthur, Douglas II, 146 ftn. (p.
644)
Merchant, Livingston, 61, 146 ftn. (p.
644)
News conference remarks, 10, 62, 81
Phleger, Herman, 146 ftn. (p. 644)
Robertson, Walter S., 81
State, Secretary of (John Foster Dulles),
26 ftn. (p. 231), 54, 94, 98 n., 126,
143, 146 ftn. (p. 644), 148, 173,
204 n.
Bangkok conference, 41
927
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
State, Secretary of — Continued
Bipartisan meeting on Geneva confer-
ence of heads of state, 1 74
Geneva conferences (1955)
Foreign ministers, 226, 227
Heads of government, 161, 175
ILO conventions and recommendations,
report, 107
Letter re transfer of FOA functions, 74
Meeting with Dag Hammarskjold, 18
Meeting with Prime Minister Scelba, 61
News conference remarks on, 18, 41, 47,
59,81,100,119, 146
On Middle East situation, 234
On U.S. airmen imprisoned in Com-
munist China, 18
Refugee Relief Act, 109
Southeast Asia Collective Defense
Treaty, report on, 5
TV report on European visit, 99
Comment on, 100
Visit to Asia, 100
Visit to Formosa, 47
State and community conferences on edu-
cation, statement, 96
State of the Union, annual message to Con-
gress, 4
Statehood of Alaska and Hawaii, 4, 56, 95,
247
States
Federal aid. See Federal aid to States
Governors, letter to, 29
Polio vaccine. See Poliomyelitis vaccine
See also Federal-State-local governmen-
tal responsibilities
Status of Forces agreements, 1 19
Stephenson, Francis M., 62, 90
Stevens, Robert T. See Army, Secretary of
the
Stock market, 18,56
Margin requirements, 81
Stockpiling of strategic and critical mate-
rials, 3, 4
Budget message, 17 (pp. 108, 122)
Strategic Air Command, 13, 17 (p. 117)
Strategic Air Force, 52 n.
Strategic and critical materials, stockpiling,
3.4
Budget message, 17 (pp. 108, 122)
Stratemeyer, Lt. Gen. George E., 112
Strauss, Lewis L. See Atomic Energy
Commission, Chairman
Strikes. See Labor disputes
Students
Atomic studies of foreign students, 53,
165
Exchange of, 4
Submarines, nuclear-powered. Nautilus
andSeawolf, 17 (p. 121), 81
Subsidies, Government
Airlines, 17 (p. 169), 30, 33, 106
Ships, 17 (pp. 92, 167, 168)
Subversive Activities Control Board, tenure
of office, 189
Suez, 35
Summerfield, Arthur E. See Postmaster
General (Arthur E. Summerfield)
Summit meeting. See Heads of state and
governments, meeting
Supreme Allied Commander Atlantic
(Adm. Jerauld Wright), 100
Supreme Court, U.S.
Decision on school integration, 149
Nomination to fill vacancy, comment on,
26
Surplus agricultural commodities. See
Agricultural surpluses
Survivor benefits, military personnel, 4, 13,
17 (P- 134)
Sweden, question of summit conference in,
. "^
Switzerland
Atomic research agreement, 121
928
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Switzerland — Continued
Geneva, 37 n., 168 n., 169 n.
Geneva conferences. See Geneva con-
ferences
Lausanne, 112, 119
Petitpierre, Max, 163
Synthetic rubber plants, sale of, 17 (p. 92)
Tachen Islands, 21 36
Evacuation, 33
News conference remarks, 18, 26, 33, 47
Taiwan. See Formosa (Taiwan) ; For-
mosa (Taiwan) Strait situation
Talbott, Harold E. See Air Force, Sec-
retary of the
Tampico, Mexico, flood relief, 229
Tariff Commission, U.S., 6
Tariffs, reduction of, 4
Tariffs and Trade, General Agreement on,
6, 72
Tariff concessions on textiles, 149
Tax returns, investigation by Congressional
Committees, 90
Tax treaties, 6
Taxes
Budget message, 17 (pp. 87, 97- 99, 145)
Collection procedures, 17 (p. 145)
Corporate, 4, 6, 17 (pp. 87, 97, 98), 41
Excise, 4, 17 (pp. 87, 97, 98), 41
Income, 41
News conference remarks, 18, 41, 47, 56,
112
Reduction, 4, 18, 19, 41, 47, 112
Teachers, shortage of, 3 1
Teamsters, International Brotherhood of,
232
Technical assistance, U.N., 4, 76, 156
Contributions to, 1 26
Technical assistance to less developed
countries, 4, 6, 76, 167
Budget message, 17 (p. 130)
See also Foreign assistance; Mutual se-
curity program
Telephone service, rural, 17 (pp. 153, 154)
Telephone strike, Southern Bell Telephone
Co., 90, 95
Televised news conference, first, editor's
note, 18 (p. 185)
Comment on, 26
Television and radio broadcasters, remarks,
105
Television and Radio Farm Directors, Na-
tional Association, remarks, 127
Tennessee
Cooper, Repr. Jere, 90 ftn. (p. 47 1 ) , 160
Evins, Repr. Joe L., 1 1 2
Kefauver, Sen. Estes, 146, 149
Memphis, 56, 146, 149
Oak Ridge, 17 (p. 121)
Power projects, 56
Tennessee Valley Authority
Appropriations, 157
Budget message, 17 (pp. 161, 162)
Chairman (Herbert D. Vogel), 146 ftn.
(p. 646)
Dixon- Yates contract. See Dixon- Yates
contract
News conference remarks, 26, 56, 100,
149
Steam plant, 56, 149
Tennyson, Alfred, 35
Texas
Bell, Repr. John J., 95
Cooper Dam and Reservoir, approval^
184
Dallas, 10
Daniel, Sen. Price, 47
Johnson, Sen. Lyndon B., 81, 90 ftn.
(p. 471), 146
Raybum, Repr. Sam, 4, 14, 41, 64, 90
ftn. (p. 471) 91,95
Texas City disaster, 1 1 2
Textiles
Import quotas, 185
Tariff concessions, 149
929
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Thailand
Ambassador John E. Peurifoy, 195
Bangkok conference, 41
Pibulsonggram, Field Marshal, 87
Theis, William, 18, 41, 119, 146, 185
Thomasville, Ga., 33
Thompson, John S., 51 n.
Thompson, Llewellyn E., 146 ftn. (p. 644)
Thurmond, Sen. Strom
News conference remarks on, 149
Telegram, 73
Thye, Sen. Edward J., 33
Tibbetts, Candy, 141
Tibbetts, Mr. and Mrs. Verde, 141 n.
Tito, Marshal, 1 1 9
Tobacco
Excise tax on, 41
Exports, 6
Tompkins, William F., 10
Tondreau, Aime A., 139 n.
Totalitarianism, 76
Trade, international, 4, 6, 19, 72, 79, 167
Budget message, 17 (pp. 128, 132)
News conference remarks, 18, 33, 41,
100, 149
Remarks to Advertising Council, 58
With Communist areas, 18, 100
With Soviet Union, 33
See also Tariffs and Trade, General
Agreement on; Trade Agreements
Act
Trade Agreements Act, extension, 6, 79,
81
Approval, 129
News conference remarks, 26, 41, 59
Remarks to National Trade Policy Com-
mittee, 83
Trade Cooperation, Organization for, 248
U.S. membership proposed, 129, 160
Message, 72
Trade fairs, international, 59
Bangkok (1954). 6
Traffic accidents, 39, 243
Statement on safe driving, 1 1 1
Traffic Safety, President's Committee for,
III, 243
Letter to William Randolph Hearst, Jr.,
re appointment, 1 24
Letter to T. S. Petersen re appointment,
125
Training
Government employees, 8
Public health, 25
Veterans, 17 (p. 136)
Transit strike, Washington, D.C., 149, 176
Transport Policy and Organization, Com-
mittee on, report, 33, 62, 90 and ftn.
(P- 475}
Transportation
District of Columbia, 149, 176, 206
Excise tax on, 41
Federal policies on, 4
Travel, freedom of, 6, 167
Travel abroad by the President, 119
Travel allowances for Federal personnel, 8
Treasurer of the United States (Mrs. Ivy
Baker Priest), 187
Letter, 186
Treasury, Department of the, 1 9
Budget message, 17 (p. 98)
Folsom, Marion B., 112
Treasury, Secretary of the (George M.
Humphrey), 44, 90 ftn. (p. 475)
News conference remarks on, 33, 47
On resignation of Mrs. Oveta Gulp
Hobby, 153
Treaties. See International agreements
(1955)
Trieste, 18, 35
Tripartite Declaration on Middle East
(1950)5234, 239
Truman, Harry S., President, 18, 33, 81
Trust funds, 17 (pp. loi, 106, 107, 139,
145. 178)
Tables, 17 (pp. 107, 178)
930
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Tuberculosis victims, reconmaendations re
under Refugee Relief Act, 109
Tully, Andrew F., Jr., 18, 81, 95, 100
Turkey, 4
Agreement with U.S. on civil uses of
atomic energy, 89, 112, 121
Assistance, 76
Unemployment, 4, 19
News conference remarks, 33, 119
Unemployment insurance, 1 9
Budget message, 17 (pp. 136, 176, 177,
182)
Government employees, 17 (p. 182)
News conference remarks, 56, 112, 119
Veterans, 17 (p. 136)
Unemployment trust fund, 17 (p. 178)
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. See
Soviet Union
United Community campaigns
Memorandum, 168
Statement, 218
United Defense Fund, 27
United Jewish Appeal, citation of the
President, 115
United Kingdom, 4, 18, 54 n., 112 ftn. (p.
548)
Agreement with U.S. on civil uses of
atomic energy, 1 23
Ambassador Winthrop W. Aldrich,
244 n.
British Empire Service League, 119
Churchill, Winston, 47, 65, 244
Eden, Anthony, 41, 66, 208 n.
Elizabeth II, 208 n.
Mountbatten, Vice Adm. Louis, 1 1 9
United Nations, 16, 20, 21, 24, 167, 179,
239, 248
Atomic energy for peaceful uses, 4
President's proposal for international
organization (i 953). 59. 121
Technical conference, Geneva, 100,
123,149. 156, 176, 191,228
United Nations — Continued
Disarmament. See Disarmament Com-
mission and subcommittee, U.N.
Forced Labor, Ad Hoc Committee on,
156
Formosa Strait, question of action on, 18
Guatemala, meeting on, 156
Middle East situation, 234
News conference remarks, 18, 26, 33, 41,
59, 81, 100, 112, 146, 176
Refugee program, 17 (p. 131), 76, 156
Technical assistance program, 4, 17 (p.
i30),76, 126, 156
Tenth anniversary meeting, San Fran-
cisco, 81, 112, 126, 146
U.S. employees, security clearance, 156
U.S. participation, report, 156
U.S. Representative (Henry Cabot
Lodge, Jr.), 156
United Nations, Secretary General (Dag
Hammarskjold), 179
Meeting with Secretary Dulles, 18
Negotiations with Communist China on
release of prisoners, 4, 18, 156
Statement re, 16
United Nations Charter, 4, 26, 126, 148,
156
United Nations Children's Fund, 156
U.S. contributions, 76
United Nations Educational, Scientific and
Cultural Organization, 156
United Nations General Assembly
Action on detention of U.S. and U.N.
prisoners, 4
Address by President (1953), 79, 156,
177 n., 228
Resolution on cooperation in peaceful
uses of atomic energy (1954)3 156
United Service Organizations, 130
Defense Fund Dinner, message, 27
President's acceptance of honorary
chairmanship, 80
931
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
United States Information Agency, 248
Budget message, 17 (p. 131)
Universities. See Colleges and universities
Upper Colorado River Basin development,
17 (p. 159)
Uranium, 121, 123
Isotopes available for friendly countries,
228
Uranium 235 to Turkey, 89 n.
Prices, 10
See also Fissionable materials
Urban renewal, 194
Budget message, 17 (pp. 171, 172)
Southwest Washington, D.C., develop-
ment, 55
U.S. Chamber of Commerce, remarks, 85
U.S. Military Academy
Address to graduating class, 1 18
Bryan, Maj. Gen. Blackshear M., Super-
intendent, 117, 118
President's reminiscences, 70
Remarks to alumni, 1 1 7
USO. See United Service Organizations
U.S.S. Atka^ Antarctic mission, 47
U.S.S. Midway^ visit to Capetown, South
Africa, 18
U.S.S. Nautilus, 17 (p. 121) 81
V,S.^,Seawolf, 17 (p. 121)
U.S.S.R. See Soviet Union
Utah, Sen. Wallace F. Bennett, 119
V-E Day, loth anniversary, comment on,
81
Van der Linden, Frank, 26, 90, 146, 176,
185
Van Fleet, Gen. James A., 1 1 2
Van KlefFens, Eelco N., 1 26
Venezuela, 26
Caracas, 4
Vermont
Aiken, Sen. George D., 13 1
Chittenden, 132
Vermont — Continued
Flanders, Sen. Ralph E., 131, 149
Johnson, Gov. Joseph B., 13 1
Rutland, 131
Vessels. See Ships
Veterans
Gift from Burma to children of U.S.
veterans, 169
Ogletree, Stephen Swan, 197
Veterans Administration
Budget message, 17 (pp. 132, 136, 138,
139. 173)
Pay adjustments, 8
Veterans Affairs, Administrator of (Har-
vey V. Higley), Chairman, Commu-
nity Chest campaign, 130
Veterans benefits, 4, 5 1
Budget message, 17 (pp. 94-96, 102, 106,
132-140)
Tables, 17 (pp. 135, 140)
Veterans of Foreign Wars, 169
Veterans housing, 17 (pp. 136, 173, 174)
Veterans' Pensions, President's Commis-
sion on
Budget message, 17 (p. 134)
Letter, 51
Veto Messages
Apple price predictions, prohibition of
Government publication, 147
Glaser, Kurt, relief of, 116
Postal field service compensation bill,
102
See also Memorandums of Disapproval
Vice President (Richard M. Nixon), 4,
104, 217 n., 230 n., 236
Broadcast for Radio Liberation, 81
Conference on Equal Job Opportunity,
letter, 225
Criticism of, 10
Editor's note on President's illness, p. 822
Inter-American highway, letter, 64
Letters to, 14, 64, 91, 225, 226
932
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Vice President — Continued
News conference remarks on, lo, 47, 59,
81,90,112
Philippines trade agreement revision,
letter, 91
President's role in selection, 1 1 2
Task of Secretary Dulles at foreign min-
isters conference, Geneva, letter,
226
Virgin Islands Corporation, letter, 14
Vice Presidential nominees, comment on,
112
Vienna, 98 n., 1 14
Meeting on Austrian treaty, 81, 95
Viet-Nam, 18, 81
Assistance, 17 (p. 129), 48
Bao Dai, 48
Diem, Ngo Dinh, 48, 8 1
Viet-Nam, North, 17 (p. 130)
Vinson, Repr. Carl, 149
Virgin Islands Corporation, property man-
agement, 14
Virginia, Sen. Harry F. Byrd, 81, 90 ftn.
_ (p. 471)
Visitors, foreign
Castillo Armas, Carlos, 230
Magloire, Paul, 23
Nu(U),i48
Pibulsonggram, Field Marshal, 87
Soviet agriculturists, 95
Zhukov, Marshal, question of visit, 33, 47
Vocational rehabilitation, 25
Budget message, 17 (pp. 94, 144)
Vogel, Herbert D., 146 ftn. (p. 646)
Voluntary organizations, refugees and es-
capee program, 60, 76
Von Fremd, Charles S., 10, 33, 41, 47, 56,
59. 81, 90, 95^ "2, 119, 146, 149, 185
Voroshilov, Kliment E., message, 233
Voting rights
Armed forces absentee voting rights, 29
District of Columbia, 4
Overseas personnel, 4
WAC. See Women's Army Corps
Wage freeze, 26
Wage and price controls, 1 1 2
Wages, 4
Guaranteed annual wage, 56, 112, 119
Minimum, 4, 19, 26, 81, 90, 112, 119,
149, 176
News conference remarks, 26, 56, 81, 90,
112,119,149, 176
See also Pay
Waging peace, 146
Walter, Repr. Francis E., 59, 62
Walter Reed Medical Center, 108
War
Nuclear war, 33, 79, 175
See also Eisenhower, Dwight D., per-
sonal reminiscences; Korean War;
World War I; World War II
Warning system, 17 (p. 116)
Warren, Earl. See Chief Justice of the
United States
Warren, Lucian C, 95
Warren, Matthew, 56, 95
Warren, Shields, 191 n.
Washington, D.C. See District of Colum-
bia
Washington, George, 40
On defense posture, 56
Washington, Richland, 17 (p. 121)
Washington Hebrew Congregation
Temple, dedicatory remarks, 92
Washington National Airport, 17 (p. 170)
Water conservation, 17 (pp. 154, 155)
Water pollution, 25
Water resources development, 4, 19, 247
Budget message, 17 (pp. 158-162)
News conference remarks, 56
Palestine, 76
Weapons
New, 3, 4, 81, 149
See also Disarmament; Nuclear weapons
Weather Bureau, 17 (p. 183)
933
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Weather-station network, Department of
Defense, 17 (p. 169)
Weaver, Patricia, 237
Weaver, Mr. and Mrs. William G., 237
Weeks, Sinclair. See Commerce, Secre-
tary of
Welfare program, 17 (pp. 94, 140-148)
Table, 17 (p. 142)
Wenzell, Adolphe H., 146 and ftn.
(pp. 657, 658), 149, 176
West Point. See U.S. Military Academy
West Point Plebe (Reeder), 117
West Virginia, Sen. Matthew M. Neely, 81,
185
Western European Union
Joint statement with Prime Minister
Scelba on, 61
Message to Prime Ministers of member
nations, 54
News conference remarks, 100
Wheat
Exports, 6, 17 (p. 152)
Shipment to Soviet Union, comment on
proposal, 41
Surplus, 41
White, Francis, 229
White, Gen. Will W., 176, 185
White, William S., 56, 176
White House Conference on Education, 31,
96
Budget message, 17 (pp. 141, 147)
News conference remarks, 18, 33, 95
Remarks, 242
White House Office, 41
Adams, Sherman, 119, 146
Anderson, Dillon, 146 ftn. (p. 644)
Beach, Comdr. Edward L., 183
Bragdon, Maj. Gen. John S., 203
Disclosure of information by Presidential
aides, 62
Dodge, Joseph M., 74
White House Office — Continued
Martin, I.Jack, 181
Morgan, Gerald D., 56, i8i
Press Secretary, See Hagerty, James C.
Rabb, Maxwell M., 181
Snyder, Murray, editor's note, p. 822
Stassen, Harold E., 62, 146
White House releases, partial list, Appendix
A. p. 863
Whitfield, Allen, nominee for AEC, 62, 119
Wildlife resources, 4
Wilson, Charles E. See Defense, Secretary
of (Charles E.Wilson)
Wilson, Richard L., 10, 26, 56, 59, 62, 95,
Wilson, Samuel S., 90
Wilson, Woodrow, 84, 210
Winant, John, 59
Wisconsin, Repr. Glenn R. Davis, 56
Wolf son, Norman, 181
Women in executive positions, comment
on, 100
Women's Army Corps, World War H, 100,
152, 153
Wooton, Paul, 33
Workmen's compensation, 4
Budget message, 17 (p. 177)
World Bank. See International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development
World Health Organization, 25
World Touring and Automobile Clubs, Or-
ganization of, remarks, 93
World War I, 56, 118
Cause of, 26
World War II, 4, 10, 13, 22, 29, 59, 100,
115,166
Documents, disclosure of, 8 1
News conference remarks, 26
Women's Army Corps, 152, 153
See also Eisenhower, Dwight D., per-
sonal reminiscences
934
Index
[References are to items except as otherwise indicated]
Wright, Adm. Jerauld, lOO
Wright, Loyd, 2 lo
Yalta conference, 90
Release of documents, 59
Yankee Atomic Electric Co., 223
Yellow fever, remarks on, 1 08
Youth, Republican recruitment, 35, 213
Youth fitness, conference on, 2 1 7
Yugoslavia, 4
Assistance, 76, 119
News conference remarks, 100, 119
Yugoslavia — Continued
Tito, Marshal 119
Visit of Soviet leaders, 100
Zhukov, Marshal Georgi
Gift to the President, 33
Geneva conference meeting, 1 76
News conference remarks on, 33, 81, 90,
95, 100, 146
Visit to U.S., comment on, 33, 47
Zielke, George R., 47
Zoological Park, National, 141 n.
935
DATE DUE
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United States. President,
(1953-1961 : Eisenhower)
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